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LIFE AND TIMES OF
RANJIT SINGH

^ of J3eitciialcut pcspotism

BY THE SAAIE AUTHOR

O Dara Sbikah : Life and Works*

C) Anglo-SiUi delations : A Jieopprtdsal of the Rise and Fall of the Sikhs*

• The Fasjab Papers : Selections front the Private Papers of Auckland,
Fllenhorough, Uardinge and Dalhotisie on the Sikhs*

# History of Nepal : As Told by Its Own and Contemporary Chroniclers*
& History of Bhutan : (In Press')

C BHUTAN : An Encyclopaedic Bibiliography {In Progress)
e lodtaa Sud Orders : (In Progress)

Life and Times of Eanjit Singh
A Saga ef Beneveler.t Despotifr^
Tint Edition 1977

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V V RESEARCH mSTlIUTE BOOK AGENCY
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Sadhu Aibna (Hoihiitrot) by DEV DATT ShiJtii
AND PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR AT
HATHIEHANA, N*blt*, Punjib. Indiii

FOREWORD

There are three watershfids in the broad sweep of Sou(h Asian history: the
coming of the Aryans, the Musiim invasion and the advent of the British. Two of
these were crucial for the emergence and development of the Sikh faith and
community, and largely account for their unique characteristics, vitality and
survival up to present times.

The Sikh faith, founded by Guru Nanak (1496—1538), grew out of
Hinduism. It was a reaction against both the presence of Islam in northern India
and the formalism of Hinduism which seemed unable to cope with treacherous times
when lawlessness and insecurity were rife.

By the middle of the seventeenth century the distinctive doctrine and
characteristics of Sikhism had become embodied in a community whose unhappy
relations with the Muslims had generated a militarist strain. Guru Gobind gave
the name of Singh (“lion" or "champion’*) to his followers to signify that henceforth
all should be soldiers. This was appropriate, for by the cod of the eighteenth
century the Mughal empire was disintegrating and its successors, including the
Marathas and the British, vied with each other for power.

It was at this crucial nexus of time that Ranjit Singh was bom, jo 1780,
in due course emerging as Ibe leader of the Sikhs. That the religious and military
vitality of the Sikhs survived the fragmeotation of the Mughal empire is in so
small measure due to this dynamic person. Quick to learn from others (especially
from the British, whose disciplined infantry be admired) Raajit Singh embarked oa
a policy of expansion, absorbing the principalities of his fellow Sikfas and Muslim
eoemics : the Punjab, Kashmir and MulUn fell and the Afghans of the Peshawar
Valley and Crans'Indus plains acknowledged his rule. Statesman and soldier, by
2823 he ruled over a formidable empire which bad been created by the best-armed
military machine in Indian history.

But Ranjit Singh never achieved his aim of further enlarging bis territory
byconqueriog the Cis-Sutlej states. As early as 1808 the British prevented him
from doing so. The Britsh presence had been confirmed by the middle of 18th
century ; they were to stay and (heflceforth successfully proved themselves the most
powerful of the successor states Co the Mughal Empire. By 1818 they had achieved
the reintegration of the subcontinent. Ranjit Sin^ instinctively realised the danger
posed by the British ; however, -Iher? was no showdown in bis d^y. He chose

FOREWORD

restraint rather than confrontation and the outcome of the Aoglo-Sikh wars
after his death is a commentary on the wisdom of that decision.

Ranjit Singh was, in a sense, the victim of lost opportunities over which be
had DO control. It is doubtful if even he, with all the military skills at his disposal,
could have withstood the increasing strength of Britain, with her massive resources
of men, money and technology. There is room for toying with the idea that this
great leader was born too late in the history of India to realise his full potential.
Who knows what that history would have been if fate had presented him with an
earlier opportunity to carve out an empire which conceivably might have delayed
the British advance.

Ranjit Singh provocatively retains his charisma for the historian. In this
new biography, Professor Bikrama Jit Hasrat, a well known authority on Sikh
history, critically reappraises hit achtevemenis with a fresh eye, reminding us that
genius has many facets. Professor Hasrat's work also takes note of the diplomacy
find politics of the great Maharaja, as also the social, economic and religious
conditions of the Punjab under Sikh rule.

24 Mareh, 1976 Ddbov 4N Wjtuaiis

Department of Hlisor^ frofessor of South Aiian

The University of Calgary and African JUistory

Alberta, Canada

PREFACE

The SUGGESTION for the compilation of a new biography -of the great
Maharaja emanated from the grand old mao of Divinity, the late Dr. C. C. Davies
of Oxford many years ago when the present writer was engaged in the examination
of British records and private papers on Sikb history in England. Since then bis
multifarious professional engagements in India and abroad allowed him scant
leisure to attend to this fascinating project, but when late in 1970 both the
AngfchSikh Beloliona and the Punjab Papers had been published and research
exercises on the /ffjtory o/TVepof were over, the work was ultimately undertaken.
Materials already acquired in microfilm and pboto-copies from the India OIHcc,
the British Museum, the Scottish Records Office Edinburgh, and the Public Records
Offices in London, New Delhi and Lahore began to be re-examined. Also the
local histories of Sohal Lai, Bute Shah, Kaoabaya Lai, Amar Nath, Mufti,
Khusbwaqt Rai, Kirpa Ram, Ganesh Dasand others began to be reassessed. In
particular, the regional histories of Multan, Kashmir, Peshawar and the trans-Indus
region along with the local Akhbsrtlt and RoznamehSs came under a closer scrutiny.
Corroborative evidence was sought from the contemporary British and European
chronicles of the time^those of Murray, Priosep, Malcolm, Wade, Fane, Hugel,
Vigne, Jacquemont, Honigberger, Smyth, Mohan La), Sbahamat Ali and others.
Further visits to England became necessary for a re-assessment of the private papers
of Wellesley, Beotlnck, Auckland, Ellenborougb and others.

It soon became evident that of all ibe Oriental potentates who enshrine
Indian historical annals, none could parallel Ranjit Singh in having aroused a much
greater interest of the contemporary local aod foreign chroniclers to record the
annals of bis times. Avast mass of historical, biographical and legendary literature
recording the Maharaja’s personality and character, his campaigns and conquests,
and his polity and administration had grown up during his lifetime, which could
also be utilised advantageously in reconstructing the later political history of the
Sikhs. The dense jungle of public correspondence, the matter-of-fact narratives of
local Persian histories, the perfunctory periodical accounts of the Akhbarst and the
Roznamchas, the strictly sober or highly prejudiced narratives of the contemporary
European writers, provide us a mixed fare. The British records, massive both in
volume and content, notwithstanding their prejudicial tenfir, provide us extensive
information. Persian chronicles of the rime ate rather matter-of-fact narratives
of Ranjit Singh’s reign, though the Akhbarat and the Roznamchas furnish us a
fleeting glimpse of what was happening in the Kingdom and its far-flung subahs. Con-
temporary European writers’ narratives vary from highly sober to highly prejudiced :

epitomes of fact or fiction, truth or hearsay, the latter replete with unhearcd
of scandals and current bazar gossip. It, however, seems that both these worthy
and frivolous writers were fascinated by the Maharaja’s personality, his meteoric rise
to political power, the majesty and brilliance of his Court, and the energy and acumen
of a master-mind, who though utterly unfettered, had carved out a mighty kingdom
and set into motion the wheels of an unusual administrative system, sustained by a
colossal military machine of which he was the sole master. George Forster who in
1783 foresaw the rise of such a master-mind out of the shambles of the Sikh Misals
characteristically observed t “We may sec some ambitious Chief, led on by his
genius and success, absorbing the power of his ancestors, display, from the ruins of
their commonwealth, the standard of monarchy/’

This divergent mass of source-material on Ranjit Singh is singularly ha^
and contradictory and not too often repetitive ; at any rate, the clear image of the
great Maharaja does not emerge out of it Its dispassionate analysis, however, it
was hoped, would clear some of the mist which still hangs over the man and hjs
limes. Ranjit Singh posscsed almost all the common vices of an Oriental despot ;
these could perhaps be counter-balanced by his greater accomplishments— his
orderly precision In public and private life, his enormous military prowess, his
diplomatic behaviour, his war and peace aims, and above all, bis inherent sense of
expedient moderation, efficiently ruthless though tempered with a highly sensitive
humane nature. An attempt has been made in this work to bring out a reasonably
correct image of Ranjit Singh and his times. How far the present writer has
succeeded in this endeavour, it is not for him to judge. Griffin has aptly summed
up Ranjit Singh’s character : "'He was a bom ruler, with the natural genius of
command. Men obeyed him by instinct and bmase they had no power to disobey.
The control which he exercised, even in the closing years of his life, over the whole
Sikh people, nobles, priests and people, was the measure of bis success.”

One rather baneful aspect of our present day regional historical research
is too often to make mountains of molehills. Work on smaller horizons beclouds
the larger historical perspectives tending towards a restricted parochial approach,
more so, because our medieval Indian historiographers living mostly on the breath
of Court patronage, were generally oblivious of the socio-economic and religious
currents and cross-currents of the time, and for obvious reasons they eschewed
inconvenient or unpalatable subjects and conSned themsebes to bare narration of
events. Present day historical research on the Punjab suffers from numerous
mabdies, particularly of a laudator tanporis cctl nature, and of chewing the cud all
over again.

Avoidance of such pitfalls, therefore, becomes essential for a proper
re-evaluation of the basic source-materials of regional history. Normal standards
of a tiosnpMcal narrative cannot be atrictly adhered to, thonsh a chronoJosical

PREFAB

p3tt«ra ofcvenU couM be ittainUinM. Tbus ia tA? present wnrl: the openiffs
chapters furnish an account of the rise of Ranjit Singh to political power till the
treaty of Amritsar (CAflp/erj 2-4). Sikh conquest of Multan and Kashmir with
s-agaries of administrative system in both thceuhlAaare then discussed (Ckepter 5).
Sikh'Afgban relations and the conquest of Peshawar and the trans-Indus region
and lystea of administration set up ate thereafter detailed {Chapter 6). Uote
Raojit Singh's designs on Sind were thwarted by Dritish diplomacy are described
neat (Chapter 7). Russophobta, the resuscitation of the ex-ktng Shah Shuja to the
mnjnnd at Kabul, the tripartite treaty and the Sikh cooperation in the British
operations in the disasterous Afghan Campaign are discussed (Chapter 8),
Chapter 9 provides fresh infonnatioo on ibe ollmenU, bst days and the death of
the Maharaja..

The character of the Maharaja tn All its contradictory aspects, bis pastimes,
habits, treatment of foreigners and bis extraordinary candid dialogues with them'
are described (CAnp/er tOj. This is followed by an account of the family of the
hiahara]! (Chapter II)— Kbatak Singh, Nauniha) Singh, Ma'/ ChandKaur, Sher
Singh, Pe^awara Singh, rani Jindan and Dalip Singh with their characierirtic role
in Sikh history. These admissible digressions are full of fresh valuable Information.
Men around the Maharaja from the subject ntatler of the next Chapter. Ranjit
Siogh’i personalised administration and power was principally sustained by persons
whom he himself chose and raised to political power. Thus the historical role
of the Jammu brothers and the strong-arms of the KmgJom-ibe AhlawdliSs, the
Majithils, IheAftSfiWilis, theKiIianwillsand many others who surrounded hfs
throne, It furnished in a compact brief narrative. An account of the FIrangj
oQicers at the Court of Ranjit Singh and the so^alled impact of European discipline
on the KhElia Army fonns the subject of the next Chapter. Chapters 14 aai IS
deal with (he genius, structure and working of Ranjit Singh’s Administration and
his Army. Ranjit Singh’s diplomacy, internal and external poticy and foreign
relations are then described in some detail (Chapter IS). Social, economic and
religious conditions in the Punjab arc then detailed (CAaprer 17). Chapter 18
deals with Literature, Folklore and Art in the Punjab under the Sikhs.

The work would have been published earlier had the present writer been
not involved simultaneously in two other historical projects— one on Bhutan and
the other on a specific phase of Indian Civilisation. Yet the divergencies of the
subjects offered a challenge which irrespective of assiduous work and travel, could
only add to his enthusiasm. However, all is well that ends well, and the present
writer is thankful to all friends, known and unknown, who have helped in the

accompJishmentoflhc task.

3 June, 1976 BJKBAMijiT IUl»*T ^

Indian Institute of Advanced Study ViAtlng Fellow ,

Rashtrapati Niras, SlmJa-lIlOOS

ABBREVIATIONS

Atjckland— Auckland’s Prh-ate Papers in the British Mnseuin.

BISL(I) Bengal and India 5«TelI^«rrr in the India Office Ubrary (Common-'
wealth Relations Office).

(BM) Manuscript Records in the British Museum.

BPC (I) Bengal BoUUcal Consultations Series of Manuscript Records in the
India Office Library (C.R.O.).

BSPC (I) Bengal Secret and Political Consultations Series of Manuscript Records
in the India Office Library (C.R.O.).

Broughton (BM) Broughton Papers in the British Mnsenm.

C • . Consultation No. (always preceded by the date of Consultation).

Dal. Mun. Dalhousie Muniments in the Scottish Records Office, Edinburgh.

CHP Coulstoa House DAlhausle Papers.

(EP) Ellenborough Papers in the Public Records Office. London.

HMS (I) Heme Mijcellaneous Series of Manuscript Records in the India Office
Library (C.R.O).

(I) Manuscript Records in the India Office Library (C.R.O).

IPC (I) India PcHiieal Consultations Series of Manuscript Records in the India
Office Library (C.ILO).

ISP (I) India Secret Proceedings Series of hlanuscript Records in the India
Office library (C.R,0).

LPD Lahore Political Diaries.

KAI National Archives of India.

(P) Manuscript Records in the Punjab Government Records Office, Lahore.

(PP) Parliamentary Papers.

PRO Manuscript Records in (he Public Records Office, London.

PRC Poona Residency Correspondence.

PSA Punjab State Archives, Patiala.

or The t/madar-Kr-TcKSrfSA— the Official Diary (Persian) of the Lahore

Darbsr.

VAM Victoria and Albert Museua, London.

(WD) Wellesley Despatches

(^T) Wellesley Papers-Scsies n in the British Museum.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

FOREWORD BY DONOVAN WILLIAMS

PREFACE

ABBREVIATIONS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chafterl INTRODUCTORY; A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

1. L«(«t ChtoaUtn 2. iSialtV ind Xatnanckat X

Coattai^itj vtittti 4. Hilhtoa* «l tu^irritr $. niU'tb tnvtUcn 6.
Foitijn tnatllcn 7. aaj JacgiMBMt 9. Rritiih mwiukft

9. JCLiIjj OrrMr Kitpiid 19. Ta4Ua >•> /«) BffaX Sntn aoJ

Mlrittl CofttaJtttift Hi) tiUn Stem rrttttJft) (c) lU»$aitnJMia
Sttetl Itlltr* (4> fittu Ulu*Ut*tetu Stfitt U) Btttt XetidmrCtrrtu

(0 U'tl.'/tltf PtT*re (4) AteiitnJ Ptrert

Citflir 1 TIIC RISC OF TIIE iUKCRCIIAKMS

1. a( Rtaiit Siofh 2. Oiatit SInfb 3. Mth*

SiaiU 4. till aditit; nptalu X Mtreb cn Uasu 6. E«inB|(ntat
«libC*a«b(}U 7. Tb« battU el lUuU (im) X Cb»i*ctrt ot Mtbt Siatb

Chapters ON THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

S. Dccliotel Mitali 2. Oe-SutIt| ir|loa 3. Totitlci oftbi
tr|Ioa 4. Carl; lila at K«e)lt Siefb S. rb;tUal (pcicataaca fi. Tbe
ttiuaiTlntc 7. i4««lo|lc«( mback X CeUar** e( Dutttal «opIt« 9. lu
^lil<atback|teuB4 10. SbtkZanta'ttkltd Invitton U. Bilork Mitiiea
toLakett IX FalUer el abaiteval IX Occu^Hoa cf Labor* 14. Rattle
vUbeut actioo (ISOO) 1$. Cerenitionel RenjU Siatb.

X SAXLY KXPSDlTIOflS ! )6K«ur 17. Kas<ra ]9. Conquot
ct Aatitut 19. An interlude efle<re (>302) 20i Ibeai 31, Jaaaa, Bbimbcr,
Saieuri and XerJa.

3. T«E UQVIDATION OF THE M1SAL5-. 2X Th*IlbtB|ii
23. Tb* RlBlitblai 2-L Tbe AblQaklUa 23. Tb* KabBt and tbe
KtBah*;i Miuli 26. Ceoquett «l lalludot Doab 27. Tbe Doab A4BitD(*>
intlen

A. SllUi ADVANCE IN MUSt SS. Stnnt Cband and tb*
Gutkbat 29. Stniaf Chind't Aipllch; 30. Sabbifatieaof tbebiUa 31. Tb*
eodoltb* Xatocb* SX Sibb AdsloiitntloncfXiofta

5, AfARSMGE or KWAHAK SINGH ! 31 Royal iiyptUU 34.
Ocbtttlooy Rtpotti 33. Xbatak Siii|b*BlAC*^tIt7

Mil TABVEOFCOSTENTS

Ckopter 4 NEW HORIZONS : THE MALWA CAMPAIGNS .

1. A ccoilecentica 2. Sense 3. Petiila 4. Ntbba

5. Jisj 6. Kaitlul 7. MaUtlcxla 8. Bailicc 9. Mslwa polities 10.

Pmen xsd ITbccis 11. ^IsntL* rxscrioss 12. Perroa tad Rsaji: Hsfh
13. Tad cd Msntba doaiaaeee 14. Attitodc cf Satdan ‘ 15. RioiitSiaCh’t
tnasaeticas 16. HoIVtr's tatzus1on.l83S 59

2. THE MiLWA CAMEAIGHSi 17. Pint Mslws Csjsptila
18. SeoCTd Mslva Caapiifa 19, TOitrito^oa cf spoils 29. Pclitical ref«t.'
CQssicas 21. Tfciid Klslva CacraiCa 22. Emu& mttica Z3. CIccds of vir

3. THE TREXrr Of AitEITSAR-. Si. PrsBccptotie 25.

Reretisl of Peliey 25. Metcalfe's Misiiofl 27. Mo=eatcos decisica 23. '
Couatet-nemtes 29. Britisls advance 39. Trratp cf A&ritsar 83

4. POIVfR AKD RESODRCES Of THE SIFZH CODHTRYt

31. Snrrep of the tefica 32. A ftce*lance*s visit 33. Reseatces aad
wiltTSTy meagth 51. Dvpeadaats of RanjU Sloth 86

Chapters SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION OF MULTAN
AND KASHMIR

1. MaUaa 2, Kavib Munfac Khaa 2. Bfajit 5isfVs tabu

tioas 4. Foottb iavtiisa of Sloltaa (1810) 3. Ptepaxatloas fos £aal eiM&lt
6. Cce^nest «f Maltsa (1819) 7. Multaa endcr Sibb ztile 8. Land
RevesneSyRea 9. Metvctk cf canals 18. Sana Malt bcaifificat nlet
It. P«cpte,Tn^«aed Coascrce 12. Coaarree ud duties 13. Vifae's
aeeocat 90

2. COSQOESTOF KASHMJSt K. A duimous aepeiiciea

(1S14) IS. CcDQorR of Kubait (1819) 16. Kubait StaHsties 17. Shawl
Trade ICG

3. S;KH 31fSRI7tE W KASHJfIR t 13. STRnofGoveraeent
19. 3>U.7!Besof SbetSintb 3X Role of Miaa Slajh 21. Dc/n transacticas

ia Ladabb 22. Fssiien'n eo Ladabb 1(7

Chapter 6 THE SIKHS AND THE AFGHANS

1. Tribslariens of Shah Sboja 2. Biale of Haidra (1313) 3. The

TCeb-l-AUr EHaewsd 115

2. CO.VQDEST or PESHAWAR; <. lu oecuptrion 5. Tht
b^ttleo! Saofbeta (1S23) 6. DeatbefPbaU Soth 7. Disaeabvraeat of
Afthanican 8. Tbe "wicbed RhaUfa" 9. Ead of "ibe wicked Rbalifa**

10. Micbinationa of Dost blobaaaad 11. Sbab Shaia aolicits Sibb aid 12.

Maiebca m Sind IX Defeated at Raadabar 14. Dost Mabaaaad'a felumr
IS. AnsrtaticnofPetbawaT 16. Jtkzi •laloat ‘*tbe infidels'* 17. Basle

of Jaaiud (1S37) IX Aa «7C.wiCB«vaa:rooat 113

3. FESHAiVARVSDER SIKH RULE: 19. People. Baasen and
ci^css 20. PcUcT cf Hari Siatb KalwC 21. New S;ttea of Govetsseat
^ Adaiaistntlcs ct tsacvlndas ^stticu 2X Societr «ad condition of
llv tesple

134

TABLE or COSTENTS

CtUll

Chapter 7 SIND

1. BrltU\> 2. Snfc4«tl|at 3, JVirett* MiMieo 4. TL*

Bup«( M(«tbt 3. rottlalti'i Mluloa Tbi Miurl dtpteditloei 7.

BtUlib neJUilca 14t

Chapter 8 THE LAST PHASE : THE PIRST APOHAN WAR

1. RutiopbobU 2. AuehUa4*t «Uw X BjftiM' bUuien 4.

V>'*44*i fu{|(itioet S. Fort WiiUtn'* tcacttos 6. Fittur* ef 0urt(i*
niuba 7. Raaiit Sls(b*( tutpttlent $. Silb* (be Affbene

9. &b«0« (0 mtore S&ib S&u/e 13. Mecne^bfea'e Affeetoa It. A mudMtJ
btitfiat IS. DiKttiiioe* at Adiae Nefer 13^ Silth Dtatait IL Tribute
M '‘rubaldp 33, Tbe TiipirtUa Tr**(p Ifi. Et^iVt ntctlooa 17. Ob-
aerretlraa ea pallej IS. VetaiUeaadaaoDalii* 39. Ibiplicity eoJ baib*
kuib SO. SiVh tilei 3). Ditituit «1 (be Silh* 23. Tba Ferottpat
MMtlal 23. Mercb to reihavat 24. A bUirtc litualloa 2S. Btidtb
ceopUlett 153

Chapter 9 DEATH OF RANHT SINGH

1. AUcaenu 2. Tbe atceaJ Mtnira 3. Galfaale tennaent
4 . Tbltdettaba S. KUitftJati 4. Aacfer a( Sbtt Sinfb 7. Re3-I-A9r
iainl4ra.4i 0. Leal cbattti** 9. Tb« Laet Jouner 10. DbUa Siefb’i
fappaeriap 12. i<«iebicbV eaMvnt )Z Otber rerrimrr. 3S3

Chapter JO THE MAHARMA OFTHESIKHS

1. PbrileeC irputtaca 2. EidciilM 3. Anaual CiRufu
4, A seire evriMirr 9. Srrtmhott 6. Psitlutr taj ptraitrm 7. A
buAea* 4fipot 8. Virtual aad VUe* 9 TuitJsnt, uti ebatitiaa

la 02 beiMi ead etrpbeace 3\. Pii<«e| » KlDfOoo 12. Tnatmtat ol
{onifa Tiiiioie 13. WllltiD Mcotctoft'e «li{i 14. VliU e( Dr.

Marttjr (162&.77) 191

RAW/T SfWGH AND MIS TMIEJ: 15. VUit ei Vieiet
leeqgemeat (1831) 14. Tbc Mebinia 17. Tbc Sranfi edicin IS. Cltltt.
to*ni ani people 19. Lajhleoa and Amritiei 20. Dieleiuce ultli the
Mabeteia 2L A Mexiep nuptial 207

Chapter JJ THE FAMILY OF RANJIT SINGH

1. Marriatc* and tbc KernrOi 2. Rbecak Sin|h 3. Neunibel
Sinfh 4. Feidcrapi on Ncuoibcl 5<n(b S. Chenil Reur 4. Sbcc SiBfb
7. Pebevert Sfatb end otben S Rcoi Jindan : (i) Eccir iile, (li) linden
betceaei re|ear< (iii) Foiirtral peniei. (la) Jisdas'e poliep, (*} Hrtbed
{nitturacnti, 9. Peiaieripi on Jlndaa 4a Dtlip Sia|b 214

Chapter 12 MEN AROUND THE MAHARA/A

1. ' Camp and Court 2. Conduct of builneie 3. Tba Mebartie at
•oik 4 . Aecounta ef Fotailn Vlaitoaa t HuStl 5. Buton’ inpiaMloiu
6, Title* of tbc nobilitp

238

TABLE OF CONTENTS

.txiT]

THE JAMMV BTOTHSRSt 7. DtianSirgh 8. Gul»b Siogh ,

9. Tbe ‘Gty Caraliet' 10 Hin Singh 11. *‘A royal docrvay man**

12. The Royal Collaterals 13. "His nsastet'a mouthpiece" 14. The
'TtUeyaril c{ the Punjab" 15. The ftrODg.aras of Kingdom : (1) the
JhtUwnJiaf. (2> tht Mejjihiat, (3} ibe AtiarTpaSaj, (4) the KaSianunlat 244

16. The Minor VaUants : 0) theTAeKnrr, (2) the RoiVlpuriat,

(3) the Pcbjhsniat, (4) the PartjAntfcas. (5) the Mokslt, (6) the Ghelss.

(7) the CAimnTi 263

17, ; The BAa'ir 18. TheMlaseta 19. Generals and Commanders

20. DlwSn Muhham Cband 21. Mlsset Dieran Cbasd 265

Chapter J3 ■ riHANGl OFFICERS AT THE COURT OF RAN JIT SINGH

1. Advent of European adventuteta 2. Arrival at Sihh Coirt
3. liie "Suleman Bey of Ranjit Singh’* A. Baton of the Faui-i-Kbse
5. Paolo di Avitabile 6. "Galloirt attd Gibbeta** 7. Architect of Artillery
8. The "Yankee Doodle" 9. Alexander Gardiner 10. Other jif<mgl» . 270

Chapter -14 ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJTT SINGH

1. GesetU and arrucrare 2. Concept of monarchy X Royal
oaxtaaoi gOTcrtiBefit 4. System of Govenmeet 5. Cieil Service 23S

• 1. CEHT'RAL COPERHMENTi 6. Evolution of Daftart '

7. Chief Faneciocucies , 2S9

• 2, PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION-. 8. Provincial divisions

9. Miniature potecratea 10. Provincial adoiniitration at work U. The
KardCr 293

3. FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION; 12. Evolution of Dafters 297

t • • ‘4,* REVENUE ADMINISTRATION; 13. Settlement Reports

A4. Revesue-fanoittg 15. Laod-revenoe anigemrnts 16. Land-revenue
eyatem 17. Modes of assessment 18. The AfuvBjiks 19. Resources of
the State 20. Cuttoos and to«ii duties 2L Professional taxes 22. An
Abimet

5. JUDICIAL ADM/W/STRATfON : 23. The 'Adatat.l-X’U
24. TbeAdasIets 25. ProvincialCatiTts 25. ^agTrdorr Courts 27. Crime
and pucishaeat 23.‘ VariaiSoss

Chapter 15 THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

1. Its Generis Z. The Daf KhBlta X Core of Ranjit Singh's
Army 4. Its overall strength S. "The Master of Mschine" 6. Major
•Divirionii A— lalantry. B— Ctvatry»'’7. Tbc Gkerckarat 8. 'Favi-i-KItat
9. . ifSfTrdBry ‘Horse 'lO. AttiQery 11. The Zenana Com 12- "The
, Alnfir 13. Paype ctt ard Cots lA Dttopeas diKiplint . . . 3W

TABL.SOFCON*nNTS

ChapUr }S DIPLONfACY AND POUTICS .• INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL
POLICY OF RANJIT SINGH ' - ‘

1. l.vrSR.VAt POUCV : 1. It* t>ulc Mrueturc 3. F*U e( ta

•Ilr 3. MeJrtiticn tad cearteiaiM 4. H^eiieUy cid bra«*ol(nc« 3.
Sopblitt7 *oil cbifinrt? 6. NoIiJiBBit J*a 7, aaa/tirntst

&. Folic; towiri!* bin «l*t(i 9. IiaaulitlU lO. vltb A{|b»a* 33t

2. VATTltiNS Of >;ORTH.tV£iTfR.V FFO.VT/£R rOUCF;.

Fiteoiioo c( 3ibb •mborii; II. P«I>c;«lbmM0c; 13. Koi* awtiealtit
13. Cbteie ol pottam 14. frMtitr Ptiitr «lir«rk-(i) Tnat-Iadut
Rrtion, on Pianu, (ii>l Iittb*l«te. 15. Tbe ViUt; of rtibtwtt

16. Tb« KbjVcrii 17. Sikb bib* btpond tb* llbjbtt 346

3. fOSElC.VRELATIO.VS: 19. Bdifib l««Ioui; 19. Titbici of .-C

polltletUBtilfui 20. Ct-ttitefNtlpit 353

4. XEUTJONS Wmi mPAh 21. Ko rr/uUt Iscttcour*;

22. N(p*lcM eiUiioo* 23. M*ubitSia|b 357

3. FOUCY TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN-. Z\ lutini 360

6. rOllCY TOWARDS SIND t 25. Silb on 24,

OtitUb 4lplos*c; 27. tapict ol ladu* N«*I|ttloo 23. Sikh 4t<ifa*
tbv«n*4 29 Tb« Mititi 30 OitEofut oaS>tb cUlai 361

7. DIPIOAIATK ANDROUTICAI RSLATlO.'iS W/TH T»S

BJI/n37f I SL Fine 31. fot •IU«oe« S3. A vim itep

34. A<fv*ot<|etef Bdclib ftt«a<I<bip 3S. Miet^KtaiiC Fietb Cotrrtpoa.

6«e<* 36. Ficit ei«(cii« la 6iploe»<; 37. Stconj pb»M ol dlpIoaK;

S3, Battltofatfuatau 3). Cbioattof dlplosatie rtUdoni 363

ChapiiT 17 SOCIAL. ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS
IN THE PUNMB UNDER RANJIT SINGH

1. Tb( Klnfdoo 2. Sobcb* «n<{ frudacorit* 3. Labor*: (&a
Bctlopolt* 4. Astltut 3 Foltcaad trroBfboldi 6. ViUafa CooisuBUIt*

7. Sttvctvtc of Socift; 3. RtUlioua CoadiUoD* ^ (a) Ctacttl (b) Tb*

Hiodua (O Tb* Muiliot 9. Tb* Sibb* 10. H>adu-5ikb eomaoB bclicit
11. Adbttcati 12. Tb« lira tod otbet cUaao 13. ScbiiBatie aeeta 14.

Social praeticaa and ctutoat 13. Tb* KorcvS 16. Social ted Ecoaomie
ptebltoa : Faalaca, A|ricoitura> ptoducta 17. Trad* and ComDtrer,

Import* *nd aipcrtti Miaea aad joiacrtla^ Tovs Dutrea, Tridc route* 19,

Soelct; s Baeial Croupa 19. J8t tad Rtjpgia 20. Piolrsiionat claiiea
21. Coott Bobirit; 22. Uppci Biddle eba* 23. Lovtt middle ebaa 24.

Menlalf 23. S«eu> Bcadicaact «tc. 26. Featlttla at the Court 27. Poaitioa
efvoisaa 29. SliTtr; 27. Tb* practice of Satl 30. Education 31. TiagtX
32. FcBtl* Infanticide 374

Chapter 18 LITERATURE, FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

SacMonl. Liiaralur* tndFeltEorc: 1. No ro;*! ptttonaf* 2.

Social enelietuacoti 3. Ctowtb of Fooiabt Litaratut* 4. Eeolutioa of

TABLE OF CONTEjJtS

Funjibi tene 5. Litentuie uadet RaojU Siotb 6, Love batladi 7. Folkibie
tniLe'etais 8. Lefniof SSfaRij^S 9. L«leBdof Hir RaHiha 10. Other
love t*lei 11. HUtotical vrotkt 12. The 413

Section //. Art t 13. Political backttound 14. Kantra Art
15. Ranjit Siogb'a averiion 16. European patntert 17 6ikh Art 18.
Pietotial ilonomtSlhlt 19. Water Colouca 20. Rotbenttein Collection 21.

Attutt* beau ideol 22. Dcelice of portrairute 23, Some biitorical paintingt
24. Woodcut! 25. Ivorr-diie miniatures 26. Sikh Murals 27. Roral *'pie>
tute-gallery” 28. SbUbmabal and Rambcgb Mutalt 29. Murals in tesi-

deaces 30 NalwS Murals 420

CHRONOLOGY 439

SELECT BIBILIOGRAPHY 442

INDEX 454

CORRIGENDUM 466

2 ikTRODtrCTORV: A NARRATIVE OF SOtiRC^

Rieu, iii, 952b) furnishes cs with ao account of Ranjit Singh's reign till the annex-
ation of the Punjah by Lord Dalhousit in 1849.

Kbushwaqt Rai's Tawarl^-i-Sikfikhan {BM, Or. 187) written at the instance
of Colonel David Ocbterlony ends with the year 1811 A. D. It is an excellent con-
temporary source of information of the early transactions of Ranjit Singh’s reign,
but it is obviously marred by a pro-British bias.

Kanahaya Lai’s Zafarnnma'i Ranjit Singh, (Lahore, 1876), contains a
bare account of the reign of the Maharaja. DI* 3 n Amar Nath’s history of the
same name, (Lahore, 1828), however, is a contemporary wort: of considerable
importance. The author was the son of Dinan Dina Nath, the Finance Minister

of Ranjit Singh, and for sometime, he himself was employed as a paymaster of
the irregnlar cavalry forces. His acconot ending with the year 1836. is first-hand
and authoritative, and a very important sonree of information on the life, times
and events of the reign of Klabaraja Ranjit Singh.

Ali-ud-Din Mufti's ‘IbratnSma, (I. Ethe No. 504), is good on the geogra-
phical details, statistics and history of the Punjab. It contains -an account of
the mannets and customs ofthe Sikhs, and a description of the Court ofOcials
under Maharaja Ranjit Singh.

Gbulam Mubiuddin Bute Shah’s Tawarlf^’i^PanJBb, (BM, Or. 1623 ;
Ethe, No. 503) is an impressive historical work on the Punjab. For our period,
it gives an acconot of Charat Siogh and Mahan Singb, occupation of Lahore
by Ranjit Singh, Moikar's intrusion into the Panjab and his expulsion, Ranjit
Singh’s conquests, and his reiations with Shah Sbuja-ul-.MQlk. The narrative
ends with the death of the Maharaja.

Of great interest is Kirpa Ram’s Cufdhndmc, (Srinagar, Samvat Dk. 1932)
which reviews In genera] Ranjit Singh’s various expeditions to Kashmir, and
its nitimate conquest. It indirectly deals with the Sikh-Afghan wars, particularly
the battle of Jamrvd, and the death of Satdar Hari Singh Nalw3.

A quite useful work Is the statistical history of Kashmir entitled the
Tiriyi-i-Ka/an (Punjab State Archives, Patiala), ^compiled for its mild and con-
scientious governoi Mian Singh ({S34-I84i), which furnishes us with a 'detaifed
account of the Sikh land revenue and judicial administration of Kashmir.

The bane of the local PersiaDhislorie$,however, is their individual bias
and one-sidedness, which mars their otherwise excellent historical valne. They
feebly follow the pattern set op by the Indo-Muslim bistoiUns— Abut Fazal and
Abdul Hamid Lahori in the Mughal times, imitate the ornate literary style of
those Inimitable marten, lacking ibeir iinesse and faiscoricat approach. Their
accounts abound in prolixities and redandancirs and produce a sanative of
events mixed up with facts and ficlioa derived from hearsay or imagination.

PANIAB AKHBXRAT AND ROZNAMCHAS

Except for recording the events of the time, they provide scanty ioforoiatioa oo
the social and economic conditions of the people, or of the policy, purpose
and diplomacy of Maharaja Raojit Siagh.

2. Punltb AHtxir.ii and RoanameKat

Apart from Soban Lai Suri’s monumental various collections
of the A/JibUrni of the D«oihl of Maharaja Raojit Singh, of specified period,
provide useful ioformation of the day today events of the Sikh DarhSr. One
Reinamefta entitled the AlMirai-i-Deorhi'l Jl/a/iSroyj Ranjir 5/flgA, for the year
1S2S, is preserved in the National Archives of India, New Delhi. Three sets of
the Al^bsrat, recording (be day today events of the Lahore Darbar, of different
periods, are preserved in the Punjab State Archives Library, Patiala (Nos. M*352,
M-340, and M>4!2), In 1935, IL L. O. Garrett and G.L. Chopra published an
Eoglith (ranslation of (he A^bOrSt of Ranjit Singh's Court for the years lSiO-1817.
under the title : Erenis at the Court of Ranjit Sir.gh (Lahore, 1935). Selections from
the Punjab Akhbarat etc. 1339-1940 were translated into EngHsh by Ganda Singh
under (he tide : T/ie Punjab (n 1339-40 (Pau'ab/Amriisar, 1952). Numerous local
collections of the and the Roincmchas furnlsblDg informatioD about

the far<nuQg administrative divisions under the Sikb rule, as ior instance,
the Akhbarai'i‘Lahor«-o-Muftin, the A^barat-i-Pezhawar, (be AHbatat-l-
LudhlUaa, the Af^bara-i-Slnshan (containing news of Ranjit Singh's provincial
administration), exist and furnish positive information as to what was happanlng
in the different regions of Raojit Siegh's Kingdom.

However, these Afibbarai, if ofGcial. suffer from Court influence. If
compiled privately, they reflect ibe persona) bias or the prejudice of the writer or
the provincial Nafim, under whose patronage they were compiled. However, if
examined with cautious reserve, they would yield information about the political,
social and economic conditions of the Punjab under Raojit Singh. As for
instance, (be Punjab Af^.barai J839-40'. furnish intelligence from Lahore.
Peshawar, Kashmir, Dera Ghazi Khan, Multao, and Dcra Ismail Khan, (p- 50
etc.), events and transactions at tbe Court, particularly the Maharaja’s last illness
and death (p, 65 er re^-}, Ibe transactions of she ^rang? oSicers^Ventura, Court,
Avilabile and Steiobach (p. 217. 239 etc.), an account of tbe Sikh dak cooriets
(p. 26), the Lahore arsenal (p, 272), and tbe existence of a State Library under the
charge of Munsbl Khushwaqi Rai at tbe Lahore Toshskhana (p, 104). Another
sei of ibe for tbe yesr ]S3S* fuTBi^es quilt isitresUsg dsitiis oa lbs

t TuiliibeduDJer the title : Tii Pin’/ai tn 183^-10 (ed. and tcaos br Cauda Smth),
AmiitMt.TalUla, 1952.

* In the National ArehiTei o{ Injia, New Datht, under the title ; the AtiS-rrai-i-
OenrJir’l AfaharS/a Ean;ii

ISTRODUCTORY : A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

mode of receiving nosarSnai by the Maharaja and collection of the arrears of
revecne by bis officials (Jol. I), the grant of ijaras or farming out town-duties (fcl.
<#5P-S0). the charities of the Maharaja (fol. 4 SP), bis /o/a Jan or being weighed
against food-grains on the day of amsras {fct.2), and the celebrations of the Holi
festival at the DarbSr, in the riotous revelleries of which the Maharaja himself
participates with gusto (/rf. J8-22).

3. Cootftnporarj- writeM

Foreign accounts of the Kingdom of Kanjit Singh, however, are of a
different character. These could be broadly classified into two distinct categories
rir», those written by British officials or foocttonaries of the Ludhiana Agency—
Mntray, Wade, Macgregor, Lawrence, Prinsep. Clerk, Richmond, Nicholson,
Edwardes, Broadfoot, Osborne, Fane, Smyth, Cunningham and others, who wrote
official despatches and found time, either by official cncontagement or priratc
urge, to chfOBicle the stirring events happening in the powerful neighbouring
Kingdom, with which they had official association on behalf of their governmenr.
The second category is that of British and foreign travellers, who visited the
Punjab and have recorded their impressions in an absolute independent though
in not too unbiassed maooer.

Earlier foreign accounts of the Sikhs are those of George Forster :
A Journey from Bengal to Engtand, (London, 179S, 2 Vols,), who perdicted that
theSikhs would ultimately esticguisb Afghan supremacy in northern India; of
W. Francklin ; The Military ^fem0irs of George Thomas, (Calcutta, 1803), wherein
he gives a fulsome account of the Sikh Misals in tbe Malwa region against whom
the European adventurer took up arms. Fraccklin also dilates upon the posses-
sions of the Sikhs and their future. Malcolm’s 5A:ercA p/ f/ie (London,

1812) is the first informative publication on the history, religion and manners
of the Sikhs, Murray, Prinsep, Wade and Cunningham based their observations
on Indian records and local histories. Masson, Honigberger, Moorcroft, Hugel,
Jacquemont, Sbabamat Alt and Mobao Lai wrote their accounts from personal
experience and give description of the Punjab under Raojit Singh with tbs
chief characteristics of his government, policy, and administration and, to sonte
extent, throw light on the social and economic conditions of tbe people-
Sbabamat All : The Sikhs and the Afghans (London, 1847) and Mohan X-al r
Traxels tn the Punjab. ,4/g/:onfrran ere. (Calcutta, 1834), although commissioned
by their British masters, have left t»s rxceUeot accounts of their impressions on
the life and times of Ranjii Singh at the full zenith of his power.

British ofilciah who w'ieided their pen both officially and in private
capacity are well known. Henry Prinsep’s wort : Origin of the Sikh Poxeer in
the Ptatjab, (Calcotta. 1834) ii a lucid, sketchy but ieformative narrative from
1742 to 1831- It is also apparently authoritative on the rise of the Sikhs in the

CO^ITE^^PORARV WRITERS

Puejab based oo early local histories and otTicial lodiait records. He gives as
account of the character and policy or Rasjit Singh, mode of his government
and revenues, and the strength of his army. His geiterat observations on the
manners and customs of the Sikhs were a guidedine for further research for the
writers on the subject who wrote after him.

hiumy's two vaiuBits OB tht Hhtorjf e/ ihe Pufijob, (London, 1842) are
chronological, authoritative and full of details ; part of the first volume was
exclusively based 00 the history written earlier by Priosep, and the period from.
1832 onwards was compiled rrom Indian records and other sources. The second
volume deals with the main events of Ranjir Singh’s reign and ends with (he
Sutlej campaigns.

Major Lawrence’s rambling and non.dcscript narrative written under
the pseudonym of Beilasis: Some pnssogrs in the U/e of an Adventurer in the
Punjab, (2 Vols., Loodoo. 1846) » half fact and half Retioa. He provides
information of an extraordinarily fascinating character on the life and govern*
aent of Ranjit Singh. His playful ecercltes or digressions on Sikh bitlory are.
however, mixed up with fulsome bacar scandals and gossip.

Another work of extraordinary character is that of Major Caroichae]
Smyth of the Bengal Light Infantry : Wsiotyaf the Reigning Family of Lahore,
(London, 1847). It contains a hastily compiled, sketchy and brief history of
Ranjlt Singh; a Geneahgieai llittory of the Jammu Family, the Lordt of the
lUUs, which obviously is a translation of some Persian chronicle; and an
obviously Sctiious Secret flistoty of the Lahore Darbar, replete with almost
unheard of scandals and concoctions based on savoury bazar gossip. Smyth was
publicly reprimanded by the Indian GoverDroeut for bis "infamous book" when
in 1849 It was brought to the notice of British authorities.

Dr. W. L. Maegregor's ///J/cry o//*e Sikhj (2 Vols, Loodoo, 1842) is
an outstandiog work drawn mainly from Priosep, Murray, Wade and a second*
hand translation of Ahmad Shah Batalvl'j local history, the Taivarii^i-l/i/rJ.

It is a useful and luformative work, and includes in origrnal a Paper drawn up
in 1838 on (he Court of Ranjit Singh and presented to Lord Auckland (i, p.
202-266). The latter is a hrst-baod contemporary accouut full of obserratioos
on the character and policy of the Maharaja.

Captain William C. Osborne. Lord Auckland's Military Secretary, who
accompanied Sir William bfacaagbteo la May 1838 to Labors and also Auckland
in December of the same year to his meeting with Ranjit Singh at Ferozepur,
thoogh otherwise unconnected tvilb the Sikbt in any oiheial eapscity, has
furnished us with one of the ftoest ^rst'haod accounts of the Maharaja and his
Court irj his Jotirn.sI— Conrr and Corny of Ranjii Singh, London, 1840. His

INTRODUCTORY : A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

Journal is a masterpiece of style and conciseness of narrative, replete with obser-
vations on the Maharaja, the Sikh Court, and the notable Sardars. Few con-
temporary British writers, who had the privilege of observing Ranjit Singh at
close quarters, have given us a more lucid narrative of the kingdom at its full
zenith and glory than Captain William Oiborne. He describes the brilliancy
and grandeur of the Sikh Court, the magnificence of the royal nobility, the
mighty array of Ranjit Singh's army, and the energy and politics of the one
master-mind, who directed and controlled It. Ranjit Singh, Orborne observes,
was one of that order of minds which seem destined by nature to win their way
to distinction, and achieve greatness. Osborne was also an excellent artist ; bis

Journal is illustrated with 16 lithograph potlrailures drawn by him in the superb

style and elaborate retting of contemporary Sikh art.

Another contemporary account of the life and times of Ranjit Singh is
given by Dr.'Mutray, a physician attached to 4th Native Infantry, summoned
10 Lahore in 1826, when' the Maharaja suffered a stroke of paralysis. Dr. Murray's
despatches from Lahore (DPCU), Range, 125, Vols. 15-21) provide us with the
most refresbing observations on the personal habits of the Maharaja, the grandeur
and brilliancy of his Court, his poliiics, nod bis colossal army. He describes
Ranjit Singb as active, gay and sportive. It was ’diflleult to persuade him to
accept medical treatment ; Ranjit Siogb had marked bypocbondaric tendencies.
He also noticed that excessive use of liqoor and debaucheries had brought a
premature impoteccy in Ranjit Singh. He is foil of praise of the KfiSlsa army,
Ranjit Singh's fondness for bis firangl oIRcers and iht Francesa Campo (-IS
January, 1827, Ifa. 13). He also observes that the Maharaja mixed up his
regimeols to prevent mutinees, but his troops were always in arrears of pay. He
regularly inspected bis troop battalions ; entertainment being provided by his
gay and pretty warriors of the Zenana Corps (.12 June, 1827. No. 168). He
personally supervised and transcated all State business : "Everything however
trivial connected with his affairs is communicated to the Raja and he issues
orders and instructions promptly, regarding the measures which he wishes to be
pursued” (-23 March, 1827. No.2S).

•4. tli)i>itonc of rutxriotitr

These accounts, by British and foreign writers, except in rare cases,
evhibrt a higbtone of Occidental superiority, a tinge of imperialistic arrogance,
and a candid intolercocc towards local political, social and religious beliefs and
customs in the Punjab. The existence of a powerful, militant though friendly
ally aeross the Sutlej irked their political vanity, but the magnificence and
brilliancy of Ranjit Singh's Court dazzled their imagination and his genial per-
sonality disarmed their antagonistic postures. These worthy gentlemen, notwith-
standing the oflicial restraints, have given a good account of themselves. Wade,

HlCHTONE OF sbrERlOfelTY

Cunnicsham and Henry Lawrence, however, have made ample amends for the
remisses of other Ilcitlth political functionaries who wrote from an obsession of
political superiority.

Claude Wade remained at Ludhiana for almost ]7 years, and in his
relations with the Lahore Darb3r, he balanced the interests of the two Slates in
such a manner that in due course of time he became a personal friend of Raojit
Sinj^h, who valued his advice and counsel in political matters. Tbu<, he advised
his government to adopt a policy of judicious tetllemeni of various territorial
disputes with the Lahore Government ; arranged the Rupar Meeting between the
Maharaja and Lord William DenliRclc,and persuaded Ranjit Singh to participate
in (be Indus Mavigation Scheme, Tftesucccssof Dritiih diplomacy in Sind, and
Sikh co-operation in the operations of the Khyber, was due to bis influence with
Ranjit Singh: Wade was a keen observer of the Sikh Court and politics. His
voluminous official despatches and works : A Narraiire of Seniees, Military and
PoUfUol, /SO't-lS-f^ (IB47), and Our /ta'adons nif/i the Punjab iLoodon, IS23),
contain close observations on the life at)d times of Mabarojs Ranjit Singh. Wade
describes Ranjit Singh of diminutive in stature, and of emaeiated constitution
but possessing an animated personality : **1 q conversation, the Maharaja's
manner was rugged, marked by a puerile curiosity." He describes the brilliancy
and the splendour of his Court. Though illiterate, he observes, Ranjit Singh,
possessed insatiable curiotity, and never missed an opporiuoiiy of acquiring
knowledge. He was an able and shrewd administrator, with considerable know-
ledge of finance, who paid special attention to the welfare of his subjects. His
lose for power was Insatiable, and he would employ every sort of means to
extend

Amongst all the British writers of the history of the Sikhs, Captain Joseph
D- Cunningbam occupies a unique place, lie is described as a ‘'perfect Sikh"* for
his dispassionate and unbiassed account of the Sikhs. As a historian of the
Sikhs bis castigation of Dritish policy based on the despatches of the Secret
department resulted In a personal tragedy for him. And although Wade, Prinsep,
Murray and others bad all used goveromeutal records in their works witboui
eatnirg a reprimand from their superiors. Cunningham had incurred the
displeasure of Lord Broughton and Earl ofDalhousie for bringing to light the
suppressed doeufflents in the Slue Soak presented to Pariisment in 1649.* For

> raitietilatly, Wid«*» d^spucbei to Contfimcnt, ot 1 August, IS27 ; 25 tnj

3l May. 1831. and 5 DtMmtxf tSS’tP).

* Hirdinic to EJirnhorBUib. 2J June. JS464EP) PRO rO|li2|2J/7).
s Hohhouse to Dalhousie, 21 Apiil, UM-Odt, Atim, 6 (55*53) .Scottish Records Otilce,
EdmbutSb.

8 INTRODCCTCRY : A NAtlRATlVE OF SOURCES

his “good-for-nothing book”! he was deemed a dangerous functionary at the
Sutlej frontier and removed to Bhopal as Resident, and later, dismissed from
government service on charges of “abuse of trust,'* History of ilu: Sikhs,

(London, 1847) has. however, despite malicious castigations, survived and is
considered even today the most authoritative work on Stkb history.

S. British traTellers

Notable among the official British travellers are Charles Masson : Narra-
the of Various Journeys in Saluchisiaa, Afghanistan and the Punjab, QVoU.,
London, 1842) and Alexander Burncs t Travels into Bokhara (London, 1834).
Masson’s Narraihe gives us a first-hand account of Raojit Singh's reign, parti-
cularly his provincial adminisfratton of Peshawar (i, p. 132^.), of Moltan (i,p-
395 if.), of his conquests (i. p. 4J6 ff.) and of his general character. His observa-
tions are, however, tainted with an anti-S»kh tenor although his description of the
Sikh-Afghan affairs — the tumult raised by the jehad of the WahabT fanatic Sayed
Ahmad in the Kingdom of the Punjab, the battle of Jamrud (vol. H) is authentic
and realistic. Apart from Burnes’ Trove/r into which gives an account

of his visit to Lahore in 183 1. his Reports and Papers, PoUileal, Geographical and
Commerri'fl/ (Calcutta, 1839) contaio materials of interest for us, as forinstance,
On the PeHtleal Power of the Sikhs beyond the Indus (8 September, 1837) ; On the
Trade of the Upper Indus or the Derajai, and a condensation of R. Leech’s Report .
on the Commerce of Multan.

Henry Fane : Fire Years in India, (2 Vols. London, 1842) gives a vivid
description of the Btilhh Commaoder-in-Cbiers visit to Lahore on the occasion
of Kanwar Naunihal Singh's marriage in March 1837, The Maharaja had
several meetings with the British Array Chief, and Fane also describes the extra-
ordinary strength and discipline of Raojit Singh’s army. Fane in his sarcastic
manner describes the ceremonies attendant on Kanwar Naunihal Singh's marri-
age and the unequalled splendour of the Maharaja’s Court. However, he was
quite oblivious of the social and economic conditions of the people of the Punjab
whom he had no occasion to meet. Williatn Barr’s Journal of a March from
Delhi to Peshanar, (London, 1844), is an eye-witness account of the state of
alTairs in the Punjab during the last days of Ranjit Singh's rule. It describes
the part played by the Sikhs in the ill-conccived, ill-equipped British camp.iign
In Afghanistan.

6. Fareign trmlt«TS

Of the noted contemporary travellers in the Punjab who wrote from
personal observations of the political events In the Punjab, the character and

> Ihd.

iOKirCN TRAVCLLERS 9

habits of its riiltr, and the spiendouf of bis Court and Army are Honigbergef,
Moorcroft, Huge!, Jacqoemonf, Vigne, WoJff, Shabsmst Ali and Mohan Lai.

Dr. John Marlin IJonigberger’a TUrty-Firr years in the Fast, (London,
1852), contains a record of his experiences as a Court Physician and Ordnance
Ofiicer in charge of gun.powder factory at Lahore (ISJS-ISSO). He has drawn
historical shetetes relating to the Punjab and Kaslimir, and his expenments
with medical science arc intermixed sviih his observations on the political scene
of the Lahore Kingdom under Ranjit S'ngb, aod details of the DarbSr politics
ofier ibe Maharaja’s death 1111 1849. After a short visit to Europe, he returned
lo Lahore in ihe spring of 1839, and resumed bis post as Physician to the Court
and Superinleodeot of the gun-roanufactury. He describes the last hours of
the Maharaja and attended his obsequies of which he has given a stirring
account. He was dismissed front Lahore service along with other European
officers by the Jaila regime in 1844.

Honlgberger observes that the Maharaja's ungainly appearance was
counterbalanced by lus laienti and an extraordinary memory : “The prominent
trait of his character was, that he rarely did what was required of him, and
acted often contrary to nhai he said, la genc/aJ, no one was informed of ihe
place to which he intended to go, nor the time appointed by the astrologers
for his departure.’' (p. 56). He observes on the dark side of hts character,
which according to him was hirestremedevotednets to sensusirty, spirit* and
opiam, by which he shorieoed hit life (ibid). The Maharaja svas fond of duck*
shooting (p. $2), his narriige with a Muhammadan couriesan Culbabar showed
that he cared littfe for public opinion (p. 57). and that the inhabitants of the
Punjab prsetieed aDimal'inagoeticiim called jard or montar, by which evil spinis
causing various diseases were driven away (p. 149).

7. Mooreraft sad I*equrinoD(i

Both William Moorcrofc : Trareh, (2 VoU„ London, I84l), a British
veterinary surgeon who visited Lahore io May 1819, and V. Jacquemoot ;
Letters from India, J3'9-1832, (London, IS34), and Journal— The Punjab A
Hundred Years ago (Punjab Coveromeoi Record Office Monograph No. 18,
1834), give us a vividly candid and warmly sympathetic description of Maharaja
Raojit Singh and of life at his Cburt. Oaron Charles Hugel ; Travels in Kashmir
and the Punjab, eontatnlng a particular account of the government and character
of the Sikhs, (London, 1845), who visited the Court of Raojit Singh in 1835. was
a diligent and faithful observer. As a traveller in the Punjab and Kashmir,

I Fora detailed aecduarol Iboe tiro jmpoitaDt eisitor* to ibe Punjab under Hanjit
Siogb, vide, ebaptet 10 (Sub-icetiooa 13 and 15) lafra,

N-2-

10 INTODUCTOS.Y s A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

he bad scqnaioied himself well with the cairatives of the early travellers— Bernier
(1667), Forster (1783), Moorcroft (1820), Jacquemont (1831) and Wolff (1833);
and the extant Persian anthoritics, particalarly on Kashmir and the Sikhs, but
he wrote his diffusive narrative from personal observations. He has given ns
a dispassionately interesting account of the Panjab, and its capital Lahore; of
ihe military style of the Sikh tnler, and political and geographical observations
on tbe kingdom founded by Ranjit Singh. Of special Interest are bis notices
oa Ranjit Siagh’s bonsebold, the impoverished stale of the svbsh'i Kashmr,
the festivals held at the Darbar, toleration of slave trade in the Kingdom, and
Ranjit Singh’s policy, politics and favourites. He has drawn copiously from
Murray's account of political events, and the revenue and resources of the
Punjab under Ranjit Singh. Hogel’s interviews with the Maharaja are of great
interest exhibiting the naive curiosity of the Sikh ruler. The Maharaja offered
the German traveller a Incurative job which Huge! declined (p. 296).

S. British

Both Shahamat Ali and Mohan La! were the product cf the Delhi English
College eatablishcd by Lord Amherst’s Goveromset in 1837. Both were olnsials
of the British Government sent on assignments abroad and have left os exccRest
accooDts of their travels. Monsbl Shabtoat Ali’s work: Tht Sikhs ovd the
,4/gftflw, (London, lM7)isa narrative of an assigntneui with Colonel Claude
Wade, who conducted Shah Sboja’s eldest son, Sbahzada Talmur with the subsi-
diary force across the Ponjib and the Khybtr Pass to Kabul in 1838. He was in
attendance on Lord Auckland when he visited Lahore and Amritsar in December
1838, and has given os a Srst-baod account of Ranjit Singh’s administration,
revence, army and ihe pricclpal nuoisten acd cfScers of the S.'aie. He gives a
brief description of the character and conduct of ibe business of the Government,
the strength, organisation and expense of the Kbaha army ; the revenues of the
.Maharaja’s kingdom ; the admioistratioo of the provincial itjzirrts and
the personal habits of the Maharaja and a short list of Sikh and European oGcerr
of the State.

MonshI Shahamat Alt’s account u unbiassed in the description of tbs
Sikhs. His JoutkcI is crspecialinreicst for a brief bisiorical and topographical
description of the towns and forts is his j wroey en route to Pesbawar-Waz'rabsd
Gujranwala, Gcjrat. Jebloa, Rohtas, Rawalpindi, Akora and Peshawar. He des-
cribes the Punjab rivers, its salt mioss. Sara and fatina, agricultural products and
commerce of the northern part of the Kingdom. His description of Peshawar, its
historical background, clisiate, production, popnlation and its administration
under the Sikh governor General Aritabile is full of contemporary interest,
vividness and accuracy.

MonshI Mohan Lai accompanied Alexander Burces as a Persian Secretary
in 1831 on his journey to Afghanistan, Bokhara and Persia. In 1835 he was

RHXUA DARBXS RECORDS 11

appointed Drithb a^ent at Kabul. !{ts Joarcat : Trartlt in ifte Punfab, A/ghanisian
end Turkisten tie., (Calcutta, 183-1) dcah with hi'i journey from D:lbi to Pcsbawar
in 1831 and in I83S. tits deioriptioo of (be country and (be peoples of (he
Punjab teitiiiet to bi's keen obtervitioa of (be soctil, economic and political
conditions of the times. He in particular refers to (be trade and commerce
between (he Lahore kingdom and the adjacent countries, (he statistics of internal
trade and its barriers, eustom duties, trade routes and mode of transport of (he
Punjab supplied by him are frst-hand and authentic. Mohan Lai (ravelled
exteniirely in (he south of (he Punjib and Sind, is the sorrh from Petbawtr into
the Kbyber country. As a contemporary record of political, cocial and economic
matters, bit Journal it of great value in attesting the iifeand (<met of Raojit
Singh. (I83N39).

0. Pdtla*

The Khalta Darb^ir RteorJt are a serJtable mine of iafortnatfon on (he
Iifeand timei of Ranjit Singh. Since the puhVieaWon of » Catalogue in \9}9 ot
these records by Siia Ram Kohii, the acbolars of Sikh history, etcept fottppUvi-
Jng them hilAbeartedly, have done notbing so classify, eaamine and determine
thfir Imponanee. These run to over 100.000 files both at Lahore and Patiala,
retting ibeir vast mss* of information in disarray and lopsydurvyaess The
earlier tn'seoneeived opinion of modero Sibb blstonans that the Lahore Stele
Papers were destroyed during 1846.1849 by the Driiisb, ceo no longer be substan*
dated. These rteords throw considerable light not only on the social and eeoao>
mie life of the people of the Punjab, but also on the administrative stnieture.
revenue and land idtninistratien under (be Sikhs. Much could be learned about
the financial recources, army, judicial administration, policy, endowments, grams
of Mabaraja Ranjit Singh from this source

Ir is bighiime that scholars of Sikh hntory rbouid assess (heir value, at
least those of the KhrAsa Darbsr Record/ which are eatsnt in the Punjab State
Archives, Patisla. They would substaotlai: foreign msierials, for what they are
worth, by producing an olTicial and authotiiative account and solve many problems
of the later history of the Sikhs.

to. lodiinRecordv

The vast mass of Indian records oit the later history of the Sikhs, pariicu*
larly. from the rise of Ranjit Singh to (he final extinction of the Kingdom of
Punjab (1799-1849) are the Records ofDelhi Residency and Ludhiana Agency
(1804-1840), Secret Letters from Fort William to the Secret Committee, and
private papers.

The bulk of Ludhiana Political Agency (1806-1849) and Delhi Residency
(1804.1810) transactions is apparent front the ten volumes of Press Lists of the

rNTRODUCrORy: A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

Old Records in (he Punjab Civil Secretariate. These records mostly deal with
AnglO'Sikh political and diplomatic relations; the transactions of the Lahore
Darbar and British reactions towards it, and notwithstanding (heir bias, digress-
ions, irrclevancics and one-sidcdness, they fcroa our basic contemporary source
of information on (he later history of the Sikbs. Able and vigilant British political
officers — Ocbterlooy, Murray, Prinscp, Wade, Clerk, Macgregor, Mackeson,
Cunningham, Nicholson, R.ichmond, and Broadfoot, who penned these
despatches are all so well known in Sikh history. Earlier records of the Ludhiana
Agency and Delhi Residency (BooX-j2-/5)deal with the British punitive expedition
against the Sikhs following the Doab depredations Lake’s iransactioos in

the Cis-SutleJ region (1805-06); Holkar’s intrusion into the Punjab (1805), Minto-
Ranjit Singh correspondence (1808); correspoodcnce relating to the Metcalfe
Mission (1808-09) and the treaty of Amritsar (1809), and the despatches of
Edmonstone, Ochterlony, Seton, Carey and others on sundry Aoglo-Sikb
transactions (1809-18121.

The later records of the Ludhiana Agency 1812-1849 (Books 25-150)
contain detailed, varied but comprehensive information pertaining to Anglo-
Sikh-Afghan Affairs (Books 92, 95. 97, 99. WO and WS), the Indus and Sutlej
Navigation Scheme (Books 90, 95, W5, and }38), Anglo-Sikh-Siodhiao Affairs

(Books WJ, 107, IDS and 109),t\ia duties and functio.ns of the Ludhiana Agency

(Books 94, 95 and 1/5), the adjustment of Anglo-Sikh territorial disputes (Books
76, 93, 94, 115 and 149) etc. A scholar working on the later political history of
• the Sikhs roust, therefore, wade through this Jongle of correspondence. However,
these records are well classified and catalogued. Pert of this mast of correspon-
dence was published by the Punjab Government Records Office, Lahore in nine
volumes (ride. 7, infra); part of it was utilised by writers on Punjab history
in specialised monographs (Ibid),

The Lud/ifann ytgency iJrccrdf were obviously used by Wade and Murray
in their reports, which were consolidated by Prinscp, in May 1834, for Lord
William Beminck, Wade’s account is sketchy though authoritative. With consu-
mate tact, he is restrained in the discussion of contemporary controversial
poliiical problems between (be Sikhs and bis government* Murray is anti-Sikh,
inaccurate and replete with scandals and gossip. As a political assistant at
Ludhiana, Cunningham had access (o the Agency papers, which he has used in
his Jlisto/y of the Sikhs (London, 1849). His Narrative of the PoIUleal Conditions
and Military Besourecs of the Punjab in the India Secret Proceedings (I- 28 March.
1845-Nos. 55 and 66), a truthful and informatixe document, deserves publication.
Cunningham also served on Gough’s Staff and was Hardinge's aide-de-camp
during the first Anglo-Sikh war. For bis candid strictures on British policy, he
was dismissed from the Political Department in 1849.' In March 1846, Hardinge

' Forthii ao»t JUajI *nJ biitorisa it tiiriUtd to The

I.'tDIAS* RICORDS

corstdcrecJ him "a rerfeel SiVh*’ (EP-PRO 30;i2*2I/7). Afier the firs! Sikh
War, hl< preiencc at the N. W. FrooHet wsi deemed too daogerous VMd),
t^hich led to hit transfer to Rhopal. Bat for hit removal frotj Eudhiana, he
would have given ai the Intide Jtory of the Peace Setlirraent (1846*1848), and the
so-calfcd second Sikh War.

The despatches of the Ludhiana Agency and Delhi Residency (1804*1810)
are a!! to be found (n the India oflice tccords. rl:., the Jenya/ Secret and PoUlleal
Cansultaticr.s (!S00-IS3f), the Tndia Secret Proettdinsi (I874-I856) and the Perrsaf
PoUilcel Cctii/Jteticns (IS37’]S37) |n the Commonwealth ReJJtiont OBIce, London.
So are the records of the Ludhiana Aeency (1916*1840j, in particular, the corres*
ptndence on the Indus and the Sutlej Navigation : the Ludhiana Agency, its
duties and functions ; the territorial claims of the Lahore Government ; the Anglo*
Sikh'Afghan afTalrs, and the satious British missions to the Court of Ranjit Singh.
BSPCfl) is our primary source of information on Anglo*5ikh affairs till 1809.
Additional information ran be obtained from a curious mlalvre of chronological
d'ltiitiy \tt theladh OKtce—lhe ITame MitctHaneaut Series. An extremely poor
selection of doeutnenis, entitled the Poona Pesideney Corretpendenre, fills the
gap of the period prier to 1800. It is necessary to give some details of the above
series of records so obviously useful for the scholars of later history of the Sifcbs.

(a) ilencof Seerti and Potiileal Consultations (IS00.IS34) in the India
Ofllce Libriry, London. Correspondence and despatches of the years 1804*1809.
eoBlained generally lotermittenrly in volumes 124 to 217 relate to the early
British trsnsaetions in the Cis*Sutlej region~ihe despatches cf Ochterlony and
Lake’s correspondence with the MSiwa S«kh Sardars, general principles of British
policy in the trant-Jumna region, and Ochterlony’s report on Sikh country. The
correspondence of the year 1806 contains despatebrs relating to the transactions
of NolLar, and (he first Anylo-Sikh treaty (1805) ; that of the year 1807 contaios
reports on Ranjit Singh's first two Malwa expeditions; that of the year 1808-09
contain an account of the mission of the Cis*SulIej Sikh Chiefs to the Delhi
Residency soliciting British protection against Ranjit Singh’s ambitions of
aggrandizement ; Metcalfe's ninety-five despatches from the Lahore Darb3f, some
of which arc misting in (be Ludhiana Agency records, are found (here in full.
The correspondence on (he Punjab and Sikh affairs fades out in these records
till 1830, perhaps for some reasons of reclassification, but we find Anglo-Sikh
transactions fully covered in another series of records named the Bengal Polliieal
Consultiitlons (Range 125-126, Voli. 15, 23, 33 ; 30-32) as for instance. Dr.
Murray's voluminous and informative despilcbei from Lahore is 1827, and full
accounts of the various goodwill missions beiwecD the Sikh Darbir and the British

poIicicUni,r{(l4. tenctillr, the Put. atnn., piRleaUtly Hobhmitt to Dalhoutle tPrlvAtel
21 Arid. 1319, and DiIhouji«-j5 June and 6 Septemlwr. 1313.

H INTRODUCTORY i A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

Government during the years 1827*1831, includiag the details of Lord Williani
Bentinck’s momentous meeting with Ranjit Singh at Rupar in October 1831.
However, the BSPC(I) series again opens up in 1830 and continues tiin834,
and contains in full the despatches of Alexander Burnes from Kabul, of Pottinger
from Sind, and Wade from Ludhiana and Lahore.

lb) JnJia Secret Proceedings (m4-ISS6). It appears that in 1834, India
Office decided to discontinue the BSPC and reclassify Indian records under a
new Series enlii}ed the M/a Secret ProeefJIags, which forms one of the most
important repositories of records concerning the political history of the Sikhs
in all its aspects, from the mid«lhirlics down lo the annexation of the Punjab

in 1849. The volumes for the year 1834-37 give in full the despatches relating

to Anglo-Sikh-Siudhian affairs, and Lord William Bentinck's Indus Navigation
Scheme ; and the records for the year 1838 contain an account of Lord Auckland s
vacillating policy of pleasing bath the Sikhs and the Afghans at the same time,
and various schemes for the resuscitation of Saddozai power in Afghanistan.
The despatches of Sir William Macnaghicn from the Maharaja's Court at Lahore
and of the signing of the Tripartite treaty are given in full. The records of

the year 1839 relate to the Sikh co-operation in the military operations of the

Khybet and British concern at the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, All des«
patches of Col. CUude Wade, on Special duty at Peshawar, and Clerk's
momentous reports from Lahore on the political state of affairs in the Punjab,
soon after the Maharaja’s death, are recorded.

In so far as the period of political turmoil which overtook the Kingdom
of Ranjit Singh after the demise of Kfaarak Singh and Naunihal Singh, the
India Secret Proceedings provide the most comprehensive, though one-sided
data in the despatches of Wade, Mackesoo, Macnaghten, Clerk, Richmond,
Braodfoot and Lawrence on all political events. These describe in detail th^
furtive Aoglo-SiLh operations in tbc Valley of Peshawar and in the Yusafzai
territory across the Sikh borders, the return of the Army of Retribution from
Kabul, and the withdrawal of British garrison after destroying the fortifications
of Jalalabad before the Sikhs could take possession of it. From 1843 onwards,
the Lahore Inteillgenee Reports dilate fully on the political events at Lahore—
the assassination of Maharaja Shcr Singh, the H'arfl/ow of Jawahir Singh and
Hira Singh, the rise of the array panchayats of the Khaisa, statistical data on the
strength and dispositions of the Sikh Army, and the gradual drift of both the
English and the Sikhs towards hostilities. The India Secret Proceedings coaM'ta

almost all the despatches, documents and papers relating to both the Sikh Wars
and the annexation of the Punjab.

(c) Bengal and India Secret tetters. The two Series of Secret Letters
Received from India and Bengal, J778-W59, and /8J7-/SJ7 In the India Office,
supplement each other. These series are, unfortunately, not available in the

iKbiAN liEcOaDS

1 ^

Indian archival collcctiont either at Cafcaita or Hew Delhi. ThefirUieriea
(I'of. 3. 179S-1800) contains information reeatdiog Wellesley's policy towards the
Silbs, Shah Zarean't threat and the first Dritisb mission to the Sikh country.
L'atlier letters detail folly Metcalfe's mistlod (o Lahore and (he Anglo-Sikh
treaty {IS09-25 October; tS Deeembtr); the supposed Sikh-Maratha intrigues
(/5/0*257enui:ry): Amherst Government's relations with Lahore {IS24-I S’o\ember).
Other imp>orlsnl documents included in the Enclosures to this Series are Metcalfe's
Minute on flrittsh Policy towards Smd {ISJO-IS October), Trevelyan's Report on
the Navigation of the Indus (ISJhtP fforember), Itataes' Ceograph!col end Military
Memoir on SInJ {ISihJ Auguii), Dcniinck's Indus Haylgsllon Scheme and the
Bupar Meeting with Ranjil Singh May). Secret Letters cf the later

period deal fully with Auckland's policy towards Kabul and Lahore
August), Punjab alTalrt and Lahore co-opeeatioo during the lirtl Aaglo-Afgbsn
War (JSM‘22 Oeermber ; 1542*19 October), Various letters of the years 1S42*1844
depict fully the slate of alTtirs at Lahore, and the supposed military anarchy in
the Punjab- Events leading to the first Sikh War. and details of military opera-
tions at Terozeshah and Mudkietc. are given In the Secret Letters of IS46
(2 duly, 7 August ; 6, ]fl Sorembet : and 2,4 end J} December ) ; and those of
Baddowal, AHwil and Sobraen are described in the Secret Letters of 18'4G [1,3
and 19 January \ / and 19 February-, and 19 March). Later events, viz.. I.al Singh's
adminfsirati'en and his eventual banishment, the Multan Revolt, the Hazara
rebellioa, and military operatioAS of the Invasion of the Punjab, are given ia
the Secret Letters of the years 1846*1849.

Though the Secret Letters contain ioformitloo of the utmost itoportaoce,
yet to study them exclusive of their relevant enclosures, is highly misleading and
dangerous. Some of the Important Secret Letters dealing with Driiish policy
before and after the Sikh Wars, have been suppressed in (be R/ue Rooilra-A'A'Ar/,
IS46iXLr,/S47andXU, 1349.

(d) /fume Af/seW/uneoua Jertrr of records In the India Office Library is
not arranged chronologically, but a few volumes in this scries contain despatches
and documents relative to Sikh affairs. It appears that early in ISOS. NTalbews,
a Deputy Commissary of Ordnance at Fatebpur, visited Lahore and received
Ranjit Singh’s hospitality. However, somehow or other, Mathews got himself
involved in local intrigues, particularly with (he Maharaja’s estranged wife
Mehtab Kaur, who made him direct propositions for Dritish aid to subvert
Ranjit Singh's power [Vol. 292 i No. 21. fol. 97-/25). For his reprehensible
conduct Mathews was recalled by the Dritisb government. Amongst other infor-
mattve documeot* in the series are Metcalfe's Memoir on the Countries U’est of the
Jumna written in tS0S‘O6 [VoL 506 A : No. 23), the Secret Committee's Memoran~
dum on Metcalfe's Mission to Lahore, I803A)9 [Fol. 511 x No. SO ) ; the supposed
Slkh*Maratba Intrigues against tbe Dritisb in 1809*10 [Vol, 592 xNos. 16-25,

iSTPODUCTORY : A NARRATIVE OF .SOURCES

33^4 ) ; MintO'Raojit Sir.gb Cotrespondeace, and despatches of Ochtcrlony and
Seton on matters of British policy towards Ranjil Singh and the Sikhs (Vol. 593’-
Nos. 15-24). Volumes 592-93 contain correspondence between the Ludhiana
Agency, the Delhi Residency and Fort William on the pros and cons of terms of
protection offered to the Cis-Suflej Stales and trs reJafivs effects on the kingdom
of Lahore; while Volume 650 (No.Si contains correspondence of the Gorkha
General Amar Singh Thapa soliciting British aid against Ranjit Singh.

(e) Poona Residency Correspondence — Selections from the Maratha
records-VoI. VIIl (1794-1799), Vol. IX (1800-1803), and Vol. XI (1804-1809),
contain the despatches of the British Resident with Sindbia pertaining to the
early British transactions with the Cis-Sntlej region and the Sikhs. The iofor-
mation supplied by these series is rather uoauthoritative and conjectural, as for
instance. Resident Close informs the Marquess of Wellesley that the ^ukerebakia

Chief Ranjit Singh was an Afghan satrap, in which capacity he had received a
k/iilPat from Shah Zaman of Kabul (/.V, 7, /7 5); and that the Afghan invader
would soon coalesce with the Sikh confederacies, psriiculatly Ranjit Singh and
march on Delhi {ibid. 21 A). However, the eerrespondecce furnishes full details
of the mission of Mir Yusuf AH Kban despatched by Wellesley in 1800 to the
Malwa Sikh Chiefs and Ranjit Singh for weaning the Sikhs away from the
“nefarious designs” of Shah Zsman {iX, 17 B, 240 A, 242 BCD). It appears that
Perron, the all-powerful Maratha deputy at Delhi, endeavoured to discredit the
British mission while at Ranjit Singh’s Court, but without any success (/.V, 240)‘
The correspondence of Ranjit Siogb with Close shows that be treated the
Btilisb emissary Yusuf AH Khan with due attention, denied any alleged connec-
lioo with the Afghans, and evinced a keen dnlre for British friendship {IX, 24A-
Cnclosure, and 273 B),

(0 IVellesley Papers. The vast mass of Wellesley Papers in the British
Museum contains a few volomes (MS. 37274-75, 37282-84) of the Marquis’ private
correspondence with Henry Dundas, the President of Board of Control, dealing
with the early Dihish policy towards the Cis-Sutlej region and the Sikhs- This
coirespondence pertains to the so-called Afghan threat to British India in the
closing decade of the 18tb century, when Ranjit Singh bad come into political
power in the Punjab, and Shah Zaman's third invasion of the Punjab and
occupation of Lahore in 1798 bad sorely disturbed the mental equilibrium of
British statesmen boih at Cannon Row and Fort William.* It wasfondly believed
that the Sikh confederacies In the Punjab would coaince with the Afghan invader
and overthrow British power in India. The imaginary Afghan-Sikh combination
would deliver the imbecile Mughal emperor Shah Alam from Maratha thraldom

» Bciidn, pide. Elut Brnk-XV <U). CnSC* Msmnr on tlie c?fT*\initd inperim cf
Zenan Shok.

)SDlAS fcCCCVD’i

•( Delhf, ifiii (ben Shtb Zsmsn n-outd inarch on Oodh Oy<tltslty to Dundas, 23
February, 6 July and 24 I>eeemter, 3793). lo 1799, WeJJeiley decided lo depute
a Itritith niisioD under Mir Yusuf Alt Khan (o the SiLh country lo thwart tbe
so<aUed Afghan designs on India {3799 : 9 October).

Strangely enough, the Qiitish seem to have little knowledge of the Sikhs
and the Punjab at this time. Ranjit Singh is little known in early British
records, and the Sikhs, deemed at dUnnited and diitracted, without a chance of
their forming a barrier against an Afghan (nvasioo of fndia (1793 : 23 February).
These papers, which Include Xf anguess of Wellesley’* despatches to the Board of
Control and the Court of Directors mostly deal with the io>ealled Afgbao ibrent
to India and its consequent repercussions on both the M2lwa and Msiljha
regions, where the Sikhs had come into power. It is, however, clear that
Wellesley unduly magnified the threat to assemble the army of Bengal on the
frontier of Oudh to force the Nawab Vazier to accept the treaty of ISOl (.ro Court
o/Difectars (I'O. /. (,Vo. C.V.VAVC),

(g) Auckland Papen. Two sets of Lord Auckland's private letters— the
firjt (DM'Add. 37689.94) in siz bound volumes, and the tecand <B,\f.Cro«ghtoa
MSS. 36473*74) in two bound volumes in the Oritiih Muieum, furntsb us much
more positive information on Aoglo.Sikh affairs (1835*1841) than that which is
supplied by public records or tllue Daokt (1839. XI. XXV (30) : 1843 (3), (13)
and (17). The former set contains Auckland's correipondeoce and oillcial and
deml'ofilcisl despatchei relsttng to (he events leading to the first Afghan War,
newi’lnters (tom .Lahore, correspondence relative to the tripartite treaty, the
Slkb*Smdbian alTairt, and the private correspondence of some of the British
functionaries at the Ludhiana Political Agency and otbert->Bllis. Mac Neil,
Macnaghten, Burnet and Wade etc. In particular, these papers contain the
despatches of Cletk from Lahore, and Wade from Peshawar.

MS. Volumes 36473‘36474 in the Broughton Papers (DM), contain Lord
Auckland's private correspondence with Sir John {lobhouse, the President of
the Board of Control (ram 1835*1841. J'o/ume 36477 contains correspondence
relating to (be supposed Russo*rcriiao threat to India, and Fort William’s
measures to counteract it : the Sikh-Afgbao dispute and Ranjit Singh's war and
peace aims ; Sikh designs on Sind, and British reactions to n ; Sir Henry Fane’s
visit to Lahore ; power and politics of Ranjit Singh ; and various schemes for
(he subversion of Dost Muhammad’s power, and the resuscitation of Saddozai
power to AFgbaohtao. yo/ome 36474 toatasss, to getseta!, correspoadeoce
relative to the pressure of Sikh power on Afghanistan ; death of Ranjit Singlt and
Sher Singh's overtures to the British Government; the death of Kbarak Singh and
Naunihal Singh; Clerk’s reports from Lahore; and the idle of (be Sikhs in the
operations of (be Kfayber.

N-3

‘15

INTRODUCTORY : A NARRATIVE OF SOURCES

These papers disclose British distrust of Ranjit SiogVs mililary power:
"RuDjeet Singh talks to os as if he wished for universal peace and that some of
the people about him would goad him on to a universal war. His army is still
looking at the hills of Afghanistan ” — {26 Stay, 1837, fol. ISS). Ranjit Singh, on
the other hand, was highly suspicious of the British, particularly of Barces
negotiations at Kabul — that he would appease the Afghans at the cost of the
Sikhs by making him give up Peshawar — {23 February, 1838, foi. 225). It is also
clear, that the fear of Sikh power ultimately led to their e^cclusioo from direct
military operations in Afghanistan as ens-isaged in the tripartite treaty. Compared
to the 70 regiments of the Sikh army, the British bad two or three regiments
scarcely mustering 500 men each on the Sutlej (17 June, 1838, fol. 264a), and it
was feared that should the Sikh armies move into Afghanistan in support of
Shah’ Shuja, they would ensure its direct sabjeclion to Sikh rule, and the ex-
Shah would become an instrument Sikh ambition {9 December, 1838, fol. 263b)-
Soon after the Ferozepur meeting towards the end of November !B 3 S, with
Ranjit Singh, when the hfaharaja gave Lord Auckland assurances of Sikh co-
operation in the intended operations in Afghanistan, be observed • ’T shall be
little anxions upon them, when fais thirty or forty battalions shall be in array'
-(/hfd./o/. 3fiJa).

George Russell Clerk’s reports from Lahore contain fascinating ob**^®*
tionsoothe Sikh Court, persons and politics- He found Ranjit Singh ailing,
feeble and neatly speechless, but foil of animation and friendship (/ ^pn7, 1339).
In October 1639, he reported that Naunihal Singb—Dbian Singh coalition made
little progress and that the Maharaja had found a new favourite in his brother-in-
law, Chet Singh, whom be wished to appoint as his principal minister. On a direct
bint from Clerk how to resolve the situation, Chet Singh was murdered in cold
blood by Dhian Singh with the connivance of the prince, and the unfortunate
Maharaja placed is virtual coniioemeDt {Clerk's second report, fol. 163b ff). 0°
4 February 1841, Clerk reported that doe to the uncontrolled military anarchy
at Lahore, Maharaja Sber Siogh should not be allowed to fight fais battles alone :
that a British force should march to Lahore to restore order and establish Sher
Singh’sauthorlty (Clerk's fourth report, fol. 4S0b ff). Auckland readily agreed
to the proposal, provided Sher Singh accepted ihe offer : “all on the left of the
Sutlej should be exclusively British, all on the right of Indus exclusively Afghan”
(•to Clerk, 15 February, 1841 fol. 4S4d).

Chapter 2

THE RISE OP THE SUKEBCHAEIaS

1. Geaemlogy of Kislit Singh

RANJIT SINGH WAS BORN on Novembgr 2, 1780 at Gujtaawah. A
recent controversy seems to have arisen about the exact date and place of his
binh, but from all accounts, the above staieineDt with regard to both is generally
accepted.* His ancestors belonged to Jit Saasl tribe* of the village of
^oberchat near Gujranevaia. The little tnowa genealogy of the ^uherchatias
is recorded thus : Ranjit Singh's ancestors were descended from (IJ KslQ, a
J3t of Pindi Bhattiao. who bad migrated io 1470 A.D. to Village Ssnsti, S miles
from Amritsar, He died in the year 1488 A.D. His son (2) JadSmao having been
adopted by the SSnsls who onmerously resided id the village, grew up in the
nomadic ways of life, mamed a Siosj women, and was killed is ibe year ISIS
A.D. in a plundering raid in which he bad accompanied the Slosis. His son
(3) Osleb became the leader of the SiQSis and a notorious catile*lbief. He died
in the year 1549. His son (4) Kiddn was the first of the family who left Sansri
and migrated to the village of ^ukerebak sear Cujraowala. He gave up (be

t Srt,gtnealtToaebetuitt<t, Pro* — A thort Hiiicrf tAe Siiht, Lonjan. 1913:
L«li{ — History of lA« Panjai, Calcutta, 1891; CtiBin — Baniit Siii|A, Oxtord, 1903;
Cunniathani'-lfiiior? of tfie Stkbs, Oxfctd. 1919. SoTthT-A Hiftory of iA« ficienine family
of laSarf, l^ailoa, JS49 i Fiinsrp — On/ta of tit Sitk Poatr tit., Catcuna, 1834. acd otben.
The official aecouDt of the DaihSt Diaiin Soban Lai Suci — the 't/ma<fa:-ui>TKSr^, and
other local Pertiaa bUtotiea, vix. Bute Shah— Ter>tA.>-P«n}d6 ; Eanabaya Lai— BanjtixingA.

ere. add little to aoc iRfortoatioB.

* P.ost— A Glossary of (Ac Trthes and Cants of cfie Punjab etc. Lahore, 1919, iii.
p. 392#. desertbetihe Sitaais ai a cnmioal tube andthe va(rants of the Central Punjab who
isiStated originally from Marwar and Ajom where they abound in laige outnbeis. They
bare aome curious connectrao with the Jar Cnbea of cbe Central Punjab — Ludbiana. Eernai
andGujiat. SXQSis of mixed onfin arc found an Sulhot. Guiranwala and vanoui parts of
the Eastern Punjab. Tbe district of Raja Sansi, a few tailea from Aatitsai U described as the
oaeettrsi borae of tbe Siodbianwila fissntj. Gujranwala Ssasla are tbe cB-sboct oi sbt
Bhatti cUn. “Tbe tanh and influence cl tbe Sandbaowalia family," ebsetres Bose "wbo
betonf to this tribe, and the renown of their tepceaentstire tbe {teat Maharaja RanjitSiOfh,
hare firen lastioj political oototiety to tbe Ssosis.*’ /bid. p.379.

20 THE RISE OF THE fiOKERCHAmS

CTiminal habits of the Ssnsis and settled on a piece of land there which he had
acquired after aclling a stolen herd of cattle inherited from his father. He died
in the year 1578 A.D.; and one of his sons (5) RSjdev adopted the profession
of a grocer and village money-lender. He died in the year 1620 A.D. ; and his
son (6) Talchat Mai continued the business of the grocery-shop and bought some
land. He died in the year 1653 A.D. One of bis sons named Balu became a
dacoit, and the other named (7) Bars, a mendicant of religious temperament
was desiflous of receiving the pahul (initiation into the faith) and of becoming a
Sikh, but before he could fulfil his wish, be died in the year 1679 A.D.

His son (8) Bodh Singh carried out the behest of bis father. He is said to
have received the pahul from the tenth Guru Gobind Singb, and on uncorrobo-
rative evidence, is said to have taken service undet him. Carmichael Smy^h
describes Budh Singh as having connected himself with a gang of predatory Sikbs
and SSnsli and *‘won for himself the reputation of the boldest and the most
successful free-booter io the country.*’^ He acquired fame as an adriot cattle-
lifter ; rode bis legendry piebald mare Dessee, and there are many a tale of his
intrepid courage, of (his ready wit, and of his generosity towards the poor.
Tradition records that he swam across the river Jeblom fiftyjtimes on bis piebM
mare. He died in the year 1716 A.D.

(9) Nodb Singh, the son of Budh Singh raised the fortunes of the familfi
first by marrying into a rich Sansi Jai family of Majithil and secondly by raising
a smailgerM (a mudfort) in tbe viilageof Sokerchak and enlisting a small force
to guard it from the Afghan marauders. Nodb Singh was bath adventurous and
ambitious. He forsook the occupation of farming and took to cattle-thieving
which was an honourable profession at that lime. He turned a regular ihant
or a highway robber. He soon became notorious throughout the country "from
Rawalpindi to the banks of the Sutlej.” For some lime he was along with other
Sikh Sardars active as a iharri, but later about the year 1721, he joined the
Fyzulpuria Misal under Kapur Singh, and enriched himself considerably by
plundering successively the Dunani invader Ahmad Shah. In the year 1742, he
died of a gunshot wound received in a battle with the Afghans.

2. Chant Sinrh

Nodh Singh's eldest son (10) Cbarat Singb, born in the year 1721 A-D-
was a dashing and ambitious soldier of fortune. He strengthened hb ties with

the FyrulpuriS Misal, fortified the ^ukerebak garAi, raised more soldiers to fight

the Afghans, and organised on a large scale plundering raids which bad become
a common feainre of glory and adventure in those stormy limes. Very soon,
Charat Singh look possession of the surroonding villages, and with the addition

• /fiil<>T7 ef ifce P.tifnin( Fsmtlfef Lakatt, Vmioa, 1319. p. 4-5.

CHARAT StMGH

nf new temtorics, be assumed Ibe tilJe of Ibe Chief of ibe ^oVcrcbaViS MisaJ.
which was destined to play a significant role io the political history of oortberQ
India. We can neither accept the tesliffiooy of Court's Chronicle that the
^uVerchakiS Misal under Charat Singh had a force of over 10,000 horse,’ nor
Gordon’s statement that he succeeded to the patrimony of “three ploughs and
a well”— representing thirty acres of land,* but it is evident (hat by 1756 A.D.
be had acetoired considerable power and iofiaence enabling him to marry (he
daughter of Atnir Singh,* an old but wealthy and powerful feudal baron who
originally belonged to the Fyzulpuria Misal and held a considerable force and
territories in the neighbourhood of Gujraowala.

Matrimonial alliance with a rkb and iofiueotja! family gave an impetus
to Charat Singh's ambitious character. In 17S8, the young ^ukerebaki! chief
conquered Sialkot. Three years later, the adventurous career of Charat Singh
began. He fell upon the Mughal fortress of Eminabad with his small force,
killed its commandant, carried away large booty, and retired to a newly-built
small fortress within the (own of Gojeanwaia. This aroused (be wrath of the
imperial governor of Lahore, Kbwaja Obeid. who immediately seat a force
2,000 strong nnder the command of Bahadur Khan and Afzal Khan for bis
cbastlsetnent. The Lahore force invested Cujranwala, and Amir Singh being
Very old, left the defence of the town to bis son-in-law. In a pitched battle
fought near Cujranwala, Charat Singh completely touted the imperial force and
captured a large booty and reililary stores.*

The rout of the imperial force emboldened Charat Singh to embark upon
a series of campaigns against (he poorly garrisoned Afghan fortresses which stud-
ded the immediale vicinity of the ^ukercbaki3 ler/ilones. He joined in plundering
raids with the other adventurous Sikh chiefs, recruited more men in his army, and
within a year occupied the important town of Wazirabad. When in the year 1762,
the Durrani invader Ahmad Shah with hh Afghan hordes made his appearance
in the Punjab, Charat Singh prudently sent his family and valuables to Jammu,
wiibout coming into contact with the maio body of Abdali’s troops, followed
up bis rear, and captured the fortress of Rohtas, and took possession of the
country north of the river Jeblam — Cbakwal and Find Dadan Khan. Thereafter,

I Court, Si&KkKon D< Raj 0> Puhvo, Lthocc, 1S33, p 64.

a The Sii hs, Londoa, tS04, p. 81.

S Amii 8mgh onSioaU; bad joined the Fazulpuol Miul Irom whiob be had tcveceJ
lot comeccion end had become a notorroo* cobber. He <rac IGO ^eari old (vhea be embraced
SibbUin. According to Lati( (p. 338) ''bia dcptedation* caceoded (tom the biobs of the Jeblum
TO the walla of Delhi havieg acquired Satg? tetirtorUl possertioas lO Gujranvala. be was loobed
upon at the Chief mao of tfae diacricr.”

* Lstif, p. 339 . Srojth, p. 8-9 etc.

THE RISE OF THE fiOKERCHAKIXS

for about a decade he rested, trying to assuage the jealousy of the Sikh Sardars,
who made vain attempts to counteract by intrigue and treachery the Sukcrcba la
bid to political power in the region.

Id 1774, Charat Singh stiirad again. A premalnre succession fend ha'i
been raging in the bills of Jammu, whose raj3 Ranjit Deo, a weak ruler an a
person of dimunativc intellect, had raised a storm. In order to settle the fanny
feud, which aimed at the exclusion from succession of his eldest son Brij Raj D*®*
in favour of the younger one Dalel Singh, he solicited the aid of the power u
Bhangls besides having on his side the hill rajas of Chamba, Nurpur and Kangra.
Brij Raj Deo revolted ; he invited Chafat Singh to come to his aid, promismg
in the event of the deposition of his father, a yearly tribute to the ^ukerchakias.
Charat Singh found the opportunity too good to be missed. He formed a com i
nation with Jai Singh Kanahaya and the allied forces marched on Jammu to
assist the eldest son. But the battle in which the Bhangls and hill rajas were
pitted against the ^ukerchakias and the Kanabayas, was indecisive ; the issue
remained unsettled but Charat Siogh was accldeoliy killed by the bursting of his
own matchlock.

3. Msba SiBSh

Charat Singh died at the age of 45 years, leaving behind his eldest son
(11) Maha Singh barely 10 years old to succeed •him. He was a brave warrior
and an alliance maker. He finally forsook the detestable profession of a
or a common free-booter, and became formally the head of the Sukerchakta
Misal. His small principality included Gujranwala and Its suburbs, Eminabad,

Rohtas, Cbakwal, Dhanni, Jalalpur and Find Dadan Khsn which brought him

an estimated annual revenue of 300,000 rupees. The smaller sardars of the
region accepted his suzerainty and offered him nazarOna and the rival confeder-
acies, the Bhangls, the Ramgarhiis, the AblUwiliss and the Kanabayas became
extremely jealous of him. But the seeds the greatness of the Sukerebakias had

been sown. He laid the foundation of the ycl smallest and insignificant confed-
eracy, which in the course of a few decades, was destined to overthrow all other
political rivals.

The minority of Maha Singh induced some of the subordinate sardars,
instigated by Ganda Singh of the Dbangi Mtsal to overthrow Sukerchakia alle-
giance. but Charat Singh’s widow, Ma’i Desan — “a resolute and courageous
women” acted with fortitude and promptly confiscated the lands of the rebellious
chiefs and nipped the mischief in the bud. She acted as regent, and with the help
of a Brahman named Jairam, her alleged paramour, managed the affairs of the
principality. The fortress of Gujranwala ravaged by Abdah’s army a year earlier
was rebuilt and named Maha Singh GarK. She struck back at the Bhangls, and
by her machinations, Jodh Siogh Bhang] was assassinated in the year 1775 A. D.

MIS MtLITAaV fiXPtOItS

Tb« same year she arranged the marriage of her son ^[aha Smgh with (he daugh*
ter of Raja Gajpat Singh of Jind.

' 4. Hit militat; nplolli

In 1779 A. D. Maha Singh took over the affairs of the government in his
own hands. He had inherited from bis enterprising father an ambitious spirit of
adventure, aggrandisement, and military skill. The waning power of the Dhangls,
since (heir expulsion from Multan in 1779 by Teitnur Shah, bad broken up their
principalities, and the warring brothers had divided up the territory. Malia Singh,
finding confusion in their ranks, pillaged (heir territories. He took possession of
Isa Khel, Musa Khel, attacked Pindi Bhattiao and Jhang. A feud having arisen
between Sahib Singh of Gujrat and his brother Sukha Singh, Maha Singh sowed
further the seeds of discord amongst the brothers by promising Sahib Singh
succour : bnt when Gujjar Singh, their father marched from Lahore, and invested
Gujrat to bring his rebel son to obedience. Maha Singh left him atone and instead
marched towards Kolli, near Sialkot, and exacted a tribute from the town which
was renowned for the manufacture of arms On his return, he formed an alliance
with (he powerful Kanahayj Chief Jai Singh* for the conquest of Rasulnagar
ruled by Pir Muhammad Chatha. an oppressive and bigoted Chief, whose tetri*
toties extended on the eastern side of (be river Cbenab. The fortress was besieged
by a combined force of the ^ukerchakids and the KanabaySs 6,007 strong. The
siege lasted 4 months, when afier suffering great privations of stores and provi*
sions, Pir Muhammad capitulated on tbe cooditioo of safe conduct for himself
and his family. But the victorious Chiefs resorted to treachery; (he harassed
Muslim Chtef was put in irons and his sons tied to ibe moulh of cannon and
blown up.*

The ^ukerebakia victory at Rasulnagar struck a heavy blow on the waning
power of the Bhangis, for Fir Mubammad was their nominal tributary ; it also
rebounded far and wide among the territories of the warring confederacies.
Maha Singh's fame as a warrior spread ; sm.rller sardars in the region began ro
show him deference and came with offers of allegiance. Rasulnagar was renamed

r Jai SinSh Kaaabavs wai Cbemost poweiFul Cbict amons*t tbe ratioat Miuls. He u
laid to have po<eet5ed a toicc F,C00 hoiae strons (Ptiaicp, p. 24), be had waled war aglioet the
BhanlU, coattived fueceisfuU; to expel laasa Singh RamlatfaiR f tom the Punjab b; OTei.runniaS
bU poseesiioni. His conquests also included Nuc^r, Hajipur. Muketiaa and the hill fortress
otKanlia, which he obtained by tteacberv. Cbarat Singh's eatls alliance with the powetful
KanahzxB Chief wasquite helpful to bto. HUson MabaSingh became a ptotlge of ]ai Singb,
and it U esidect from eonteDpocaiv soutces that duttnl bis Dinsritj immediately aftet Charat
Singh’s death, lai Singh took Maha Singh undexbii tuteUge. Maha Singb later fell out with
Jti Singh.

* Smyth (p. 10), however, cUimt the Chatba due! was Ghulam Muhammad, who wu
lUin in the battle and bit only loa vat capnixed and blown up from a gun.

■niE RISE OE^IHE fiUKERCHAKlAS

as Rainnagar and Sardar Dal Singh was oppolnted as ils governor. The famous
Bhangi cannon Zamzam of Ahmad Shah Abdaii fell into ^ukcrchakis hands-

On November 2, 1780 was boro to Ma'i Malwan a son, who was named
Ranjit Singh. Maha Singh celebrated the occasion with great rejoicings an
festivities. Brahmans were fed, alms given to the poor, and offerings were sent
to the temples and religious shrines.

5. March on lammu

The pre-eminence of Maha Singh was now accepted by the smaller chUfs,
but his alliance with the Kanabayas proved abortive. Brij Raj Deo, the new
ruler of Jammu, whose territories were constantly being ravaged by the Bhangis.
applied for help to the KanahaySs who readily agreed. Both Jal Singh and bis
brother Haqiqat Singh marched to his succour, but instead of rccovefing hJS
territories from the Bbangis, deserted him and joined his enemies. The belea
guered hill rajli not only lost more territory, but Jammu itself was invested by t e
Sikhs, and Brij Raj Dso purchased immunity by agreeing to pay to the Kauahaja*
an annual tribute of 300.000 rupees. BuiaUbougb promised under duress, the
tribute was never paid, and the Kanabaya Cnief Haqiqat Singh resolved to
recover it by force. Maha Singh who bad previously exchanged turbans with the
hill r3js, was invited by Haqiqat Singh Kanabays to join in the Invasion©
lammu, it being agreed, that they would equally share tbs spoils.

Jammu offered a rich prize to Maha Singh. It was a rich and prosper®'^®
town in the safety of the hills, where many aflluent merchants of the Punjab ha
taken refuge from the turmoils of the plains and bad set up a thriving trade with
Kashmir and the plains of the Punjab. Maha Singh resorted to double treachery >
he threw to the winds the solemn bond of fraternity into which be had entered
with Brij Raj Deo, and he had no iolentioo of sharing the rich spoils of Jannn^
with the Kanabayas. He marched instantly on Jammu and reached the outskirts
of the capital : the Kanahaya force uoder flaqiqai Singh had marched through
the Zaffarwal route but could not arrive in time. Brij Raj Deo Oed to the safety
of the Trikota Devi mountain on the approach of Maba Singh’s force, leaving
behind the capital undefended. Maha Singh plundered the town, exacted a
large idemnity from the people, stripped the palace and the treasury of every-
thing of value, and when Haqiqat Singh arrived at the scene, refused to share
the spoils with him. The Kanahaya Sardar left the bills empty-handed in disgust,
and shortly afterwards, he died.

6, EitriDtem(Dt with KsnaharSf

Maha Singh’s treachery permanently estranged the Sukerchakiis with Jai
Singh, the powerful Kanahaya Chief, who swore to deirroy tbeiukerebakiss.
However, in I7S4 A. D. Maba Singh made an attempt to assuage the wrath of

U TTIE RISE OF THE ^UKERCHAUlAS

1783 AID., he also invited the Katoch Chief Sansar Chand, a victim of Kanabayl
treachery over Kol Kangra, to join them ID their invasion of Batala, which ha
previously belonged to the Kamgarbijs. The forces of the confederates marc e
on Batala and a few miles from that place at Achal, Jai Singh and bis son
Gurbakhsb Singh with their allies were ready to meet them. A fierce battle ensoe
in which Gutbakbsh Singh was slain. The death of bis son broke the heart
of old Jai Singh ; he surrendered the town and fled to Patbankot, leaving bebio
bis daughter-in-law Sada Kauf to effect her escape as best as she could. She fle
toSaiyan4 Batala was restored to Jassa Singh Rarogatbia who took possession
of the city.

War was now carried on in the bills by Sansar Chand Katoch to wrest
from the Kanahayas the fortress of Kangra. He siezed Hajipnr and Mukerian,

invested Akalgath and continued to harass Jai Singh’s forces in the hills. Ulti-
mately peace was patched up between the two, Jai Singh agreeing to surrender
Kot Kangra to Sansar Chand and the latter vacated Hajipur and Mukerian.

Meanwhile rSni Sada Kaur bad contrived to arrange the betrothcl of
daughter Mehatab Kaur with mioor Raojit Singh,’ The eoatrset of aUiaB«
brought the Kanahaya-^akerchakla feud to a close, and as would be seen, rt
helped Raojit Singh to rise to political power in the Punjab, Reconciled with
Jai Singh, the old cooferderates, Maha Singh and Sansar Chand marched ag^if

to Batala to put the Kaoahayss in possession of it. Jassa Singh, however, was
strongly entrenched in the town, which was besieged by the invaders ; be foiled
the attempts of the besiegers to take possession of the town.

Reconciliation with the KaoabaySs had left Maha Singh free to settle
(be score with his old enemy Sahib Siogb of Gtijrat, who had some years pre-
viously married his sister. The old Bbangi Sirdar Gujjar Singh having died lo
I7SS, his two sons Sahib Singh and Fateh Singh quarrelled over the distribution
of some his possessions. Maha Singb sided with Fateh Singh and fanned the
flame of hatred between the brothers till at last in the year 1792 they mst **
Sodbra to settle the issue by force of arms. Gujrat was invested by the allies
and the outlying fortress of Sodbra, where Sahib Singh bad shut himself up.
besieged for 3 months. It was during the siege that Maha Singh was taken ill
and brought back to Gujrauwala, where be died toon afterwards.

1 Somewmen biat tbi( tbe dcaand o( tke tanil of Cutbakbsb Si.i«b’f
iopoua S3 • pcDthr octbeecc«t-f>lIca JaiSiatb. (See jenetally. Uatlf, p. W4 ; Pjne,p.69.
etc). Mtctictot (p. hoverer. ofcserrei that Side Kaur. the widow of Gutbakbsh

SiBjK broulbteboul the aUiance between the two warria* Mnaliet Jawala Mukbi when
SaBMt Chaad Katoch iatested the lontesi o! Kan^ta then in pwmsioQ of the Kanahay t». The
taatiiafe cf Raojit Sioth to Mehtab Kant took place ftre yean Ute r after Maha SiolV* death
inl793.atBaula.

CHARACTER O* MAKA SINGH 2?

S. CKirictcr et M«1 k SIn(h

Afaha Siogh died young <t {be«E« of 27. llevts heave, crabflioui cod
an inlfcpld wirrior, who by hi* mililary cipfoll* had enlarged hi* dominions
and had established the cmioence of the ^ukerchaViS Misal atnoog the rival
MSttjha cocrederaelei. He wai the first of the Sikh Sardari who thought of the
rudtmentariei of administration and government in hit newly conquered terri-
tories. !{e appointed a (/iHfln (minister) to foot after everyday administration.
He had also built up a small force of 2.500 bone which did not Jive on the
paiilJari (division of ipoih) system. There sii'ere no equal associates in the
^ukerchakii Misal. All conquests, all booty reverted to the Chief; exactions,
fines and tributes were taken in his name, who was free to do with it what pleased
him. Tliut in a way, he towed the seeds of an (ndividuifistic state as distingui-
shed from (be confederate lyttem of (he old Mirali which Kruck a deadly
blow on the waning prevalent modes of statesbip.

Amortgst (he rude barons of the Miiljha, Ataha Sirtgh war a paragon of
ambition, bravery and unscrupulousness and the stigma of being a matricide un-
deservedly mars his good name. Carmichael Smyth and others narrate a cock-
and-bull itory* that Maba Singh put hit own mother to death on account of her
criminal ieliretey with one Haktkat Singh. Taunted by one Khuda Dad Khan,
a person of note a( fstslabad near Gsijrat, who bad killed his own inother for
a siollar misdemeanour, Maha Singh determined to wash out the alleged disgrace
with his mother's blood. Sometimes afierwardi, be found his mother carousing
with Hakikat Singh and ethers, lie contemptuously dismissed the alleged
paramour and shot dead bis mother with bis owd matchlock. Hakikat Singh
(led (o bis et(a(e near Waeirabad. There is, however, no conclutive evidence
of the correctness of this story.

AHoeyon a limilar pattern, probably concocted, is narrated about
Ranjit Singh. The young ^ukerebaVia chief having luspected his mother of
having indecent relations with one Laiq Mister, one fine morning surprbed them
both in his mother's chamber. The cbicketi-bearled lover escaped well in time,
leaving behind Ms mistress to be slam in cold blood by bis enraged son. Laiq
Misser is described as having fled to Raojit Singh's jnDlber*in>law, ran) Sada
Kaur for protection, who, however, delivered him up to the vengeance of his
soO'in'Uw, who pul him to death.* Smyth's tavoury concoctions based on
bazar gossip, which be has collected io what he calls a Secret //(story of the
Lahore Darbar, arc hardly creditable.

t Hiitorf cf tkt tf LaXert, London. (84}, 'p. lO.tl ; Ltclf, f- >

Prinjep. p. 23.

r Lacit, e.247: Smyth, p. 14.15; Ftiitwp. p. 39 «te.

THE RISE OF THE^UKERCHAKMS

Latif, who has followed verbatum Smyth’s version, reports the same
story bat adds additional gossip by alleging (hat Diwan Lal'hpat Rat was the
only known paramour of MS’] MalwanA Raojit Singh got rid of him by sending
him on an expedition to Kltas, where be had him put to death. Malcolm,
Murray and Prinsep all refer to the profligate character of Malwao as having
many paramours admitted to her favours, and that Dal Singh at Ranjit Singh’s
orders put her to death by poison, although Smyth categorically reaffirms that
Ranjit Singh put her to death with his own hands and that had had seen pictures
represeniing it thus sold at Lahore I* The matter of the death of Lakhpat Rai
should present no problem keeping in view the fact that Dal Singh, Ranjit Singh’s
father’s maternal uncle bad long borne tll*will towards DiwSo Lakhpat Rat.
He had him despatched to the Kitas expedition, where be was slain ia an affray
with the zamindars, not without suspicious contrivance.’

* Op. efi.. p. M7.

* Snytti pp.ce.. ArpenJ(»;W«e,p.»ii.wlitcti«'ent3tIie»t>o»ei5 nit hf

Cutirtt who dCat at EJitot.

* Lmtif, p. H7 ; Pciiutp. p. aa.9 mJ Nott.

Cn4mt 3

OK TltE ROAD TO POUnCAL SUrREMACV

1. D<ctln« o( MUtU

IT WOULD HE reUvMDt at ihit place to rerierf br'ieOy the poUiicai
conditiont ia ifce Punjib <t Mahi Sio{b’t death ia 1793. The StLh Mtsali. vhkb
bad dislodged the Afghasi from tvptemacf ia notihera India during the last four
decades and had sained policial ascendancy, were now, when the ibrcai of
foreisa invasion bad receded, busy wasio; war against each oiber. The once
powerful nbartgls, who bad ruled the ccotre of the Punjsb— Lahore and Amritsar,
and had carried the Kh3l$a arms north and tooth, now lay prone and inept,
their past ftory faded and their kingdom shattered to pieces. The confedericy
had eollapred on account of the weak and inefiiclent olTsptiog of the last rulers,
Lehna Singh and Cujjar Singh. The RSmgarbiSs were at war with the
Kaoahayai, who had wrested Datata. Kalaoaur and the whole country to the
south of the Sutle] from them. Since the death of its warrior chief Ram Singh
Id 1781, the Niks'is who held the territory of Cbuniao. Kasur. Shatkpur and
Kamalta. yielding in annual revenue of over 9.00,000 rupees, bad declined in
power. The DalewaliSs, the Kisbiowilns, the Fyzulpuiias, the Karorsinghias
and the Shahids bad become non>eBtitities. The steady decline of the once
posrerful MIsats In the MSdjha region paved the way for the rise of the
^ukerchakhTs ia the Punjab.

Of the remaining politically clTective Misals in the region were the
Kanahayss and the Ahtnwalias, both in alliance wnh the ^ukerchakiJs, the former
in matrimony and the latter in friendship. The KanahaySs had acquired con*
tiderabTe power and influence under Jai Singh and their possessions bad become
extensive both in the bills and the plains. Out (hey toon came into clash with
the Rdcngarhiils, aod in a fierce battle fought a( Ratala, in which Gurbakbsh Singh,
the son of Jai Siogh was slain, the RdmgarhiJf ousted the KaoabayJ Chief from
the town, who fled to Patbankol, leaving behind the widow of his son to fend
for herself. But the city was taken possession of by the force sent by Jassa Singh,
(he Rjmgarbil Chief, and the widow fled to Saiyan.

The decline of (he Afiral was thus set in and tbs Kanahayss were beret
with difllculties. At this moment tS}3 Saosar Chaod Kaiocb, who bad never
reconciled himself with the loss of Kot Kaogra, which the Kanahayas bad wrested
from him, declared an intermittent war on Jai Singh. He siezed Hajipur,

ON THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

Mukerian and Atulgarh and seriously tfareateDcd KanahayS possessions in t 6
hills. R5ni Sada Kaur patched up a naatrimonial alliance with the ^ukcrcbakiSs y
proposing marriage of her daughter Mebtab Kaur with minor Ranjii Singh» an
Jai Singh hastily came to terms with Sansar Chand after a 3 years' war. An
agrceracDt between the two was arrived at: the Kanahayas agreed to 8*''® “P
Kot Kangra in return for Hajipur and Mukerlan and a promise from the '
Chief of assistance against the REmgarhiSs.

Thus assured, Jai Singh marched on Batala to give balil^^ to the
RamgarhiSs. He was accompanied by Maha Singh ^ukerchakia, raja Sansar
Chand of Kangra, and the hill Chiefs of Chamba and Nurpur. The confederates
laid siege to Datala, which lasted over three weeks. Jassa Singh Rarogarhia was
strongly entrenched within the fortress, and the confederate forces failed to
dislodge him, and finally dispersed. The KanahayS-RSmgarhiS feud contiue
for some years, when ultimately Jai Singh took possession of Batala and drove
Jassa Singh Ramgatbia to the Ci$*Sullej region.

The AhlnwaliS Misal, with an overall strength of 3.000 horse and csteo-
sive territories and influence in the JuUundur Doab on both sides of the Sutlej*
had since the glorious days of their illustrious forebear Jassa Kalal, was now
ruled by his brother Dhag Singh. He was succeeded by Fateb Singh, who be*
came a great friend of Ranjit Singh and helped the ^ukerebakiS Misal rise to
political power in the Punjab.

2. CU.Sutle] rcSien

In the Cis-Sutlej region, the PbulkiSn Misal— Patiala, Nabha, Jind and
Kailhal formed the dominant political power. Besides the region was studde
with small, often unviable, petty states. Karoal was held by Gajpat Singh (1.500
horse), Tbanisar by Bbaoga Singh (750 horse) Sirhind by Jassa Singh Thoka
{I,SDO horse) Sbababad by Karam Singh (750 horse), Kbanna by Soudb Singh
(225 horse), Buria by Hari Singh (750 horse), Sikandca by Diwan Singh (750
horse), Garbi Kotba by Hakumat Singb (150 horse), Mani Majra by Bbagat Singh
(375 horse), Kbarar by Dhanna Singh (1,503 horse), Fattebabad by Sahib Singh
(4,500 horse), Nurmabal by Baghet Singh (750 horse), Nakodar by Tara Singh
Gheba (2,250 horse) and Garb Shankar by Kasail Singh (ISO horse).*

' Drown*— /ti.Jifl Tractl, 11. prorides iatercuinS tmUlici ot the break up ot Sikh arened
»tt«nteh in the Punjab B» unit* ; Cis.SutWj refion : 24.300 ; DIst Jutlundur : 13.700 ; MttSjha
ieSton—n*tiDo»b 130500, RechnaUoab;2CI[,0!»; Other* : 10.000. Total ; 93.200. Browne'*
rtcimates of 1733 ot the armed ittenttb ol the Sikh Mint* »te in »barp conttsjt with tbs
railiet estimated of Foriter (1731) and Ftancklin who compute them »s 3,00.000 end 2,50,000
i«««rectl»*lr. Hot 10 jreari later, their (tteneeb had dwindled to 65.000 hoise {tldi. Military
,McmoiMo/C*ji'e« rjioma«.C*lcutt*.18»,p.274). That the decline ol the Muals had set in
djfiar th; el3}.nj dr.-i of the JS.*b eentwrr i* cn'Jeacei by Georje Thom** and FtanekliaV

politics OF THF.SECtON

IntheCis-Sutlej region there were over 40 stale* big and small with an
approrimate revenue of about 45,OD,OOJ rupee* and BD armed strength of about
25, COO horse. Patiala, the largest state in the region had an annual revenue of
6,10,000 rupees and Its mllitarj' strength amounted to 2,000 cavalry and 1,000
infantry. The annual revenue and military Urcngth of other important states
rvere a* foIJotvi : Kaithal- 2,25,000 rupee*, eavalry 6C0. Nabha. 1,50,000 rupees,
cavalry 4l>0. Jind* 1,25,000 rupees, cavalry 600. Malerkotia- 40,000 rupees,
cavalry 4C0, Ladwa* l,50,C00 rupees, casalry 1.000. The largest force {2,COO)
was that maintained by Patiala and the smallest by Bundi (150), Dakhari (40)
and Talwandi hlajoake (25).*

The PhulkUn Misal bad extensive territories in the M31wa and SIrhind
and was the most dominant and policiatly iofluenilal. But the decline of the
Misal System had branched up the house into four separate states-Paliala,
Nabha, Jind and Kaithal, whose mutual jealousies kept them often at logger*
bcadswith each other. The Nisliatiwuljs. the Nihangt, the KarorsingbiSs had
become week and politically loetTective Besides the Phulki3ns other petty
states were Ladwa, BurU, Thantsar, Malerkotia. Kama!, Ambala and Kunjpura.

3, Politic* et the trflon

Patiala was ruled by Sahib Singh whose imbecility and mi^governmenl
had led to the prevalence of anarchical conditions within bis extensive territories.
The tSjl of Jind. Obag Siogb, a shrewd political opportunist dabbled id all
political affairs of the region, llis influence was quite well established both in the
Mafljba and the Mlllwa countries. He was the maternal uncle of Ranjit Singh.
Nabha was governed by Jatwanl Singb, B sober and intelligent man. fihS'l Lai
Singh, (he ruler of Kaithal was a cunning politician with shifting loyalties.
Kunjputa was governed by a Pathan dyi>.-i*ly where a succession feud was raging.
The second Pathan stale of hfalerkotla was ruled by Aiaullah Kh in whose reve-
nues were meagre and army smali *

Two external forces threatened (he Cis-Suilej region during the closing
decades of the I8th century The hfaratha Deputy Perron was delcrmioed to

tcceunt (>{ile. ranUuUiI} £</« o/ Sfcaa A(dn>, Aliahtbad. lOSt t>. T5n.), Fuiih«t teduction
oreutrrd with the ti>« of lb« fiukctebalita Mttal to political povti in tbe TuDjab Lieutenant
White, who autTeyed (he eaunfff betwerfl rha lumna and the Surlti m 1309, computed the
teranuei ct the letion at *2,47,923 rupees and mllititT (oieca at 24,959 (White to &toD. 7
Octobet, 1309-(r} 2 Its). Ucbteilonv'a Statement of the teeenue and military resouters of
the Silh States between the Jumna and tbe Sotlci catimates tbe revenue at 25,84, COJ rupees
and oUitaiy sttenfth at I2SS0 horse. (See, OchiteloDy to EdmonstoDe 17 Match. 1S(K—
BSPC(t) 23 July. ISW, C3).

1 BSPC(I) 29 July. 1809. C3 and C*.

* For • detailed account of tbe poHtica e( tfa* Cis.SutIei terion, tea infra. Chapter 4.

S2 ON THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

advance Maratha influence beyond the Jtimoa, and the Cis»Sutlej Satdars, w o
were being harassed by the English adventurer George Thomas, chosing the lesser
evil, sent a deputation to Perron at Delhi seeking protection from the ravages o
Thomas. Perron readily agreed to help them ; he sent a force under Louis
Bourquin to expel Thomas from their territories, but imposed Maratha para-

roountcy over the Sikh country subjecting the Sikh Chiefs to heavy exactions,

which amounted almost to l/3rd of their revenues.'

While the Sikh Chiefs groaned under the heavy exactions by the Maratha
Deputy, the influence exercised by him in the Cis-Sutlej region was ephemeral ,
it did not exceed beyond a vague acknowledgement of supremacy by the Si
Chiefs. The end of Maratha dominance came when Louis Bourquin was defeate
by Lord Lake under the walls of Delhi on 11 September, 1803. On 1 November,
the Marathas suffered another defeat at Laswari and the treaty of Surjiarjangaon
ended their influence in northern India.'

4. Estly Lite of Rtnjit Stash

Ranjil Singh was born under these political conditions of decadence of
the Manjba and Mlilwa Mtsals. The local bard sang :

Oehotd S»tda( Malu Sio(h
la pewet,

R Jt whin RaB]t( Sin(b « «« ben
He betaoe mightr In a («« 4»jt.

Much cetcUot? and veilth came into bit power.

And tn a ebon ttae, God ebowei bim oaoy eom of pleaiutee.

All tbe Punjab became subeenrient to bim :

Wboioeret obeyed bim oot. was destroyed ;

Vaticoi kind* oi thirji were done by bin
And be lot the kingdom into bis band.

No one saw nis back.

Ranjit Singh was 12 years old when his father died. Of his childhood or
early life we know practically nothing. He was brought up without any formal
education and grew up totally illiterate.* Early in infancy he was struck down by
small-pox, which disease left him with a disOgured face and the loss of an eye.
Short-statured and ugly in appearance, be was strong and active bodily,
extremely fond of hotsc riding, swordsmanship and other manly ' sports. A story
is ofien told how he worsted Hasbmat Khan Cbatba’s attempt to assassinate him.
The youthful prince struck him down with a single blow of the sword.* He was

fond of swimming excursions and bunting, and it appears that during his child*

» Sm I'nettlty. the Paona Keiidener Corrtspottdence. ir. No. 3940; Seton to
EJoonitone. 3 Arril. JSi4. ui.pat»4; Griffia.p. JS3ff ; Panjai Stato Gaietteert. XVIIA.
p. 342 etc.

* See Chapter 4 tSc« 12.13). infra.

* Ur.p.23.

* L*:it, Hiitfffy ef ifie Pan;aS, Caicutta. 1831, p. 343.

PHYSICAL APPEARAtiCZ

hood he tccotnpanicd hit father to hh mililarjr expediitoos. From Atnir Singh
Hrahman he received training in musketry ; from hii father he learnt the art of
war. He grew op a soldier from hit boyhood, although the corrupt iDOueoees
of a petty oriental court allracteJ him loivarJs the usual vires of debauchery and
excessive drinking. “Vet,'* observes contcinporary Macgttgor, "in hh youth
Runjeet was remarkably active, and excellent horseman, and well skilled in every*
thing connected with military feats ils was ever foremost in battle and the last
in retreat : there is no instance of his being ever embarrassed, or evincing any*
thing like fear, on record.* '

9. PhtiUkl knT's'snec

We hive many extraordinarily divergent accounts of the physical appear*
ance of Ranjil Singh fay various foreign observers. Lord Auckland's sister Emily
Eden describes him : "exactly like an old mouse, with grey wiskers and one
eye.’** Qaron llugel describes him at ihori and meandookiug. the most ugly
mao that he had seen throughout the Tutijab, ||is face pock-marked, sVlo
greyish brown, skinoy lipt. a head sunken on his broad shoulders but. be adds:
"os loon as he mounts his horse and wtth bis black shield at his back puts him
on his mettle, his whole form seems animated by the spirit within, and sisutnes

a certain grace of which flo body believes it aosccptible."* Gfiina noisvithstaod*
ing the unprepossessing figure aod sbors stature calls him "the beau Ideal of a
soldier, strong, spare, active, courageous and eeduiing."* Osborne Is struck
with the plainness and intelligence ol the ill-tooking couctenaoce of Ranjii Singh
and the restless wandering of his single fiery eye. However, he admits, that
the rather unusual short stature, and the appatefif weakness disappears wheri he
it oa horseback.* Khuihwant Singh records she current gossip regarding the
ungainliness of Ranjit Singh. Ilis Muslim concubine Mowrao once asked the
Maharaja where he wos when God was distributing beauty. To this he wittily
replied that he had gone to find bis kingdora.* Many other anecdotes are
current. Once (he Shah of Persia sent him bis potUait requesting Ranjii Singh for
a like favour, Rarjit Singh at the advice of Faqtr A2U-u-DiR bad hii portrait
drawn by the artist riding a horse aod aiming a musket wiih the blind eye closed
Faqir Aziz-ud Din once on a visit to the Ludhiana Agency was jocularly asked

> r/ittersi «f (/>e t-ondon, 1S46. I, p 2I$M.

> Up t*t CeLolff, Lopdao, Ites. L p. 320.

S Treulf UriTii' iriniU(ton), Fttiala. 1973. p. 3U3.

I Pan)il 5inj^, p. 8).

S Jaurnal under ditc 29 May, 1338.
itan{ii Sixe^, London, 1982, p.7.

H-5

OM THE ROAb TO POLITICAL SUPREi^fACV

as to which of the eyes of the Maharaja was blmd, “The awe and grandeur
of His Majesty is such,” he replied, “that no one dares look the noble SarkiSt m
the face.”

6. The tiiuuiTiTtte

Maha Singh had bequethcd to bis minor son a siicable kingdom and
plenty of troubles. Although the battle of Batala had established ^ukerchakiS
supremacy over the Kanahayas, the score with the Bhangis had yet to be settled.
The BEmgathias under Jassa Singh had regained power ; the Bhangis still held
the important towns of Lahore. Amritsar and Gujrat ; the principally
Wazirabad was under Jodh Singh and Kasur was held by the Afghan Nawab
Nizam.ud'Din. The Sikh Confederacies riven with mutual jealousies were
inimical towards the growth of ^ukerchakia power. The death of Jai Singh
Kanahaya in 1793 had brought the affairs of the Misal nader ran! SadaKaor, who
after having deprived the remaining sons of 3aj Singh a share in the kingdom,
bad assumed the t6le of a guardian of Ranjit Singh as his mother>io>law. She
was a woman of dctcrraloation and courage and "one of the most artful and
ambitious of her sex that figured in Sikh history.”!

Sadi Kaur exercised considerable influence over her minor 8on>iD'law :
she combined the affairs of the two confederacies in a way that contributed much
towards Raajit Siogh’j rise to political power in the Punjab. For a while tbs
affairs of the state remained out of the bands of the minor prince. MS I
Malwan, Ranjit Singh's mother became the regent, Dlwso Lakbpat Ral the
principal minister, and Sardar Dal Singh, Mahan Singh's maternal uncle, the
guide and adviser in all matters. The triumvirate rule, however, did not last
long. The court was beset with internal dissensions and intrigue. Malwan
tried to counteract Sada Kaur's influence by arranging a second marriage of
her minor son with Raj Kanwar, the daughter of the Nakl'i Chief Khazan Singh-
Diwan Lakbpat Rai, the minister did not pull on well with Dal Singh, the
principal adviser of the regent. The regent’s open intimacy with the minister
and her dissolute character was resented by ibe people surrounding the throne.*

The period of Ranjit Singh's tutelage under the triumvirate regency
cannot be ascertained with certainly, although it is generally accepted that at
the age of J5 he determined to become his own master. According to Murray,
the young prince dismissed the Diwan and caused her own mother to be assassi-
nated for her dissolute character.* We have the account of the Official Lahore

! Lttif, p. 116 .

' "• ft- ■■ ■’itaKP. c. « ; UtK. P. 5J5:

OtV«ni« p. 10 S Giifflo. p. 162 etc.

1 7U ef iK« SiU Ppun Ih thePo,itAeu

e., Ctlcutf*. ISH. p. 39 f.i

IDCALOGICAL SCTTUOC

Dlatht thit toon after the deith of bis father, Ranjit Singh appointed Lakhpat
Rai at bis own tfjHan and Dal Siogb at bis principa) adviser. The Qldirl saint
Chtilam bfofayioddia predicted at Mi accesiton that the young Sukercfaakii Chief
would file to political power io the Tunjab.* Be that as it may, it Is evident
(bat Ranjit Singb became bis own mauer io 1795. Dal Singh still remained bis
principal adviser and with the help of rin] Sada Kaor. he consolidated bis
position.

7. Idrstoilckl tetbteic

It it eaiier to uaderstand the she of Raajit Singh to political power in the
Punjab. The recurrent Durrani tovasioni, which had a few years earlier con*
vulsed (be core of political life of (be Punjab, bad ipent up (heir force. The Sikb
confederacies which had arisen on the collapse of Afghan power in Dortbero India,
were cutting each other'i throat. The Mital system born out of a sense of
national unity to combat foreign aggression had foundered on the rock of per*
tonal ambition and lust for power. The carving out of separate principalities by
the powerful Bhangts, the Ramiarbias, the AblDwsljSs and the Pbulkiaos bad
itruek a blow at the mytlic idea] of (he Commoowealih of Ccru Cobiad Singb.
With the disappearaoee of the Afghan threat, (be principal confederscies began to
act independently. The unity of action or coneened will in the aame of (be Kholxa
had heeome a tbiag of the past. The 5orbaf A'^alrn or a general congregation
of the Sikhs still met twke a year.and the Satdais assembled at Amritsar on the
Biisakh! and the Diwili festivals, and (be Cufmorres or special councils were held,
but the coneert and unity of action was no longer there in the deUberitions of
the KhaUa. Mutual bickerings and anifflosUles vitiated such gatherings ; rivalries
and jealousies of Ibe Sardars against one aoolber were neilber forgiven sor for*
gotten. There were no commoo predatory enterprises ; no marching of the joint
forces of the Mitals against a common foe, but against each other. No partition
of lands, (own and vilisges took place ; no collection of tbe ritkAf, no distribution
of the spoils amongst tbe 5erkar</iirs, (be paitu or distribution of the spoils
amongst those who bad taken part Id tbe eapedilionst The Da! Khelta, which had
given cohesion and unity of action to various components of tbe Commonwesltb,
no longer existed. A selfish concept of iodividualUtie statehood and personalised
army bad grown amongst the Miialdars. who had carved out their own petty
kingdoms and formed oppottunistic alliances for their own benefit in order to
prey upon each other's territories. Such was tbe state of affairs of the Sikh
Misals. Tbe once powerful Bhangis, wbo bad occupied tbe important towns
of Lahore and Amritsar, had carried their arms to Jhacg, Multan and Babawalpur
in the south, had swept over tbe north as far as Jammu and Rawalpidt,
were finally defeated by Taimur Sbab to 1779 in a decisive battle at Multan.

t UT, 11, lit (bpra.

ON THEROADTOPOUTICAL SUPREMACY

Their decline had set in ; from tbcncc on they became weaV, dissipated and
spent up.

8. Collapse of Durrani empire

Interwoven with the rise and fall of the Sileb Misals was the sndden and
catastrophic end of the Darrani empire in India. The edifice of Ahmad Shah
AbdaJi’s kingdom in India crumbled simultaoeously with the dismemberment of
Afghanistan towards the closing decades of the 18th century, Peshawar and
Kashmir, though under nominal suzerainty of Kabul, bad become virtually inde-
pendent kingdoms under the Barakzais: Attock was usurped by the Wazirkhels.
Ibang nas taken possession of by the Siats, and Kasur by the Pathans. The
Dcrajat including Bahawalpnr came under the sway of the Daudpotas. Multan
threw off the Afghan Yoke and became todepesdent under Nawab Muzaffar
Khan Saddozai. The Afghan satraps of Daera, Mankera, Hot, Bannu and Tank
set up their semi-independent principalities following the political unheavels in
Afghanistan. Further south in Sind, the Talpurian Amtis had set up three inde-
pendent states of Hyderabad. Khalrpur and Mirpur virtually independent of
Afghan authority. The Darrani empire in northern India Jay in reins.

9. It* political baekgrotiad

Since their cession to Ahmad Shah Darrani by the emperor of Delhi in

1757, the provinces of the Punjab and Sind bad remained in the bands of Afghan
govemofs, who had to contend with the risiog power of the Sikhs in the Punjab.

Taimur Sbab, who was left in charge of these provinces ineffectually curbed the

depredations of the Sikhs by expelling them from Amritsar and having the for-
tress of Ram Rauni levelled to the ground. Bat the combined Sikh coefederates
signally defeated the young Afghan prince and bis minister Jahao Kbao< The
Afghans retired in hurry, and the Sikhs toot possession of Lahore in 1758, Their
leader Jassa Kalal proclaimed the sovereignty of the Khalta in the province and
struck coins commemorating the victory over the Afghans :

zui lar ja&3n ia fasUi-MaU
^ MuIt-i.AKmd j r>rifta Jatia Kalal,

The death of Ahmad Shah in June 1773 brought about a steady decline
of Afghan authority in the Punjab. When Taimur Shah ascended the masnad at
Kabul, the powerful Sikh confederacies had firmly established themselves as far as
SaharanpuT in the east, Multan in the south, Attock in the west, aod Kangra and
Jammn in the north. The new roaster of Afghanistan made numerous attempts to
dislodge the Sikhs from political power in the Punjab. In 1779, an expedition was
sent against Mnllan and Taimur Shah after defeating the Bbangfs, rc-cstabJisbed
Afghan amhonty in the province. The Bhangi Sardars Sobha Singh and Lehna
Singh, who had been driven out of Lsbore in 1767 by the Dorrani invader’s final
descent in the Punjab, had soon afterwards teoccupied it. They remained in

SHAH2AMA*rSTHtRDlNVA9IOM 37

po»esiion of (he province QQdhtuibed for about two decades of Taimor Shah'i
rule till 1793. when Shah Ztman, who had succeeded to the throne of Kabul, vain*
ly dreamt of rccoveririe the Punjab from the Sikhs. }fe made an abortive attempt
In 1793 to invade the Punjab: from llatac Abda) he lent an army of 7,000 bone
under the command of his ceneral Ahmad Khan Shahnachi, but hit force was
routed by the Sikhs. Tao years later, Shah Zaman a^ain appeared at Peshawar.
A targe Afghan force took possession of the fortress of Rohtas, but the Shah
haitened back to Kabul on hearing the neivs of the Pert/ant having invaded
Khurasan.

10. S1»h Zainta's (htrd tavaatoa

During hit third invasion in 1796.97, Shah Ztman occupied Lahore, lie
had been urged by the hard-pressed Rohilla Chief Ghulam Muhammad and
Nawib Atif-ud-Daula. the Oudh Vazier to invade Itidia. In November 1796, the
Shah marched at the head of 30.000 men aod reached unhindered the precincts of
Lahore and set op his camp on the banks of the river Ravi, near Jahangir's
mausoleum. The Phangi sarditi left the town itt hurry, and the Shah's troops
occupied the town on 3 January, 1797.

The Durrani reoecupation of Laborein 1797 rallied round the visionary
Shah Zaman, the hfuslim rsbbte ia (he Punjab. The Shah ordered ifluminatiens
of the town for three suceestive nights, attd proclsmatient were issued that the
inlidef Sikhs and the Marathss woutd receive no quarter, /ecfd was reimposed
on all non-Muslims, large columni of Afghan horse ehascd ihe Sikhs, and in the
vicinity of Lahore acts of incendiarism, destruction of crops and cattle took place.
Some of the Sikh Sardars tenderd (heir submission. The Nawab of Knsur and
oiher petty Muslim rulers hailed the Shah a Ghlzi. Shah Atam, the blind and
imbecile emperor of Delhi sent bim frantic appeals to deliver him from Maratha
thraldom. The Shah also received messages from Tipu Saltan and Slndhia
assuring him help if he invaded India. Put all these grandiloquent schemes were
cut short by (he disturbing newt of the rebellion of his brother Shah Mahmud
at Herat. Shah 21aman left for Kabul in haste, leaving behind his deputies with
a force of?, 000 horse to settle (be country as best as they could.

And yet Shah Zaman’s invatlon had failed to dislodge the Sikh confeder-
acies from their established position in the Punjib. The Obangi Sardars Lehna
Singh and Sobha Singh came out of (heir hiding and reoccupied Lahore. A
^ukerchakia-Bhangt coalition defeated the Sbah'a deputy aod drove the remaanis
of the Afghan force across the river Jehlum.*

The Shah's third invasioo in October 179S, and the Afghan recccupation
of Lahore had interesting repercussions at Furl WiJIiain. The Shah had informed

I pgC. riit. 7.

^3 OS THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

the Marquis of Wellesley of his inleution “f 'I® '‘VecotS

of the East India Company and the Nawab Vazier of Oudh i .

of his “romantic designs.’U The Shah had neither the . . pppjab,

city to invade India, much less to break the power of the ‘ „ assemble the

but the Marquis of Wellesley dcsienedly magnilied the ,

Army of Bengal on the Oudh frontier to force a treaty on the Nawab v

11. British Mission to Lahore

Under the unduly exaggerated Afghan threat to *Sund

ment took several measures. Imagination of those in authority a ..-jidered
Fort William transcended the realms of reality. In London it wa
possible that Shah Zaman would combine with the Frcncb, Tipu

Marathas and the Sikhs.* One of the political measures to thwart me

his imaginary allies was Wellesley's mission to the V S|„dhia

Court of Raojit Singh in 1800. Mr. Collins, the British and

selected a Muhammadan of talent, Mir Yusuf AH Khan for t e p . ^.pjl
furnished him with Khirifas for Raojit Singh of Lahore and J a
Sikh chiefs of Malwa and Mafijha. But except for eslablisbing witn
vague sort of preliminary contact, Yusuf AH Khan’s ®'***®f ®**®'°* , jndia

nothing.* By the time he arrived at Lahore, the supposed Afghan
had practically receded. The visionary Shah on bis return to brotbet

involved in the throes of civil war ; he was deposed and blinded by
Shah Mahmud<

12, Fallacy of tt bestowal

A sequel to Shah Zaman’s last invasion is the alleged bestowal ®
nhsmat of Lahore on young ^ukerchakis Chief RanJIt Singh as a ^ jjad

services rendered in restoring to the Afghan Shah, the heavy artillery^ w i
become embedded in the flooded river Jeblum in his hasty retreat m c
1799. Both the local chronicles and contemporary writers have repea e
story ad noujeani,* which seems neither feasible nor warranted by facts.

1 Foe cocietpoadcacc on the subject and the (eiCnefl {uUibility of the
India, Ke piiticuUrly, the IPtlU iter Paret$ t8M)-Coirespandence withHenty Iju" *' ,islU
the jeat 1793 ; the IPellcalcy 0«»p«tfcei (Mettin), i, AppendiaE: Memoir on t t
inratien of Zaman Shall elc.

* GoTetaoT“GeReial to Sccicc GommiKeCa 23 Aptil, 1800-BISL(I), Vol- 3,

S WcUettey to Dundai.6)uly,1893-WD.i.xaii. , , f]g.

* Fot a detailed account of Yuauf Ali Khan's miasion, side, the present authoi i t

SiH Relaiietis. Hoihiaipur, 19C8. p. 33 *4. .

* See (enetally on thcsubiect.the local biitotiea ot Bute Shah (BM) MS Or. If2 •
3l5ff ;KhuihwaqiRaUBM)MS.Of.lS7.foI.133f/; Mufti {!) MS.E5C4. fcf. 219 »a- *
lee Cunninjham. p. 120 ; ElpbinitoBe, it. p.317 ; Latil, p. 346 ; Gtiffin, Ttanjil SinS^ t®*
1393), p. 161, and others.

6ccupation of lah6re

Ihere Is hardly any concrete evidence tbit Rtnjit Singh had made any
oxrturet to (he Afghan king prior to bis occupation of Lahore, although it is
reported that Shah 2iaman tried to win him over to his interests by tending him
a rich it/iif/'cr from Kabui.i Nor can we give credence to the report that Ranjit
Singh sent his deputy to do homage to the Shah along with some of the Ssrdaes
of the Punjab when he reoccupled Lahore.* No friendly contact appears to have
been established between the two as is claimed by Cunningham,* EIpbinstone,*
and Latif.* The Lahore Diarist, on the other band, asserts that Ranjit Singh
treated the Shah's demands for submission with contempt and with the answer
that he would get them on the field of battle. He further boasts that the young
^nkerchakia Chief bad challanged the Shah to a personal duet.* Ranjit Singh
rode up to Lahore and said to the Shah : **0 grandson of Abdali, com: down
aad mrastire swords with the grandson of Cbaral Siagh I” All (bis spirit of
youthful bravado appears unfeasible.

Cut it is evident that during the last Afghan invasion Ranjit Singh did
not remain inactive. The Sikhs harried the Afghan camp at Lahore, and a
large body of troops congregated at Amritsar to bar the Shah's passage on bis
vaunted cnarcfa on Delhi. A coalition was foroed wiib various Stkh tardsrs to
stem the progress of the Shah, and Ranjit Singh bad crossed the Sutlej with bis
forces aod bad redueed adjacent territories. He bad made inroads into Sirblod,
but after the Shah's departure, he returned and followed the retreating Afghio
army uplo the Attock.’

The Shah's withdrawal gave an opportunity to the Sikhs to obliterate
all semblance of Afghan aulhoriiy between the Ravi and the Jebluro. Ranjit
Singb combined with Sahib SiDgb of Gujrat and Mitkha Singh Ptndiwala and a
large Sikh force swelled by the Sikhs, who had come out of the hiding, fell upon
(he Afghan garrison while Shah Zaman was still in the vicinity of the Khyber
Pass. The Afghan farces fled towards north after having been routed by the Sikhs
leaving behind at Gujrat (heir dead including the Afghan deputy.*

13. OeCapatloo of Lahore

The city of Lahore at (his time bad the misfortune of being ruled by

‘ Ibid.

* Trarel-. r.257.

» p. 120.

* Kingdom of Cdi’ul, U, p. 3t2.

» P.3M.

* UT. U. p. 39.

S Ib,d.p.3iff.

* tStd. Sahan Lai tecotdi that the numher of Sikh lotces aiiemhled from all qoatteti
amounted to 31,000,

Os THE ROAD TO POUTICAL SUPREMACV

three profligate, inept and grasping Bhaogi Sardars — Chet Singli, Sahib Siogb and
Mohar Singh. Besides, two opuleot and ioQuemial Muhammadan Chaudbries,
Mian Ashiq Muhammad and Mian Mubkam Din wielded great power in the city.
The misrule of the triumvirate Sardars, who governed different ports of the city
was a caricature : people groaned nodcc oppression, taxes and extortions A
quarrel having arisen between the son«in-law of one of the Chaudfaries with ib*
Khattris of the town, the latter had him held on charges of conspiracy and sedit-
ion and thrown into prison at the orders of the Bhangt Sardar Chet Singh. Tfac
Chaudhries having failed to get redress from (be Bhangis, swore vengeance apo“
Chet Singh. A conspiracy was hatched up, and it was decided by the citizens to
throw off the arrogant and oppressive Bhangl misrule by inviting Ranjit Sinjh
and rani Sada Kaur to come and ocenpy the town of Lahore,

Latif has summerised the details of conspiracy recorded by local J*‘**®^
iacsin which all the leading citizens of Lahore— .Muslim, Sikh andHiodus jotne
up.* In an application addressed to the ^ukerebakiS Chief they tnagnified t ^
oppressive rule of the Bbangis who were without adequate meaos to protect tn
citadel. They lived on the people, were cruel, oppressive and detestab*'
Anarchy reigned supreme in (he (own, wbich presented the appcaraDcc of*
deserted place with streets depopulated, its suburbs completely devastated, ao
the rulers habitually carousing and plundering the citizens to feast themselves.

Ranjit Singh was at Rasuloagar when the emissary of the Lahore cot**

pirators arrived with ibis iorormaiion. He Jisiened to their tale of woe without

demur, appeared non-commiial, but sent one of his agents to Lahore to open uP
negoiiaiions with the conspirators, and himself marched to Amritsar with h**
meagre force on the pretence of vistiog the Golden Temple. He sent frantic
messages to bis mother-in-law to join him with all her forces- Smyth records that
the combined forces amounted to 5,C00 men, and from Amritsar Ranjit SioSb

marched on Lahore, and on 6 July, 1799 at the Shalamar Gardens he met the

main conspirators, who assured him that both the Sbabalmi and Labori Gate*
would be thrown open to his forces the next morning.

On 7 July Ranjit Singh occupied Lahore. Rapidly marching with a
picked body of 1000 troops, he eorered (be town through the Lahoff Gat^-
other column of his troops, 3,000 strong entered through iheShabalroi Gate, a®d
before the Bhangi Sardais had any inkiliDg of it, part of the citadel was occup*^'^
wilboul any opposition. On hearing the news, two of the Bhangt Sardsrs
■ Sahib Singh and Mohar Singh fled and left the town in panic, leaving bshiP<J
Chet Singh to fend for himself. The ioradiog force set op headquarters In
Baradari of Wazir Khan, and Chet Singh shot himself up in the Hazuri B«8b

1 Op. eit., p. SC.

BATTLE WITHOUT ACnOM

a garrison force of 500 men. Ranjit Siogh’i cavalry surrounded the Hazori Bagb,
but after some desuliry firing, the fort was sorrendered. and the Bbaogl Sardar
was allowed to leave the city with his family. Strict orders were issued to the
trobps not to plunder the town or molest the citizens. Within a few days
normalcy was restored to the city.

The occupation of the city of Lahore by the yonng ^ukerchakia Chief Is
a landmark in the history of the Sikhs. It wiped oot the remnants of the once
powerful Bhangl Misal, created awe and respect in the minds of the MSnjha
Sardars, and provided to Ranjit Singh a historic capital, the possession of which
was necessary for prestige and power to any master of the Punjab. It thus laid
the foundation of a sovereign Stkh monarchy in the Punjab.

It. Battle witboue action (1S70)

The recession of Afghan threat and Ranjit Singh's occnpatioQ of Lahore
at once brought to surface the mutual jealousies and recriminations of the leading
Sikh Chiefs. The weathercock oaiiy which bad earlier coalesced them to resist
the Afghan invader evaporated like the mist- The elderly Sikh Chiefs— Sahib
Singh Bhang! of Gujrat. Jassa Singh Ramgarhil, Jodh Singh of Wazirabad sod
Gulftb Singh Bhangl of Amritsar combined together to wrest Lahore from its new
master. They were joioed by Nlkam.ud-Din of Kasor, ari aspirant for the
Subedail of Lahore, whose supplications for the same had met with little
eoeouragement from the Afghan Shah. The $o>eaiied confederate leaders marched
with their individual forces, and early in JEOO converged on Lahore. They
encamped at Bhasin, barely 10 miles from Lahore, where Ranjit Singh reinforced
by the KanahayS force advanced to meet them. But the allies lacked unity and
no concerted action could be planned. The old leader of the conrederates, Jassa
Singh RamgarbiS did not turn up feighing illness ; and Gulab Singh Bhangl, the
new leader, was more inclioed fo spend his t<m: carousing amongst his oumerons
concubines whom he had brought along. The aniagonsits faced each other half*
hearted}/ ia opposite esmps and no battle was fought for almost two months.
Gulab Singh Bhang! died of excessive driokicg, the presence of an Afghan ally
caused distrust and suspicion, and the confederate forces broke up and dispersed
without any action. Meanwhile, a delacbment of the Kanahaya force under the
command of the resolute ran] SadaKaor, in a swift and lightning action had
routed the Ramgarhias at Batala. The Mahjha Misals. or whatever was left of
them, had thus shown their inaptitude and weakness to dislodge Ranjit Singh,
whose supremacy inlheregtoo now appeared to all and sundry as having been
firmly established.

Ranjit Singh returned to Lahore triumphantly and was received by (he
people of the town with great honour aod felicitations. The army which bad
N-6

42 ONTHEROADTOPOliriCALSUPREMACV

rcmaiued joactivc at Bhasin now marched towards Jammu to settle the old score.
Mirowal, Narowal and Jassuwal were reduced and made tributaries, and the rjji
of Jammu escaped the wrath of the Sikh army by ready submission and a
payment of 20,000 rupees and presents. The young master of Lahore IbfO
marched on Sialkot. The town was reduced, and Dal Singh, Ranjit Singh s
father’s maternal uode, put ia chains. At the fortress of AValgarb, Dal Singh s
wife assisted by Sahib Singh Bhangt of Gujrat resisted valiantly and the siege
had to be raised, but the fort of Dilawargarh ruled by Kesar Singh Sodhi
stormed and reduced and the chief pensioned off.

15. Caronatioo of Raojte Siagfa

Towards the close of the year 1800, Ranjit Singh returned to Lahore- The
same year Kharak Singh was bom and the British envoy Mir Yusuf Ali Khan
was received by him. On 12 Aprit, 1801, on the auspicious day of the BaisSkht
festival, Ranjit Singh was crowned as the Mahsraja of Lahore. The coronsiH’n
took place amidst great festivities and puplic rejoicings, proclaiming ‘h^
investiture of sovereignty iu the Shriar Khaha, a commemorative coin term*
Uonakthahy was struck at the newly established mint at Lahore with the
Inscription :

i<-iaranft

ye/t At Nsmk Guiu Ge&inj ainfh.

The Chiefs and Sardsrs offered nozarj in allegiance and received khlUatf’
Charities were established, and important offices of government assigned to
various persons. Orders were issued to reinforce the citadel walls with a niosf*
and the fort suitably garrisoned. The city of Lahore after three decades of
anarchy and misrule of the Bhangts needed peace and restoration of noro^
life. To propitiate the Muhammadan subjects, it was decided not to inlerfe'*
in their public and private law. Contis presided over by the Qazls and the
were confirmed. Imam Bskhsh was named as the fTorwa/ or Chief of Poli«
of the town, and prominent citizens of she localities designated ehaudhrtes,
responsible for the maintenaoce of law and peace in their zones With tbrs^
rudtmeotary meaiofes of pabUc admioittration, a sense of security and well beta’s

came back to the people of the town and soon normalcy of trade and civic life
returoed.

The assumption of royally by Ranjit Singh, however, was a vital step
lowatds the esiablUhmenl of a sovereign political power in the Punjab. The
Maharaja sijled himself as the Sarkar Khalsa, a servant of the Comtnonweshh
of Gobind, disdained to wear a crown, or adept oriental ostentation in personsl
apparel. The step was a wise one : it fostered a sense of unity among the Sikhs,
calmed down the aspirations of other Misaldarg for a claim of sovereignty
the Sikhs, and gave Ranjit Singh a legal right to that claim.

KASUR

A semblance of adoioistraiive order having been restored in the capital,
steps were taken to organise the coHectioo of revenue and taxation. No change
io the agricuitura] and revenue systea could be envisaged ; the old system of the
ta‘u!qii or villages inchatge of a muqgaJam, a eAoudAerl. a qsntingo, so well
established in the Punjab for centuries, was continued. The farming out of the
land either on a payment of lumpsum yearly amount or on terms of military
service started to fuoclion. 0&e*ba)f ofibe produce of the cultivator or
malik-i-adny was claimed as the SarkSi’t share who was the mn/iAw-o'/o’. No
uniform method of assessment coutd be established, hut rudimentary rules based
on the prevalent customs and practices in ihe locality were adopted. The well
established laws to govern forced labour, the rights of the cnltivalois and the
j3g]rd3rs both towards the title and the ownership of land were realHrmed.
These measures, however, were neither reforms nor ionovations, but customary
adoptions of a benevolent ruler to save their subjects from the extortionate
demands of the petty revenue ofilcials.

2. EARLY EXPEDITIONS

16. Raiur

The succeeding few years are marked with energetic military activity. An
expedition sent in ISOl against the Palban Nawab Njzam'Ud*Djo of Kasur, who
had joined the Sikh confederates at Bbasin, fizzled out because of the stubborn
resistance offered by the fortress garrison. Soon afterwards, tbe Nawab joined
hands with Sahib Singh Bhaogt of Cujrat aod both opeoly revolted. The
Maharaja himself marched on Cujrat, and another force under Sardar Fateh
Singh K3ll3ow2l3 was sect agaiost Kasur Sabib Singh Bhaogi was soon reduced
to submission, and Cujrat became a tributary of Lahore. At Kasur, the Nawab
followed suit: h: agreed to acknowledge Lahore suzeraiuty, paid a nnacrOna,
and sent hostages to tbe Maharaja’s Court as guarantee of future good
behaviour.

But in 1S02, (be Nawab again invited (rouble by making predatory
raids in the Lahore territory. A Sikh force marched nnder Sardar Fateh Singh
Ahlcwitia to curb the activities of Nawab Ntzam-ud'Din who bad violated the
solemn agreement by raising mercenaries and free-lancers from the frontier
ttJDeslo p’lYiage viijages across Jije 'norfier. Tbe Mabaraja birose'il loTjoweci
with a strong body of troops to chastise the Palban ruler Tbe city of Kasur
was thoroughly sacked and plundered, and the Nawab finding himself unable
to resist, surrendered tbe fort. He paid a heavy idetnahy, offered submission,
aod was reinstated to his possessions as a Lahore tributary. A few months later
Nizam-ud-Din was assassinated, and his brother Qutb'ud-Diu, who succeeded
himself assumed a tooe of defiance. JaelaBtiy a contingent o{ Lahore army was
sent against him. But the new ruler of Kasur, a foolhardy usurper, who had

44 OS THE ROAD TO POLITCIAL SUPREMACY

a hand in the murder or his brother, determined to resist. He shut
in the fort, hut after a siege of several manths h: agreed to subm t a
heavy war indemnity.

InI807. Kasur was finally conquered and annexed to the
Lahore. Qutb-ud-Din having revolted again, a Sikh force ,5

of SardarJodh Singh Raragarhia invaded the city. It laid siege to the ° ’

and the soldiery ravaged the surrounding country. After a “ '

Qmb-ud-Din surrendered. The territory was taken possession of and tne
having been deposed was granted a jagir at Mamdot. Thus the sma
state in the heart of the Punjab was wiped out.

17. Kangri

IntheLowerHimalayasanewpower had risen amongst the
barons. Raja Sansar Chand, grandson of Ghumand Chand Katocb, an
and ambitious chief, who had taken possession of the strong and
fortress of Kangra from the Kanabayas in 1785, had gradually brought * ®

hills chiefs under subjection. He had set up a noble Rajput dyna«y
capital at Nadaua. Having become the master of tbe strong fortress, ^

to himself the paramoott authority in the bills and systematically ren
chiefs of the surrounding hills as his tributaries. For almost a deeade and
Sansar Cbaod’s power remained supreme and the petty barons of the hills a ®
bis Court and furnished him contingeou for bis military campaigns,
heard of the fame of the English and afraid of the power of the Sikhs,

Chand was in friendly correspondence with the former. He coveted tbe c «
plains at the foot of the hills— Hoshiatpnr and Bijwara with ambitions to
bis influence in the Jullundur Doab. In 1801. be bad made encroachments ^
the possessions of r3oi Sada Kaur io tbe suburbs of Batala. A force was at o '
sent under Sirdar Fateh Singh .Ahluwalia to expel the Kangra functionaries ro ^
the occupied villages. The Maharaja himself arrived at Batala with a
force. Njrpur was occupied and Naushcra seized and Sansar Chand hasli
retreated towards the bills. In 1803. he descended again in tbe Bari Doab,
was repelled by the Sikb forces. Two years later, he invaded the hill ^

Kalhur, and seized the parganna of Bali from its raja. The raja of Ka
invoked the aid of tbe Gurkhas, who bad ovenun the hills between tbe
and the Sutlej.

In April 1801, Ranjit Singh exchanged turbans with Sardar Fateh Singh
AhlDwalia at Tara n Tartn, thus entering into bonds of friendship and allisccc
with the powerful Misal of the .AhlnwaliSs. Fateh Singh was a powerful Sardar,
hasirg territories on.both sides of the Sutlej, and the alliance proved very bene-
ficial to Ranjit Singh, who utilised his services in his early conquests.

CONQUEST OF AMRITSAR

Ti-e cbBsthement of Sacsar Chand having been effecled, Raojit Singh
reduced the fort of Sujaogarh, ibe petty chiefs Budh Singh and Sangat Singh
having oiTered their subtnissioD. The villages of Dheramkot. Sukaigarb and
Oabrampur were setred and Ptadi Bhatiian and (he fortress of Band were sub*
Jugated. These were granted as jsgir to Sardar Fateh Singh AhlQwaliS

In 1802, Daska and Cbioiot were conquered. Pbagwara was taken
possetsioo offrom the widow of Chuhannal and added to the territories of
Fateh Singh AhlQwllil. The same year an expedition was sent against Sansar
Chacd of Kangra, whose forces were expelled from Hoshtarpur and Bijwara.

16. Coocae«t ot Aiarttur

In December of the same year, the remnants of the Bhangi MIsal were
wiped out. Joining his forces with those of Satdar Fateh Singh AhlDw3h3, Ranjit
Singh marched on Amritsar, where T3nl Sukbao. Gulab Singh's widow ruled as
regent of her minor son Curdit Singh. The city was invested frotn two sides,
but the resistance offered proved to he nooinal : heavy cannonade haltered the
gates, and the fort of Lobgarh was oecopted. The minor Bhang? ebref was
aisigsed a small Jsgir and dismissed. The conquest of Amritsar, (he tecood
imporlaot city in the Punjab and a centre of great commercial activity, completed
the first round of conquests of Ranjit Siogb and the extension of his political
power la the Punjab. ,

19. An (nterlud* of loTC (18021

Amongst the follies of bis youth, perhaps, wss RaDjil Singh's marriage
with Moran, a Mubammadao prostitute of Amiitsar in U02. He had been
struck with the courtesan’s charms and fallen in love with her. He became so
much infatuated with ber that disregarding public decorum be was on occasions
seen in the bazars of Lahore in aa inebriated state riding an elephant along with
her.’ His marriage with Moraa outraged aod shocked Sikh public opioioo, and
according to local tradition, the ptiests of ihe Akal Takht summoned him to the
Golden Temple. The Maharaja repaired thither with all apparent humility; his
munificient offerings were summarily refused by the Five Beloveds, who presided
over the arraigament and (rial of the Maharaja for serious misconduct and Qout>
iog (he cannons of the Faith. He was sentenced to be flogged publicly. Ranjit
Singh pleaded guilty, and with folded hands accepted the punishment. The

> SpfsVinr i{ Kan)i< Singh in^ and Mono. tb« Gtrinan tr«*elU( Hug«l (p Zr'.A)
observes thst tbc Mabataii had It little fciuplensaor othei Ssitlai oi the Fuoiab tn ippeit
openlf dttiair, end csbibited hitBsc?/ in thetttttnat Lehoce with serenl lemtttt i ding </n in
ctephent ; while the people tbouiht none the sroise of bits, end set It doenss bi, otnntt t/t
ctlebretingtbeHoli fenival.

4S ON THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

Council of the Rve Beloveds was gratiCed »t the submission of the Mabataja , it

tool: a lenient view of the matter, and the Maharaja got off after paying a

of 1,25,000 rupees in propitiation of bis sin.

Although Moran exercised insignificant political influence in State affaifL
in 1803 she persuaded the Maharaja to commemorate their love by **^^***®

coin. These coins minted at Lahore during the Samvat 1860-66 (A.D. 180- ^

bear on the reverse the effigy of a dancing girl and the word mor in the shap. o
the tail of a peacock imprinted on them. They were called the ^forOnshshi
as distinguished from the rupees and remained current till am

1884 (A.D. 1827).»

Moran's influence over the Maharaja, however, was short-lived. ,

who visited Lahore in 1809, observes that the town of Amritsar was in a state

uproar in January 1809, because the Muslim concubine of Ranjit Singh
Moran had converted a Hindu to her faith-* The Mabataja soon got tired o
first love, and two years later, sent Moran away from the palace to Patban 'O >
where she was reportedly still living in 1835.^

30. Rung

lo 1803, Ranjit Singh declared war eo Ahmad Khao Si’s! of
while ackoowledgiog Afghan supremacy, bad refused to pay tribute to the ’
A strong fotce under the Maharaja and Sardar Fateh Singh AhlCw3li2
on Jbang. Ahmad Khao Si’al bad collected a large number of Muslim tribe* ^
resist the invader. Tbc city was surrounded and for three days intermitteo
actions took place. On the fourth day, the town was taken, Ahmad Khan ***'''®®
fled to Multan. Large booty fell into the victor’s hands and the troops ransac e
and plundered the town indiscriminately. Uliimately, Ahmad Khan agreed to

pay an annual tribute of 60,000 rupees and accepted Lahore suzerainty and was

reinstated. The tribute was raised to 1,200,00 rupees two years later.
duction of Jbang having been completed, the Maharaja realised tributes from * «
Dukbari Sayyeds of Uch and the Balaucbs of Sahiwal and Garh Maharaja. He

thereaftec returned lo Lahore.

21. Jamran. Bbimber, Rafoari asd Kotia

(a). Jammu

Since the death of Raojit Deo in 1780, the territory of Jammu and us
dependencies was a fond object of acquisition by the Sikhs. Ranjit Deo was a

* Fot d«taiU ift the Sikh Coiai, in panicular. thctc iiued by BaisjU Sietb,
CbofTa, Panjsi el a Serereifn Slele Arpcndic No, VI.

* MetcaUe-Detpatcb No. 44-BSPC<l)30 Jacuary.tSC^: No. -IG, er. 6 FebiuarT"
1S39. C92

S Hafet. Tf«*cl». p. 3S4.

43 ON tHeROADTOPOUTICALSUPREMACY

bis rtfusai to become a tiibutaty of Lahore, two battalions '.'j'

Faqir Aziz-ud-Din were despatched to invade his tetritory. The i

defeated and dispersed by the valiant raja, and this brought against i ^

larger force under Diwan Muhkam Chand. The Lahore contingen .

horse invested the fort, and Sultan Khan after nominal resistance agree

a tribute of 40.000 rupees, and Ismail Khan of the same family was pu m P

ion of a part of Bhimber territory. !n 1812. however. IsmaH Khan was ass^^^^

nated by Sultan Khan, and Diwan Muhkam Chand and Bha i jj,.

sent with four battalions cf infantry with a siege-train to bring to su mis

'Bhimber Chief. But treachery was resorted to by the Lahore comman .

after an inconclusive battle had opened up negotiations Sultan an would

suaded to accompany them to Lahore with the assurance that no
come to him or his territories. But on arrival at Laho-e, he was at first p
feasted, and later put in chains, and his territory was annexed.

Dha'i Ram Singh who ha d completed the reduction of Jammu and
made incursions in 1812 into the territory of Rajouri, then in °

Khan. Timely assistance from Ata Muhammad Khan of Kasbmir an ^ ^

of Punch saved the situation, and the Lahore toops withdrew. Early j

Ram Singh again attacked Rajouri ; Agar Khan fled, but was soon alter
to the territory as a tributary of the Lahore Government.

3. THE LIQUIDATION OF THE MISALS

22. The Bhisf'is

The capture of Lahore and Amritsar had virtually liquidated the

confederacy; but Sahib Singh Bbangi of Guiral, who had since lost his car
enterprise and vigour, and had debased himself with excessive drinking an
fltgacy, stirred again and revolted. Raojit Stngh himself marched
1801, and the fortress was besieged. Sahib Singh having shut himself up in it.
engagement took place, but tbs refractory Sardar having realised his foolhar m
against heavy odds, paid a nazarona and promised submission for the future.

But within a few months Sahib Siogh broke his promise. Encourage
Dal Singh of Akalgarh, a close associate of Raojit Singh's father Maha Singh, ao^
Sardar Jodh Singh of Watirabad, be raised an army for a march on Lahore
challenge Sukarchakia authority. Raojit Singb, however, forestalled the con e^^
crates : he took recourse to strategem by inviting Dal Singh to Lahore * j

lure of joint conquests and the sharing of spoils ; and when the Chief arrive

the eapiial. he was apparently received with all honours, but the same night
was quietly put in chains. Jodh Siogh was won over by cajolery : by promise’
of all sorts of favours he was weaned away from supporting Sahib Singhs O’*
adventure. Thereafter Ranjit Singh invested Akalgarh, where Dal Singh's rani.

THE RAMGARittXS

woman of virtue aod fortitude, defied the mradec’i attempts to conquer (he
fortress. The Lahore troops uftiroatcly withdrew, and marched on Gujrtt, where
Sahib Singh bad collected a large force. For three days a fierce battle coatinoed
between the two forces, till at last. Sahib Singh sought safety within the walls of
the fort, which was immediately besieged and she Lahore cinnoDs opened up a
deadly fire. Out (he intercesston of saintly Sahib Singh Bedi raved Sahib Singh
from destruction. Peace was arranged with grace and (he Lahore commanders
after receiving a war idemoity, retired.

Meanwhile, Dal Singh of Akilgsrh, who had been released under the
agreement arranged by the venerabie Bedi taint, died. On the pretest of olTer.
lag condolences to the widosv, Ranjit Srngh arrived at Ahalgarh svirfa a force ;
the widow was treacherously put in confinement, and the town was taken possess*
ion of. Oy 1606. all the Bhangt tenitories were in the possesiion of the Maharaja.
Lahore, Amritsar, Sialkot, Chfaiot had been telred ; Cujranwaia and Jalalabad
were captured from Sahib Smgh, who himself was granted a yjglr of a few villages,
where be spent his list years After bis death all the territories of the Dhangi
Mita] stood merged in (he kingdom of Ranjil Singh.

21 Tha tsn(trhi‘.«

The ambitious and intrepid fassa Singh Rsmgarhil, who ID the height of
power bad waged war on <hc Afghans rn coalitron with the Kauahayis, and bad
extended his possessions to the whole of the country between the Sutlej and the
Deal, was now old and an emaciated symbol of bis past glory. War with the
Kanabayas had deprived btiu of OsUiaand KtUnaur ; since bn return from an
adventurous career of free-booting in the wastelands of llanyana and across ibe
Jumna, he had recovered part of (he Ramgashij temiorles- Out be had lost all
grit and energy, aod having friiteied away his smitanes to his kinsmen, he lived
in peace. Jn 1608, Ranjil Siogb (ook possession of ibe terrilorics which Jassa
Singh had portioned out to bis sepbews Diwao Singh and Bir Singh ; the same
year, be besieged and captured the fortress of Ramgatb and all the RamgarhiS
forts were destroyed.s On the deaib of Jsssa Siogb, bis ion, Jodb Stogh— “a man
of no activity and unfit to govern” found It coBvenieot to enter the Maharaja's
service. Thus ended (be powerful RSmgarba Mtsal, and all its territories were
n^v&sfeei stAo Skrt kVfig'ioTr, L&bon.

24. The Xblnwatia*

To (he AbiQwSlia confederacy, Raojit Singb extended the band of peace
and friendship. Jassa KaUI, whose name bad struck terror fat and wide in the

V Mtesrtgot. i.p. 137.

N-7

THE RISE OF THE gUKERCHAKL^S

Sikh country and who w’as the life and soul of the Da! Khalsa, died at Amritsar io
1783. Since he bad left no male issue, he was succeeded by bis cousin Bhag Siegh
as the head of the AhlowSliS, confederacy. After an uneventful regin, he died lo
1801, and was succeeded by his son Fateh Singh AblGwSlia, a shrewd and affibin-
ous Chief, who entered into a fraternal bond of friendship with Ranjit Singh by
exchanging tothaos with him. The alliance with Fateh Singh helped Ranjit Sic^
in his early rise to power, for the Ahluwalia Chief accompanied the Maharaja m
his expeditious to Kasur, to Jhang and in his first Malwa campaign across tbf
Sutlej in 1806. The same year when the Maratba Chief Holkar visited the Ponjab.
Fateh Singh acted as the plenipotentiary of the Maharaja and signed along with
him the treaty of friendship with the English.

23. The HakaT aod the R>iuba;S MUaU

The Naka’l Misal was liquidated in 1810, irrespective of the fact that
Ranjit Singh had married Raj Kanr, dangbter of Sardar Khazan Singh of th-
Nakal family. The Misal held possessions »onth-wesi of Lahore. In ISO^*
Gian Siogh, its Chief died, and RaojU Siogh seized all bis possessiooj, and Ksbso
Singh, the lawful successor was assigned a jagtr near Bbarwal. The FyzolpW^
Misal likewise fell when Ranjit Singh seized whole of its territory io
lullundut Doab.

The turn of the Kaoabays Misal also came though a little Ute. W®'
Sada Kaur, the head of the Misal and the Maharaja’s moiher*in*Iaw, who
helped the Maharaja climb to political power in the Punjab, reported that b'f
daughter Mehtab Kaur had given binh to male twins— Sher Singh and Tara Siogh,
but the Maharaja refused to recognise them as bis sons. In J813, Mehtab Ka«
died and Raojil Singh took possession of Adinanacar. Sujanpur and Hajip®^*
In 1811, Ranjit Siogh had marched oo Batata and occupied the capitaJof tb:
. KanabaySs and also the city of Mukerian. A Lahore governor of BataU ««
appointed and the mother*ifl-Uw r3oi Sada Kaur’s power considerably reduced.
2$. Coaqaest cl JaJlaaJer Daab

The uans-Suilej Misals having been liquidated, Rsojet Singh lurofd hi*
aiienlion towards the Cis-Sutlej MisaU. Soon aficr the expulsion ef Holkar fro®

the Punjab, he crossed rbe Sutlej. The Dalle»s?a confederacy was one of the

powerful MisaU having citeosivc tmitories in parts of Hoshiarpur, Ferozepar.
Ludhiana and AmbaU districts. Its leader Tara Singh Ghaiba a man of
great ability and courage, who bad made extensive additions to territorial
acqoisilions for the last 40 years, was now an old man of 90 He died In the
year U07. lU was an associate of Ranjit Singh in his second' Malwa campaiso-
The funeral rues of the old ally were not yet over when all the Dallew3ll
possessions in the Jnllundur Doab were occupied by the Lahore forces-

THS DOAn ADMINISTRATION

TerrifcfiVt worth rupees annaafly were aiifsned to Sardar Pitch Singh

AhlQft^liS. and worth A, •12.61 1 rupees to DIw3n h(uhl:am Chsnd. Thus in 1803,
almott ill (he DalicK.’tfS postesiioof In (he /utfundur Dosb passed on to (he
Lahore Kingdom; the KBroriiDghi.1 possessions in JSfvj.jo, (he rjiuipurils
dviing the same period, ind In 1816 the RSmfarhlK were fufther detpoiied.
Thus gradually all the possesientorthe irani>SatIej Misats in the Jullundur
Doab were gradually absorbed by the Lahore Ooverameut.

It would be relevant at this place (o give a brief description of the Sikh
administration oftheferiite Jullundur Dcab, an experiment in lettlement. not
followed elsewhere by Rinjit Siogh.

t7. *n>< Doab Adinlnlxratlon

The Sikh Admlnistratiort of the Jullundur Doab was a dual one Most
of the despoiled Sikh Chiefs along with the new assignees were allowed to retain
hrge estates. Sardar Fareh Singh held Taitawun, Suttanpur, fladihahpur and
Iladiabtd. Rudh Singh Fyrutpuria held estates in Jullundur ; Codh Singh
Rsniptirrla was arsignedettarer In JoDurdur. Mranl. Rahimabad and Akbarabad ;
Chant Singh XhlOnJlil h(ld7Nurmahal ; and DiwSa Muhkam Chind held
Darduek, Rahon and Nakedar. These grants were made on strictly feudal terms,
(he grantee was never supposed to acquire a proprietary title, lie furnished
0 filed tiumber of troops to the State, was not required to ttslde in his feudal
demente, and the State had the sight to resume the estate at his death or even
e.-ir1ier for any reasons whatsoever.

The test of the country was farmed out to a n.i;tm on payment of a
specific amount of revenue to the goveromeni. The first governor of the
Jullundur Doab was Dlwao Muhkam Cband, and on his death in 18N, his son
Moti Ram was appointed to the ni:aniai till 18)9, when his son Kirpa Ram
became governor. In 1831, Shaikh Ohulam Muhi-od-Din was appointed, whose
rule proved to he extremely rapacious and oppressive. lie was replaced by
Misser Rup Lai. who is detcribed as an able and humane ruler. "Among (he
long roll of Sikh governorr,” observes Temple in the Settlement Report of
Jullundur DIsirlfi, "who, as a rule, considered the people under ibem for their
private prohi, it is refreshing to meet with a man like Misser Rup Lai, upright
and iw and whose name h loiW* day sernemheted by \he people whh ttspeel
and aflectioo,"

Previously the villagers corrupted she tax collectors and appraising
ofTicers. Half of the revenue collected in kind never reached the government's
granaries ; the korJart embezzelled State dues, and extra burdens were levied
on all imaginable pretences. The galling feudal aids, forced loans and purvey*
ences left very little with the cultivators to sustain themselves and their families.

52 ON THE KOAD TO POUTICAL SUPREMACY

During his 7 year.’ tanurc of office. Miaser Rop Lai
revenne reforms. A CAourfliarl was placer) over a M ulqa or PP j;„

„ere similar to that of a Mrner, To each village there was a

of the kmmso was made hereditary. h , 1^5 agriculturist

in 1, were compounded all the extra bordeos “■'■'««« "“'fa a oert.i"
had to pay. These measures gave relief to the culuvators. and toao
extent, reduced the chances of corruption by revenne officials.

4. SIKH ADVANCE IN THE HILLS

23. Sansar Chand and the Gurkbas
In the hills, the ambitious Sansar Chand Katoch soon
astnjgglefot survival with the ®‘***^***‘*’ of the P««ot
zement knew no limits. Since the death of the vaUaa .uccessors had

ruling dynasty of Nepal Prithvlnaranya tim to that of

■ subjugated the sub-Himalayan region from the cast by

Kashmir. They had extended their frontiers to the . ^,1 ,be rajput

annexing the territories of the Kiratas and the » 1“ conquered of

states designated as the flairf and the CfcaaMsi had ei * . |,ad fallen

made feudatories. DoU. Kutnaon and Almora, Garh val and Sn g Simla hill

to the Gurkha arms. By 1804. the Gurkhas bad panetrated the petty b
states. Amar Singh Thapa, one of the ablest Nepalese generals, rbamba,
Himalayan foothills and had established Nepalese supremacy
Nurpuf, Kotla. Jasrota, Basohli, Jaswan. Mandi, Suket . oftbe

knocked at the gates of Kot Kangra, which but for the timely , pus,ed

Sikhs, would have fallen to the Gurkha arms. Ranjit Singh haa Jire /

Sansar Chand from Hoshiarput and Bijwara ; the disaffected hillc ’jpg,
the Katoch rSja bad oppressed systematically and brought ® J Chand-

applied to the Gurkha commander for relief from the thraldom of ban
In May 1806, their combined forces defeated Sansar Chand at
Araar Singh now advanced on Kot Kangraand laid siege to it.

For three year since the Katoch reverse at M^hal Mon. the futile
of Kangra remained a scene of struggle for power between Sansar ®
the Gurkhas. The country was despoiled, the hill Chiefs threw offt e jj

yoke, and joined the Gurkhas. "Not a blade of cultivation was to be «=" • 6
grew up in the towns, and tigresses whelped in the streets of Nadaun. *

29. Sinsar Chand'f dapHcit;

Sansar Chand thus brought to bay, sent frantic appeals to Ranjit
who was looking forward for an opportunity to take possession of the to

1 Giisxurr of Kangra Ditlnct, Latioic, 19<M, p. 35.

SUBJUGATIOS OF THE HILLS

of Kargra, ffe demanded the cesitoa ©f the fort as the price ef driving (he
GnrVhai oct of Katcch country. Saosar Chand agreed to this, and aia
guarantee of good faith, delivered hit ton Aoirudh Chand at hostage. At (he
same time, be entered into negotiations with Atnar Singh Thtpa, promising
him the sunender of the fort. Hoping that the Sikhs and the Gurkhas would
destroy each other in the ensuing clash of arms, he shut himself up in the well-
provisioned fortress, ready for a long a<ege.

Oft hearing of the dopliciiy of Sansar Chand, RanJIt Singh put under
surveillance the hostage Jon, and mnstrred a large army at Jtwala Mukbi which
included that of his tRather.in.)sw Onl Sada Kaur and other Sardars. After a
fierce engagement Amar Singh Thapa was forced to raise the siege of Kangra,
and retired hastily to the fort of Malakra. the Sikhs pursuing him thither,
besieged the fortress. Hard-pressed, the Gurkha commander, whose communi-
cations were now completely cut off and his array having suffered from sickness,
opened negotiations for peace. He paid a naearina of 100,000 rupees, and agreed
to leave the enuntry, nbandoning his conquests on the right side of the river
SutleJ.J

30. SubJu|«{!«B el ih« bill*

With the Gurkhss cleared out of the Kangra Valley, the Sikhs demanded
entranee Into the fori. The Katoch Cf ief foiled by bis own duplicity demurred,
but was powerless to stop (he Lahore forces from occupying the fort. On
24 August. 1E09. the Maha'a{t made a triumphal entry into the citadef, and
Desa Singh hfajithti was appointed (he governor of Kangra and the adjoining
hill states. Sansar Chand became a tributary of the Sikhr. paying annually
200,000 rupees— ^ih of the total revenues of his remaining possesviont •

Thefniiaf Kot Kangra was a signal for the end ofKaCocb domination
in the kill!. In 1811, the fatS of Kotita fell to the Sikh arms ; in 1813, Desa Singh

I Ir it rriJfnt thj( doiina the nctoTikllon*, tbc NrrklMt comissnjfr fa«d ta

iVe MaLar*}* a joint enterptiK atitait tbc Raiputs ol ibe hiUi. cn*nn| the fotirrtt o( fCansca
■1 lk« Sikb abate o{ the apoil (S'liU. \Va<le to Corernment. 1 }uIt. 1S31— BPC(l). Vot.30.
C3. feta 7). Aixtt b,i eapitsion ticgi StalaSra Ae«r 8msb opened up oesotfationt with
David Oehtericn;. ptopaainS a joint mateb to the Indui ifcei crvateooln( the tctistanceoi
the ftiVba, (Pliie O^btetlan; to LuabiQSton. 16 Oecenber. 1S03--(P)2 160). Theie over.

* lute* did not find favour arith tbe-ae inauihoritf at Fort Wiiliaea, and RanjiiSlngb. «bobad
tlcttJr S’taed the Xetitr el Aoritaac avirh (be BnCtth. a-at penoirfed (o croa* fbe Sutlej lod
attack the GuiVbai— t'ide. Ocbterloov to Goveramvnt, Z2 December. 1S09— tP) 3,53;
EdmonstoQetoOchteclony. 4 October. iau-tP)7:37.

s SanaatCbind.boircver, eCDtinuedto innifue t{a<n<t the Sikhs- He made numeioua
vain atremptitoeeek Btitiafi protection, rfarousfawboae rood efficea be endeavoured aitoto
Sain back (he potaeiijon of the forcrett e( Kangra. See Seneratlj. (P)— 2 ■ 160 ; 6 : 27, 37 and
dO, 23,33.

54 ON THE ROAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

MajithiS annexed the territories of rajs Bhup Singh of Haripur. In 1815, for
disobedience of his orders to attend on the Maharaja at Sialkot, both the rajas
of Nurpur and Jaswan were ousted from their territories. In 1818, the rajao
Datarpur surrendered his territories and became a Lahore Jsglrdsr. Siba
the same fate because of rsja Dhian Singh’s intercession who was married m the
family of the hill raja, but all the same, he had to surrender his ^

and became a tributary. Then came the turn of Kotlehr. In 18W the '
laid siege to the place ; the fortress was surrendered and the raja acetic a
/flgir of 10,000 rupees. The petty hill chieftains who agreed to pay tribute o
Lahore were Chamba, Nurpur, Kotla. Sbahpur, Jasrota, Bosali, Mankot, Jaswao,-
Siba, Kulhor, Mandi, Suket, Kulu and Datarpur.

31. The end ol the Ratochs

William Moorcrafl, who visited Kanf ra in 1S23, met rajS Sar.sar Chand

in his reduced circumstances: “Raja Sansar Chand is a tall, well-forme niaa«
about sixty. His son Rai Anirudh Singh has a very handsome face and ru ^
complexion, but is remarkably corpulent. ..He is now poor, and in danger o
being wholly subjected to Ranjit Singh. HU misfortunes are mainly owing
himself and bis decline presents a remarkable contrastto the rise of bis neigh our,
and now paramount lord, Ranjit Stogb.“>

Till his death in 1824, raja Sansar Chand lived at Nadaun as an obsequious
tributary of Lahore. He was succeeded by his son, Anirudh Chand, oo^
of 1,00,000 rupees as the fee for investiture.* In 1828, the Katocb Chief *
Lahore and Ranjit Singh demanded the hand of his sister in marriage
. favourite rSja Hira Singh, son of r3j3 Dhian Singb. The Rajput Chief preten e
to agree, but on returning to the safety of bills, be refused to submit to t *
disgrace of marrying the Katoch princess to the rajputs of Jammu. Afraid of t ®

wrath of the Maharaja, which bis defiance of the royal command would soon

bring upon his bead, he crossed the Sutlej with his family and retainers an
sought British protection. At Hardwar, where be had taken refuge, be marrie

the princess, bis sister to the raja ofGarbwal. The same year he died, and the

Maharaja sequestered all Katoch possessions. Nadaun was annexed and the
hill forts of Tirah, Riah and Palfaiar were reduced. A brother of Anirudh Chan
and other legitimalc heirs of the Katoch family were assigned suitable
The Maharaja himself married two of the daughters of rujs Sansar Chand at
Jawala Mukhi with all the nuptial ceremonies, and carried them off to Lahore.

* Travcit, p. 73-76. Mooicrolt ot>3eives tint he was met at Nadaun by ao Iful*
militsry deserter named O’Diien, who bad louodaetvice with the raja. He had establisheda
rainutactory of smalt arms and trained an inUnttp corps oj 1,103 men for rajs Sansar Cbaod.

» rtmsep. p. 111.12.

s See (enetany, Latif, p. 4(1 ; CuDDiniham p. 163. One of them called rani Katoebao

Sini ADMlKlSryATtONOr k'ANCRA

'2- 5iLh ijciin! ttalion n! ir«r(r*

Slifa rule in (hr bill difTcred. (on'.ewhii {n deuil, if DOt in tbe

frr.erel pltern rf idmlniitmion. DetiSir(h Msjitliii, and afier bin, h.-r ssn
L^bea Sirfh *ere JeiigBjfed «r rbe gatttnori o( the h>U eoantry lying

between the rivers Ravi and Sutlej, wh'cb iccloded Mar-gra. Chamba, N’urpur,
Mandi. Kulu, Ditarfur and other hill Iribitaries in the rest'sn. Doth oflhen,
Iioxexer. did not reside permaccctly ID the hills. The gaveroment In the hills,
Iherefcre, was carried on by Use nz-im’j deputy and bis k&rJitt. The nJ’lm
was to celled all reveeines from the districts and after neetioi; Steal, military
■nd miicellireout charges of admifsiftraiion. the balance svat paid to the State
periodically or whencTtr a eferrand for rendering the accounts was ordered from
Lahere-

Yel. eonparatively the Sikh administration in the hills cf Kaogra was a
mild ore ; at least, it could ret be icirred as oppressive. The enrtomary taws of
the people were not interfered With an J the mode of atsessmeai and colledioa
of revenue remaieed unchaeprd. The Kanpra Valley, from limes in antiquity by
vsape, bad a syiien of ceveramentai abate of produce feed permaaeBtly, and the
Sikhs found it eensenient not to ehanpc ti. The state share was 1/2 of the pro*
dnee on good (aod, ted 2/Sih. If3rd or l'4th on Inferior lands. Crown land was
firmed out and ctatlly tbe hcniiociri or the etira cesses’ prevalrot tn ibe past
were aho leased out.

5 . M A R R I A G C OF K II A R A K 5 I N C H (U I 2)

Royal BuplUt*

In February 1812, the marriage of the eldest SOD of the Ntaharaja, prince
Khaiah Singh vvas celebrated with Chind Ktur, a daughter of Sardar Jaioial
Singh Kannhayl of Fatthgarh, a victim of Maharaja's aggression a few years
earlier, and whose territories m Gurdaspur regon had been anneaedtothe
t4hore Kingdom. The rojal nuptials wrre celebrated with great splendour and
much catravagance.' From across ibe Cis-Sottej arrived the riijilr of Nabba, Jind,

It tkt list el RiDjil SinsS'i dtitb »» citssttJ «li«c ««b tbcMthttiia. riJt UT. Ill (t).
p. )5JtJ tff.

' Tint titrt entn. itlict ol iht pjft. «n« pTtetltr.t in >11 tbe lui-aSi dun nr tbt Rikh
rult under difTncr.t ninti. la ll r Kinfra ItlU. thtr wtit callel ibt Ineirtrlrii m cruet oa
ptolettieni ibJ callirSe. A •bephetd, lot infrtace. paid 2 tupeei per ICV head ul iheep. t
berdimtn 1 rupee pet btfTalu. a wtarri I2tnaj( pet loem. a batber, ■ vaahensan. a porter, a
blackimirb, a teilor, a carpenter 12 aBnaaptrboufc. Sbopktrrvrt paid Ij ruperi per abop :
water mil la cD riteri paid 3 siund «{ Hour, an J those onimriticn canati 6 cns'indt ct Unit.

> Aulkartiici t £obao Ltl-UT. Ill p l^H-: U. P 1 fl UtU. p 391 /;

OebttiloDy to CoTtraorDt, 2) JaBuar7,27 FahraiiT, l3l2.tP) 12 ■ 39. 41.

bN THE EOAD TO POLITICAL SUPREMACY

Ksithal and other Sardars : representatives of “''.'‘“I' coirnerolvid
Multan, and the Afghan governor of Kashmtr Kaar,

Ochterlony attended on behalf of the Biirish ’ ij.caose Ro”i''

the Maharaja’s oother-in-latv was conspienous ^ and Tara

Singh still refused to aelcnowledge puhliely h.s '7 ;■>"=’ f " ® ,

Singh reputed to he horn to the rani’s daughter Mehtah Kant

A magniacient procession of guests of the bridegroom s patty^W^L^

with gaily dressed troops, elegants •"<! wyal i,t attended the

bride '»ith doiary worth the price of a kingdom. polilies

marriage, has given an account of the matriap ° .„d marked distinct-

at Lahore. He was received by the Maharaja with The British

ion who met him on several occasions and had long ‘ ^ gikh

official observes that the suspicion and distrust of the 717 P

ruler, which notably obsessed Charles Metcalfe ^ring his missi
no longer there. Ranjit Singh showed him bis trained batlati
jhercmoostrationsofbiscominaodefsand Sardars, exhibited

ficatlons of the Lahore fort.

34. OchtetloBS Report*

David Ochterlony was an able and oiis^

who flounced about wild suggestions, and occasionally flo^®***^* ’ J pelbi
conceived sense of authority never delegated to him. As the y- lo

in 1804-5, he bad suggested to his Government that the whole c

the banks of the river Sutlej be annexed to the British Crown.

existed a remote sense of engagement with Raojil Singh, and that o jst.

mounicy should at least be established over the Cis-Sutlej region.* ^* 3,

ions at that time were dubbed as wild, futile and chimerical, and no

taken of them.

1 Rsnjit Singh nerer publicly recognised his two tons, T»i* Siogb an4 * . .jpQS of

legitlcnate, psttlj becsuie MtbubKaui wa» h»tten. and psrtly to »et off the nJBC i

ntni Sida K»ut, wbo timed *0 control the atf«U* ot the St»te through the twins ^
Ranjit Singh. Mehtah Kaur U reportedly to have given bitib to a daughter. ^ ained

the son of a jtilaSa (.weaver) and Sbet Singh that of a tarkhan (carpenter). Tata Sing |
a non-disciipt Pgute histoiictUy till bis death to 1559 ; but Sher Siogh. though virtua y •
ted as a kanu’iir in 1520 to oHset the intrigue of rani Sada Kaur, who was ordered to ass'*
of her estates for the mainteoaoee of her grandsons. On her refusal to comply w'tb ‘ * j
ordet, she was seited end imprisoned the aanie year. In this manner. Ranjit Singh sP
bet ambliious mcthet-in-law of ail of bet eilcnaive possessions.

* Vide, genially, Ochtcilony’a dcspatc&cs to Government, 7 and 20 November*
TSPCU) 31 January. 1505; Ochterlony to Lord Welleiley, 8, 15 and 25 December, I
BhPC(l) 31 January. 1806.

6CHT£RtO.VY REPORTS

However, censured for transRtessioos of authority, as he did in 1S09 for
double negotiations with the secret agents of Rsojit Singh while Metcalfe was the
accredited British Agent at Lahore, he was nearly dismissed,* At the same time.
Ochterlony had compiled in U09 a very valuable and informative Report on
the revenue and military resources of the SiLh Stales between the Jumna and
the Sutlej,* which formed the basis of British policy towards the protected Cis*
Sutlej States.®

Ochterlony’s second report to his Government on bis return to Ludhiana
after attending the marriage of prince Kbarak Stagb contains v.;ry interesting
observations on Ranjit Singh’s power, policy and politics. He found the
Maharaja quite depressed at his failure at Multan, and his mind msdeapfor
conquering Kashmir. Ranjit Singh’s ambition, h: reported, was unbounded as
his rapacity. He possessed quite a formidaWc army: “The Sikh Chiefs were
quite subservient to bim ; disconteoled but powerless to rise against him. This
was due to the Maharaja's confidence that the British would not iDterfere».If
Runjeet’s opinions are decisisely formed on any one subject, they are on his
utter inability to contend with Briii<harms; but the more firm ibis belief, tbe
more be is Inclined to doubt the pacific intentions of the Briiisb Covernmsnt,
whose forbearance to him is tacomprebeAsible,"'

3). XhsiaV Siogh's io««ptcUs

Four years later, in ISI6, the Maharaja decided lo install prince Kharak
Singh as heir<apparent to the throne of Punjab- A grand Darbsr was held at
Lahore, at which tbe pronouncefneni was made aid rajas, princes, sardars and
feudatories oBered nazats in token of allegiaoce to Kharak Singh, Out the choice
hardly evoked any response from all those who knew the prince. From his
early childhood Kharak Singh bad shown little promise etcher as a soldier or
3 statesman. He bad not come up to tbe eapectations ofbis father, He was a
weakling, a careless and inept youth, deficient in intellect and quite an
unimpressive personality. Tbe doting father had heaped upon him honours,
territories and jagfrr in the hope that these would create in him an enthusiasm

t Wonete^ (Ad^ucsoe-GcDcnl) to Thoinbtll (Mditatj Sectetars) 1-t Aprit, 1S09.
HMS{I). Vol.594,No. IS J Edmonseona lo Osbteilonr. 89 April, 18u9 HMS(l). Vcl. 595,
No. 8. id. 73-93.

s For the iteporl on l^e Siih Connirp and Siatenent ef Ranjti 5inSVs Ceaquetts and
Crann, vide. BSPC(U 29 Julr, TS09.C3 aodCS.

S Cdmooftooe to Ocbtetloss. JO Apiit. 18d9-KMS<I|. Vol. No. 33, pata 2.11.

* OchterloDS to GorenltDent. 27 Febtaatr, 13I2-(PJ 12 : 42, paia< 8.11.

N-8

^ ON THE road to POLlf ICAL SUt’REJ'lAcV

'.for SUK affairs. In tha of his Ktatas Kharat Si^Eb

ashibirad lack of iataras. and inaapact, b, laav.ng ,Uh lh=

ffrc hands orbi, dia'da Bhl’i Ram Singh, whnsa «ra

mothai oftha princa was scandalising lha Conrl. Tha . . ,i,iino!.

Ul-managad, and rha.a was avida.ca of mnaJ

Tha J-ag-irdati foraa. which .ha prinaa was „i,g Khsr.l

dcEcienl and ill-equipped. The Mahataja at first ^ ro shake off the
Singh, but discerning his lack of interest and .odectsion to

OF bVdiKSn and hU dissolute mother. BhaT^m Smgh was summ -ly d
and put in confinement.^ He was fined 5.00.000 rupees and ordered
a full account of his stewardship.*

1 Hufd.p.335;L«{i!,r. 438^.

* MJTTiy. ii, p. 35 St. EWmai Dan xrai ippauited ai the ifirja of the rr*" ^
scad the dUo-iinli:d Mate o! ihe ptince'a pitir, aal the toother of the prince teasoft
ShtiVhupota.

Cbaptei 4

NEW HOaiZONSt THE MALW'A CAMPAIGNS

I. A (oDflimcration

THE BATTLE OF BHASfN had expoicd to the new Maharaja of Lahore
the inherent weaknesa of the Miaa) ajsleiB. Holkar'a misadventure into the
Punjab in 1835 had brought him into contact with the English, whom be found
later disinclined as a matter of policy to ioterfere to the Sikh region, which
extended beyond the river lamaa. In the MaSjba, the process of complete
liquidation of the Mhals had been act in. AllUDces had been firmly established
with the KaaabayJs asd the AblQw^lils who bad beeo of great help io as early
bid for political supremaey. And alihoogb the Afghan power bad yet to be
completely wiped out both io the north and the south, a stroke of fortune
involved Ranjit Singh in the unsteady politics of the Cis>Sutlej region, where
also, the cohesive force of the Misal system was io shambles. The once powerful
RfaulkiSe house stood disuoited and sorely divided.

ffl (be opeaiag decade of the {9(b century, (be Cis-Sutlej region was a
conglemeration of large as well as small states, torn by internal strife, and also
in an acute state of disturbance. Political uncertainty bad been generated in
the region by the impending AnglO'Maralha struggle, the ravages of the Irish
adventurer George Thomas, wbo bad carved out for himself a kingdom at Haosi
in (he wastelands of Hariyana, aad more to on account of the opportnnism and
disunity of the Sikh Sardars among themselves. At this time, the Jumna-Sutlej
region was principally in the possession of four fast-decaying Misals— the
Phulkiao, the Karorsiogbias, the Nisbanwalas and the Nihangs besides the petty
Sikh states of Ladwa, Bnria and Tbanisar. The two solitary Muhammadan
Stales of Malcrkotla and Kunjpura existed precariously along with the Boraerous
territorial possessions of a Muhammadan Rajput Rai Ilyas— Raikot, Ludhiana,
Talwandi and /agraon. The rest of the region was studded with minor Sikh
Chiefships like their counterparts in the Msiijfaa region.a prodnet of the Misal
system now on the wane. The petty Sikh Chiefs clung to their possessions, weak
and with little military strength, iloating like rudderless vessels in a stormy tea.
Prominent among them were : Karam Singh of the Shahid Misal, wbo held
possession of tbe country round Ranian, Oamdami Sahib and Jaroli ; Hari Siagb
of Sailba and Rupar ; Cbarib Dajs of Maoimejra ; Gurdit Singh ofLadwa ; and

so KEW HORIZONS : THEMALWA CAMPAIGNS

Gurbakhsb SinEh o! Ambala. Tara Singb Ohcbj, a Dallshwal

greater portion of the Upper Jullandnr Doab, and Dharatnhot an . KatJf*

the Ferozepore region. Pbagwara was in the possession of RSnl

a widow related to the Patiala family. Bndh Singh Fyzolpuria owne
western portion of Ambala district. The Buria Sardars Rai Sing ao ^nna Tfcr
jointly owned part of Jagtdhari and Dyalghar and the fortress o » jg^^soda
Ralsia Chiefs had their principal possessions between the Jumna an
rivers south of the Buria territory — Chichrauli, Bilaspur, am
Mnslafabad. Chatat Singh possessed Lidhtao and Khar. ^

In the HsriySnn region the Bh.ttt Chieli, teir.

Muhammad HasauXhan held Fatehabad. Stria and the strong citadel
Apa KhaodiRao.a Maratha Chief held Jhajjar. Dadri and
assigned the district of Jhajjar as Jflgir to George Thomas, a ni
deserter, who had been in his service, Thomas had forsook

Samm in deal capacity of a paramour and a military adviser. J"

her and took op a post in the army of the Maratha Chief, He for » ,
and named it Georgegarh, but scon afterwards he shook off the ata
He raised an army and occupied Hansi and Hissar as an independen ru

2. Cit..Snt1<j S«CBe

Towards the close of the eighteenth century, when the final decay

of the
of cenfu*

Mughal empire had set In, the JomnvSailcj region bad become a * . ,^,5

sion and anarchy. The collapse of the Maratha army at Panipat In 1 -pon*
handler Ahmad Shah Abdali hart thrown the Maratha confederacy intoutte
fusion. The Cis-Sntlej Chiefs who had consolidated earlier their petty 'tng^
in the region, were now quarrelling among rhemselves. In 17?9, the nh’f*

intrepid Diw3n Nanumal of Patiala had solicited the aid of Maratha Chic

Dbara Rao who marched to

, subju-

Rao, primarily to consolidate bis own power,
aid. attended by the disaffected Sikh Sardars of the trans-.
gated the entire Karual-Thanhar area ; and on arrival at Patiala, he <

PATIALA

aranfom of 2,CX>.0C0 rupees from Kanamal, received (ribotes from Kai’tEai and
Ambala, bot was mercifully induced to retara to Delbt. The Maratfaas afain gained
an ephemeral political ascendancy in norlbern India when Mafadavji Siodhia
after rescuing the blind Mughal emperor Shah AUm from the harassments
and indignities of the Rohilta tyrant Ghntam Qadir, replaced him on the throne.
Mahdavjt Sindhia then assumed the role ofa kiog'maker and the emperor's
saviour and guardian, and set about the subjugation of the trans-Jumna region
to the authority of the tottering Mughal tbroBC. A strong hfaratba force ravaged
the econtry and arrived in tbe vicinity of Patiala, where a fend was raging
between DjwSn Nannmal and taoi Rajinder Kaur. Tributes and nazarSnas were
demanded, but there was no money in the treasury, end the Maratfaa force took
possession ofthe fortress of Qabadorgarb for a short while. RSnl Rajinder Kaur
was constrained to pay a visit to Sindhia at Muttra to arrange payment of the
nazarZna.

3. Patlil.

Patiala, the most powerful state in the region was at this time ruled by
a weak and Imbeeile ruler Sahib Singh, who had succeeded to the gaJJi after the
death of rSjs Amar Singh in 1781 Aoiar Singb was tbe siroogoan of the
Patiala branch of tbe PbolkiSo farDtly. He was a brave soldier and a wise
statesman. Id 1767, Abroad Shah Abdali eoBfirmed him to the governorship of
Sirbiod already bestowed upon his graodfatber Ala Siegb five years earlier with
the additiosal robs of honour and tbe title of raji'i'rofgon. He had subjugated
Payal and Isru in 1766, bad entered into a treaty of peace with AtauIlahKbaa
of Malerkotfa, wrested the gardeo town of Piajour from tbe Chief of Manimajra,
aed had ied expeditioat to Kot Kapara, the Bhatti couatty and Ooviadgaib in
1771. He bad established ibe supremacy of Patiala in tbe M31wa region
but had died at an early age of 35 of dropsy and drunkenness. “If RajS
Amar Singh had lived," observes GtiCSo. "or bad been succeeded by rulers
as able as himself, the Cis-Sutlej stales might have been welded into one kingdom,
and their independence might have been preserved, both against tbe Lahore
monarchy on tbe one hand, and the British Government on tbe other. After bis
death, the leadership of the Cis-Sullej passed from tbe feeble hands of
PaliaU.*’*

SahibSingh was a minor 6 years old when be succeeded to the masnad,
asd the govsr/iiaeai patted into tbe bands of an Aggarval baaia vpslait of
Snnam, Nanumal, whose long association with the ruling house of Patiala as a

t Stint of He Puniah.ep. cit ff Comorea'inj oa tie cbicacrer of AcairSiogb,

GrifTin obiervee. that he made FatUU tbe asst pawerful State between the Jj-iaa and the
Sutlej. He ‘'was a &ae speeioien of a bailuiian — rade, coutageous, lapuliiee, geoexout and
jfnoraat. He had a<raictintei;iceaie and « stioaf «ai. and hissoccess tree well desetreA.”

62 KEV,’ H0R120NS t THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

minister hsd made him extremely arrogaot and wilful. Naoumal was all
ful, and doe to his high-handedness and transgressions, a spate
took place in the Patiala territory— Bhowanigarb, Kot Sumer, Bhikc and ot
places. It was due to him that the credit of Patiala sovercigoty had sunk to a o
ebb in the Cis-Sutlej affairs during the minority of Sahib Singh.

Nanumal designedly kept the minor prince away from state affairs » *
grew up a weakling and a sop, well acquainted with palatial vices and a
intrigue. Nanumal ran the administration as he willed, first with the help o r-^^
Rajindcr Kaur, a consin of Amar Singh and a woman of courage, sagSwity ao^
psrscvcrcnce ; and later, with the assistance of rant Ans Kaur, bis wi ® *
Sahib Kaur his sister: The death in 1792 of Nanumal freed raja Sahib
from the thraldom of the zen&nt and the tyrannical minister, but the
intrigues and the enmity of the sister states of Nabha, Jind and Kaitbal
his will to act. Mal-administralion had sorely depleted the resour^ c
State which had once stood at 8.36,100topces per annum. The week-minde ^
and imbecility of Sthib Singh had created political imbalance to the ^ *
region necessitating the Pbolkian Sardats to seek succour first from the ^
deputy Perron agiiost the ravages of George Thomss, and then solicit proicc t
from the British against the Maharaja of Lahore.

4. Nabha

Nabha was at this time roled by raji Jaswant Singh, a sober and ‘®**^^'*
gjnt mso, “the nearest approach to the civilised among the whole set of
batons.*’* Jaswant Singh was a deadly enemy of bb Patiala cousin, and
the states. were in a constant state of jealousy and friction. Nabha
annual revenue of 1,50,000 rupees and a force of -tOO horse. Although Ochter ou.
was highly impressed by bis superior manner, management and understanding,
Jaswant Singh was not the man who would let the sleeping dogs lie. tjfJ-
observes that he was unscrupulous and grasping like any other Chief.*

5. Jind

Jind ruled by Rsnjil SingVi maternal uncle rlja Bhag Singh, h***
annual revenue ori,23,000 rupees and a force of 6C0 hetse. Bhag Singh
a clever and canning opportunist ; be ran both with the hare and the bound.
had no fixed loyalties ; and as a meddler in all political affairs in the
region, he was considered as tbs wise man of the country. He kept his^®^

kAltHAt

iofotmed of every move on the chess-board of power and politics, and changed
sides without any scruple. Thus he fought against the Nfarathas in 1794 when
they invaded Patiala territory ; sought Maratha aid against Thomas in 1799
after he had invaded Jind and Safaidoo ; made friends with the English in 1803
by joining Lake’s force against the Marathas, whom he again assisted in 1805
by persuading Hanjit Singh to expel Hollcar f/otn bis territories. As a coohrmed
opportunist he collected grants both from the English and Ranjit Singh. He was
foremost in leading a Cis-Sutlej Chiefs* deputation to the British Resident at
Delhi in 180S against Ranjit Singh from whom he had accepted grants of 90
villages to the pargonitoj of Ludhiaaa, Sirbind and the ta'aluqat of Jandiala,
Kot, Jagraon, Busiaand Gbumgrana. a year earlier; and after the failure of
tbe Cis-Sutlej Sikh mission, he came back readily wooiog the Maharaja of
Lahore. Shortly afterwards, be deserted Raojit Singh, and joined Colonel
Ochterlony with his force, when (he Btithb cocamandec marched (o Ludhiana to
force British terms on Ranjit Singh, in the vain hope that (he British would
exchange (o bis advantage Karaat with Lodhiana. As a typical opportunist
Sikh Chief of the Cis*SulUj regioo, he had the lone distinction of being
tisparalleled.

6. SaKhtl

Kaitbal, 8 distant ofT-shootoftbe PhulktSn bouse, was ruled by BhU'l
LalSfoghwho was a euoaiQg fox, uofatbomable and slippery like an eel. He
was 8 great friend of tbe find r2jl. over whom he exercised great influence,
and like bitn. "he was a tematkably acute mao, and saw clearly which would
eventually prove tbe winning tide.** Tbe revennes of Raiihal amounted to
2,25,000 rupees and ft possessed a force of 600 horse.

7. Malnkotl*

Malerkotla possessed an annual iocome of 40,000 rupees and a cavalry
strength of400barse> ft was ruled by an Afghan Chief Ataullah Khan. In
1794, Sahib Singh Bedi, "a man, half fanatic and half imposter" proclaimed a
holy war against (he hfalerkotia Afghans. Tara Singh Gheba, Bbaget Singh and
Bbanga Singh of Ihanisaraod other petty Cis-Suilej Chiefs joined him in tbe
hope ofa rich plunder. Ataullah Kbao was defeated, but a strong Patiala
force reached Amargarb in time to save the situation. Tbe holy fanatic was
bought off and he withdrew across tbe Satlej.

8. Raiket

In 1798, Sahib Singh Bedi fell upon Raikot with 7,000 Sikhs. Tbe
Mobammadao Rajput, Rat liyas, who held considerable territory which included
Raikot, Jagraon, Ludhiana and tbe neighbouring country, held on most gallantly
till 3 strong force sent by tbe rijSi of Patiala, Jiad, Kaitbal and Kalsia to ward

^ NE\V HORIZONS : THE MAL>Ar*A CAMPAIGNS

olllh.! intiusiorot the religious fnatic f "i^'tJ'brihe’phalM"

Ludhiaue. The Bedi fled, and his Sikh associates deserted him. ^

Satdars who had come to the aid of Rai Ilyas, helpc

recovered territory. Sahib Singh Bedi, however, coni, oned to haras ^

of Raikol ; he took possession, soon after, of Mansnr, of the

and Doghari. He besieged the town and fort of ^.arf,d and

learnt his lesson; he had paid a heavy price in seeking the halt

exacting assistance of the Sikh Chiefs, who had earlier Xho®®*-

territory. He was now in desperation and sought the aid of U » , ^jtorieJ

the^rcegl raja of Haosi. Thomas, who was at this I"® Bill si

inHatiySna, came readily with a strong force to the Cis-Setlej g j

soon as he arrived in the vicinity of Ludhiana. Sahib Singh ,

siege and disgracefully Bed across the Sutlej.

9. Mslw* politics

In the year 1797, George Thomas made an unsucccssFul
Milwa Chiefs for a concerted action against the Maratbas m
their waning influence in northern India. The Sardats had Zainan

their mutual jealousies to meet the impending invasion of . ,h„JteiJe^

had reached Lahore and his rumoured advance across the north

their independence. Thomas found the diversion of their force to
too good an opportunity to miss. He determined to extend his *
the M3lwa region, and laid siege to Jind; but the combined g hits

Kaithal, Jind, Ladwa and Thaoisar hastily converged on Jind, and ,
away. Thomas* withdrawal, however, was a feint; be surprised the i

in a night attack and completely defeated them, and imposed upon * .job.

of peace and friendship. In 1799. however, he again invaded the MS wa ^

He fought an indecisive battle wiih the Sikhs at Dibrah, pillaged jbe

Sunatn, Narangwal and ultimately invaded Kaithal and Safaidon, gt

latter town. Bhag Singh's forces arrived in time to assist BbS’l Lai ^
Safaidon, and the raja of Jind defeated George Thomas and drove him
the town. Thomas retired in disgrace towards Hansi, pillaging towns
villages on bis way.

10. rerron and Tlaoma* ^

ThePhulkian Satdras being distressed by the perlodicil j* jt

George Thomas, invoked the aid of General Perron, the Maralha depn^^^
Delhi, who had succeeded Comte de Boigoe, and was responsible for Daolat
Sindbta’s affairs in northern India. In IgOI, a delegation comprising
Bbsg Singh of Jind, Bba't Lai Singh of Kaithal, and Chain Singh, the D*’'
of raja of Patiala arrived at Delhi to loHcit Maratha aid against the
George Thomas. Perron, who was already alarmed at Thomas' activiti** t®

maratka exactions

regioo which be foodly considered a Maralba reserve, was wiliios to avail of the
oppoitooily ofcxteodiog Maratba influeoce io the M3lwa region. An offer of
protection involving Maratha paramoiintcy over the entire region to the Cis*
Sutlej Chiefs was made and accepted. A force 12,000 strong under Louis
Bourquin. joined by contingents of Jind and Kaitbal arrived at Cbinagsrh, and
'niomas was compelled to retire to flanii. where be was surrounded by the allied
forces. The siege of Hansi lasted for some time, and Bourquin received
further reinforcements from Delhi swelling bis force to 20,000 men of all arms.
Thomas found himself in dire straits. Bourquin asked him to surrender olTering
him a position in Siodbia's army with a monthly subsidy of 30,000 rupees for
his troops, provided he relinquished bis tiny kingdom and other territorial
acquisitions.

George Thomas, however, decided to fight it out. He had a force of
10, COO men and 500 horse ; and when outnumbered, he drew them off by march-
ing off north to wipe out first the Jind and Kaitbal detachments. Arriving at
Ceorgegarb. be drove out a detacbneoi of Bourquia's troops from the town,
and firmly entrenched himself there, fiaaked by the fortress 00 bis right, and hills
and dunes of sand on his left. The whole of Bourquin’i army swiftly came after
blmi Here the final battle was fongbt. Tbe Maratha guns opened up; but
tbe cannonade of tbe defenders with its effective fire blew up twenty-five tumbrils,
and 4,000 men of Bourquio's force lost their lives. Vet the battle proved to
be of onequil numbers. Sorely depleted, tbe beleaguered force of George
Thomas retired to Hansi, and on I January laid down arms. George Thomas
was allowed to retire to British territory. He died at Babrampar in August
1802 at the age of 46.^

U. Mtratiia exactions

The Cis-Sutlej Sikh Chiefs, who had solicited Maratha aid to rescue them
from the ravages of Thomas soon groaned under tbe heavy tribute and exactions
imposed upon them by Perroo. Acceptaoce of Maratha suzerainty and the
defeat of their oppressor Thomas bad not brought them tbe expected territorial
or financial galos: on the other baud, a tribute equivaleat to t/3cd of tbeic
annual revenues was imposed upon them.* The raja of Patiala who bad glee-

* Auliariiift! Geer, Surtpttiit AJtvniimrtit/ A'trritem /itjia, p. 3^ el feir. , Compeon
KcEhcit, Eurepean MiUlary Adienlarert, m4-lS93. p. 192 ff . Tteier, Life ef James
SiiTiiier. 1, p. 22Aff-, Friaeklm, MiUtary Ucmoirs of George TAomet, CiJcuita, 1803 : Punjab
States GaitUeert, zvti.A, p. 512 <> ttq . ; Seroa to Edoonitone. i,lS. Aptil. 18(I3.BSPC(I}
CI.CS-9 ; PRC. ix. Not. 39-40 ; Gcifflo. Tie Rajat of tie Punjab, p. 82 ff ; etc.

s PRC, ix. Not 39-41. Toi obnout leisoot, the Phulkisa Sardars eonetaled thrir
actuil teioutcet to ttcape lijhtly (he exentWe Mauttie demtadi.

65 . KE\V HORIZONS: THE MSLWA CAMPAIGNS

fully exciaujed tuibans wilh General Perron found to his dismay.
any lerrilorial awards or gains he was subjected to an

rupees, notwithstanding the false return of his revenue W'hmh he eprn ^^^^^^

be 1.14,750 rupees, Jind was subjected to a tribute of 7.250 P j ^
fahe return of its tolai annual revenue of 21.750 rupees. „ 3 .'i„n

rupees acaiust its revenue of 28.500 rupees, and Xaithal >5.000 'upee
an annual revenue of 45,000 rupees. Moreover, the SiVh „

Marathas were ‘'mefely tolerated as dependents or servants
Daulat Rao’s will and command.'

32. Perron ana Panjit Singh

Little credence should be given to the fantastic theory
ambitions transcended the Sutlej and extended to Lahore and °

matter, he contemplated a treaty with Raojit Singh of I'a^’Ote. . w the

agent named Sadasukh was sent by him to tSja Bbag Siogh of J«nd to ..

matter with his nephew. Bbag Singh is said to have agreed to as an n
lary provided Raojit Singh was allowed complete aniboniy m the terra
Lahore and MSfljha.' It is however, doubtful whether anytbmg cam

the supposed negotiations, or any treaty of alliance was signed betwe

and Ranjil Singh. David Osbterlony, the British Resident at Delhi, g-,

Marquis Wellesley on 7 December, 1804 claims on the authority o
confidcniialservants that a secret treatybstween their master and RanJ'

had been entered into at a place rear Karoal. This mythical sgreeme ^
based on reciprocal military assistance and vague financial arrangements.

Singh was to help the Maraiha deputy with bis horsemen In the subjuga >

Raoi>‘

Singh was to lieip tne Maraina oepuiy wuo di> qoisciusu m p,ijt

the country in the Jumna-Sullej teyon.and Perron would provide ihe^ i ^-ould
with a force for the conquest of the territory south of the river Sutlej.

with a force for the conquest of the territory s ^

seem that Ochterlony’s information was based on flimsy reports. That
meeting took place between the Frenebmao and the rnler of the Sikhs « *
cd by the fact that Sohan Lai Soti does not say a word about it. That
Singh was too shrewd to enter into an unremunerative alliance with the
is proved by the fact that he informed the British Government of the overtu •
if any, made by Perron.*

such

* lii<5.

* Ocbterloar lo Wellesley. 7 Decerotet.lSM-fiSPC (I) 31 Lnujty, l?t5,
S PRC.ir.Noi.34, WA.

‘ B3PC(D3lJ»nuiry.lS05.C230. pataS.

» V.’eUe»:ey loUTte, 2 Au|aft.l833-IlSPCa) 2 Miicb. ISM. Cll. pin 5.

END OF MARATHA DOAIiNANCE

13- End of Mtrstbs donfoance

For a short while, the Cis-Snllej Sikh Chiefs suffered the indignilies and
humih'ations ioiposed upon (been by the hfaratbas. Actuated by self Interest
and sheer opportunism they received nothing as the price for their subservience.
With tht exception of Gurdit Singh of Ladwa, and Bhaoga Singh of Tbanisar,
most of the Cit'Sutlej Chiefs stood cautiously aloof during the AoglO'Maratha
struggle in !S03 ; but the defeat of Boorqtiia’a army at Delhi oo II September,
1803 by General Lake and another Maralha reverse at Laswsti was a signal for
the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs to change sides. By the treaty of Surjiarjangaon, Sindbia
ceded to the British, Delhi, Agra, Sirsa, Hansi, ffissar and Rohtak, and the sun
of Maralba glory finally set in nortbero India The British oecDpalion of Delhi
in September 1803 induced the Pbulkian Chiefs to turn their allegiance towards
them Will the hope of protection, aod perhaps, little earned rewards. Sahib
Singh of Patiala seat offers of help ; Bbag Slogh of Jiad aad Bfal’i Lai Singh of
Kailbal joined the camp of Colonel Burn at Paoipat. Raja Jaswaot Singh Of
Kabba was most eager to show his attachment to the British Government.^ Their
opportunism was apparent from the fact that Bha’s Lai Singh of Kaitbal who
bad come to assist the Marathas with 2,000 bone, agreed most willingly to join
the British army unconditionally.* and so wete the other Sardars most willing
to align themselves in allegiance with the winning side.

IS. Attitude of Sar6<t*

During the Doab disturbances in I804*05, when instigated by Jaswant
Rao Holkar, and tbe Rohilla Chief Amir Kbao, the Sikhs led by Rai Singh of
lagadbri, Gurdit Singh of Ladwa, Sher Siogb of Buna, Jodb Singh of Kalsia,
Mehtab Singh ofTbaoisar sad Karam Siogb Sbafardi bad made depredaliana in
the western portion of the Jumna, aod a Biiiisb punitive expedition under Lt. Col-
Burn and detachments under Birch aod Skinner defeated Ibem at Saharanpur,
the conduct of Jiod and Kaitbal Sardars was besitating and dilatory.* Tberr
intention was to arrange matters for their own interest before taking any active
part against the Sikhs who were ravaging the Doab. As a price for their assis-
tance they demanded the sanads both of Karnal and Jinjanna, and also the
territories of the Ladwa Chief Gurdit Singh.*

> LaVe to WcUoIcj, 22 Srpttnbei. I8!}4-6SPC(I) 2 March, tS04. CU3
r /bid, 6 SepteisV«r, 1S03. ep. tit. C76 (Eoelotaie)-

* Fot public coaopondcDcc on tbe nibiect, »iJ<. Ochteilons to Wellesley, 7. 15
ITcceajber, llOi-SSPC(l) Jtatarr, J?05. C23S (AoiMzuee) . Bom to Ochrerloof, 4 Altrcb^ 12
June. l«(M-(P)2;2.7«tc.

Ochretlony to Lake, Z prcciDt>et,lSIH. Op.'

C259. p»ia 2

63 NEW HORIZOSSt THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

With the cod of the expeditiOD and the general amnesty
General Uke in March 1805, Bhag Singh and Lai Singh had .

the ruin of the Ladwa Chief in the hope that they ‘ ,.,1

as grant from the British Government. However, the British occupied
and Jinjanna and satisfied bath the Chiefs by granting them the sanaas i
estates of Khar Khodak, Faridpur, Gobaoaand Barsat as rewards
services.

15. Singh's tnniactions

During all this time, Ranjit Singh was not sitting idle. The
Sardars were occupied elsewhere and he was reported to be daily Sutlej’

cavalry with a view to subdue atl the Chiefs on the other side o
The British had considered him fat loo distant to ask for bis he P , vjj
depredations. On 18 December. 1804 mtcHigence was received that
crossed the Sutlej with a considerable force to take possession of u
Holkarwas sending him repeated invitations to come further ® ^so

Resident at Delhi at one time thought, that be might be
thinking that the British possessions were vnloerable.* Sahib Singh
was getting nervous at his approach, for, on 8 December, the Lahore r
taken possession of Phagwara. He sent frantic appeals to the Residen ^
for assistance, for he was afraid of an open rupture with the Maharaja.
December, the Patiala ncws*writer confirmed the RSjii’s alarm and jnfor
Resident that it was the intention of Ranjit Singh to takes possession o
Slogh’i country. Sahib Singh was sending a rali/ to obtain the aid of t e
Government.* The British took no notice of these supplications, for Stni
was considered “very weak in judgement if not mad,”® and the Gover
did not want to quarrel with Ranjit Singh on bis account.

Since his occupation of Lahore (1799), the Maharaja having
himself at Lahore, was hectically busy subjugating the Maiijha

had invaded Kasur. Akalgarh aod Gujrat ; he had conquered Amritsar m «

reduced Nutpur after defeating rajs Sansar Chand, bad taken possession of

Bhatian, Pothwar and Dhann; occupied Daska, Cbiniot and Phagwara. “e

established a military post at Bijwara and Hoshiarpur, invaded Jhang, h® '
made a fourth invasion of Kasur, bad seized Ueb, Sahiwal and Garb Maha

* Oebtetlonx to C-io-C. 7 DrecDbet, I3M.BSPC(I) 31 JaDuitr, 1S05. C230.

* Ocfcttilony to CoTcniDKnt.lS DrcetDt«T.t£04. pp. tit. C253.

S Oebteriony to Lale,23 Decfinbet, ISOS.oji. cit. C239.<Encto«ire it'*’ SahiV Siotb)-

* Pflliala rnttHigtnc* tl4 Desttnber, leOlJ-Ensloiute from Oetterieny to Coyeros*®''
20 Decembtt. lS04-op. cil. C240.

» Oibtttlotiy to Ukf.20D««mt>er.l9M,«t.cit.C239.

HOlKAa** I??TtU3IOS. I! 31 «

Attcend exptditioa ttilnil Muhaa «tt isol in 1335. and by Ihit time, Ranjil

bid lubJued al] the Muham«nidaa Cbicfi KftirfeB the Cbeoab led the
[odm tnd had tiquidaied or »on oicrfhe ^(iCjSa Si&b {(e had

contidcribV {nctea\ed hli lertitorlet and lailitiry tetourcci h a ceneral review
orbit tnx*pi h;M towerdi the end of }S94, i»e And Ihtr be pOiirned P.OCOhorf;
■nd troops under hit rejolar romtninderi. and over 31, COO Jesfrd::ti horse oT
his tributaries aod subject states'.

J( Itollat'i 110^

Carl/ in October, ItOS white the Mahaiija was busy reducing Jbangand
other petty chieftains possrstlni teeiitorics between (he rivers Cbenaband tbe
Indoi. news arrived that iaiwant Ran flolktr and his Rohiili ally Amir Khan
bad entered tbe ronjab.' Routed by Labe and I rater at ('alchgirh and Dig
in {be December of the previout year, tbe bard-preiied Xfaratba Cbrefbadfled
earthwards with the fond hope aoccour from the Sikhs igiinst his

Csgiith adserutiei, which the Sardarsof Ladwatod Kaliia had aiiured him,
would be readily rortheemlnt. Hollar arrived at Patiala, net tbe Cis-Suilei
Sikh Chiefs who sympaihiied with bis adverse fortune, but he failed to win them
ever to his side, flit irinsictiont at Patlata were reported to the flrflish
ResiJeel at Delhi by raja tlhag Singh of Jmd, tnd Dha'i Lai Singh of Kaithat.
Meanwhile, lord l^ke’i army vat m hot purtuiiofihr Maraiha refugee; tbe
eewf <>f the arrival of the Rritiih force at Karnal created consternation at Patiala,
aed llolkar hastily collected ■ few caaetions aod tsiurances of Sikh sympathy
to his cause, and teaving Patiala entered the fatiuedur Doab. He finally arrived
at Amritsar with the remoanis of bis army. Lake met the leading Sikh Chiefs
a{ PariaH. and in company srirb rbem lefr for LoJhiaDa. he ultimately halted
on the biek of the river liras.

Ranjit Singh met itvifkar ti Amnisar with cordiality but also with
suipicious reserve. Apparently he srat extremely hospitable and lympathetic;
he called his Sirdars andgeoerthio Acnrltsar, sbosred ibe Maratha Chief h’S

t linr, (p. 3et) Ikv tJrrtxJ ■>•*><(> ill* w*d*i ol }■>• trculii icny crawanJ*ri
SinsU MtiiiliU (4)) ho(t(), tiiil blnfb N*i«a(1'>r boiM saJ >aw), Sihfh (Cbimm {^.^l

ImtM). Clxtur.i KhiB (?»> iioiM ind ifOPT*) Rau<t>*n Kli*n<:£XV) .VujiSiS rU) .Cinrh (}(.0 bone
*ni toM), MlUti* Sinlh (TOO kor««>, Kuiba ninth (1000 bort« *nj loot), Nibil SmSh
Aitativxit (Vn botte) Tout 9.00!) bone (nJ loot III* |X|M<tat I ttoopi coapriieJ o( *t un,l«r
Vttlouf 8«c Jen eubJueJ : 10,000 troop* i Ksnehisa^ S.Oft] iroepi . tht NiSi'ai. 4.000 ticope ;
tiilltRist. “OS tioopi inj the SacJin«< the DD«t>«. 7.nO)tiDor<.

* AmSoriil/i Pot lIolliai‘i inttveioii into lb* PuniK)!. •** |<n«t«IIy, UT, II. p 57 /f ;
TAf fve/iia 5t<9lr< Ceielieer, XVtlA, p. 47*4. ; Piintcp. P STltirifFin p 170 Latil p 3bZff,
PIrliintrone, it, p. 32S ; Cunniirehto, r> asd otben. For public corretrondence, *iJ*.
dnp*t(b«ici Uk*-<r)3 tl.ItutMf>Si97anJ W*d*-rc(l) tSOclobet. tS27. C3. para aS etc.

,5 NEW HOEIZOSS : THE MSLWA CAMPAIONS

battalion! and toot him to tha Golden Temple. «' ji!““'taT«r«n'a

vaiiou! matters of Snance and mditaty OEanisation, A . .j5„ the Orithh

to take a deeision whether the Maharaja should "’'"P'”' ; i„g with

Government and the Maratha Chief, or tale a contrary course of alts
Hollar to fight the British.

The Maharaja’s mind was in a state from the

promised Hollar all support, hut finally, he decided to t ^

holy Bool. This is what he told Wade to 1827: ' * „ry offers to

pressed hy the British solicited my assistance I resorted to

secure my co-operation. Uncertain as to w at par houbtfol cases. 1

a measure I have ofien adopted to determine my decision u.jtar and on

tool two slips of paper and writing on one the leaves

other whether I should preserve peace with the British, I put .

ofsheGroitlh, and desired a boy of innocent years to bring on P^

me. He brought that one on which the last was
accordiD8ly«”‘ _

Having made up his mind with the help of 'h' '*'3'°' '°f“°'''°epto3cb
Maharaja continues ; “Vexed at my refusal to help him, Hollar

the Sllhs as worthless and spiritless set of people saying. jfyou

deal of your enterprise but find on coming “““uS have no

won't join me against the British. I shall go to the Ag n*“ vet here you
of foreigners.’ To which I said, ’You tall tauntingly of the Sllhs, y
are with an army of 1.00,000 men Hying before the troops of Lord L
hardly «ceed 5,000.’ He made no reply.”*

Apart from ihe reason offered by Ranjit Singh for his terusal
Holkar, it must have been obvious to him that il would be ^ frort

for him to back a losing horse. Moreover, luja Bhag Singh of Jind ar
the British Camp to persuade hi* nephew to desist from ^ Th*

policy which would bring him into conflict with the powerful Bn
Maharaja took the wisest course and saved his infant kingdom
destruction by dediaing to assist Holkar. According to the „l5,

however, the Maharaja’s decision was disagreeable to the Sardars and g
who murmured among themselves that their royal master had broken tai •

« W.Je to MetcUe. 1 Aujust. ISM-BPCtl) 12 October. l£27. Vol. 33 (12=). ^

tboUT.ll.p.tO.

» JbiJ. p»t» 43. It >» probiMy aBex«gJei*t«oa «li»t Holbai hid brought to ^
an army o! l.C0.W>3 mtn. Th« rtocaoti of the Matalb* force tte variously estto**

hittotua* bet*««n 43,003.203,003 mssi. A tnoiest esujoate, however, is that of t-Std (f"

tbit the Miritha Chief leachtd the acifhboatbood ol Atantsar at the bead cf 15.C03 o«

riEST M^LWA CAMPAtO'i

had allied hin^clf with the bated /frjsjtf, wh*' were the enemlei of
the faith.'

The hjt of the (furmatia tleictibed above having empowered the Sikh
monarch that he ahoald irtetpete between llolkar and the nritith Governmeot,
Sjfdar Tafch Si.’gh AhJnwlhj and RJjl flhag Singh were icdI to the Camp of
Ih: Dritiih Commaederdn-Chief. Their negotiailont tilii.-nalely rctnlied in the
fiftt Anglo-SIkh treaty of ftieodthip. tigned on I January. by Sardar

Fateh Singh Ah1&«a]i3 for bimwlf and a» a pientpoteotiary on the p^ft of
Raojii SiPfh. and Lieutenant Cotooel John Matcotm on behalf of the Governor*
Central. The Treaty provided the etpuliion of Jaiwant Ran Itvikar'* force
to a diitance of 30 Jni from Amritiar. and that the Sikh Chiefr would hold no
further conneetlon with the Maraiha Chief or atiii! or aiJ i><m in any mariner.
The Drilivh Ciovernment, in return, bound itself not to enter the territories of
the Sikh Chiefs as long as they abitaioed from imercourse with its enemies.*

2. T I! E M A L W A C A M r A 1 0 N S
t7. First Mstwa Cstnpalrn

The unueieome Maratha (uest having been disposed of, time was now
tipe for the Nfaharaja of Lahore to subdue the CiS'Sotlej Chiefv, and soon an
oprt'ttunity provided him with a plea for intrusion into the Cis-Suilej region
It to htppcned that rJjl Sahib Singh of Patiala fell out with his sister raai
Sahib Kacr, whom he had appointed his Chief Mmiitet to 1733 when Diwjo
Nanumal was deprived of alt power and property a year earlier Sahib Kaur
was an able and brave noman, but her influence over her brother eveitedtbe
jealousy of his wife rSniAusKaur. also a clever and ambitious woman, who
wanted all power for herself. A conspiracy hatched up by rini Aus Kaur and
her court favourites deprived Sahib Kaur of all position and power and she
was put in conflnement in the Paliila fori. Aus Kaur then quarrelled with
her imbecile husband. In |S06, the dispute took a sharp turn over the
possession of the village Doladhi. barely I) miles from the tosvn of Nabha,
when rJnf Aus Kaur sent troopr agairift rajd Jaswant Singh of Nabha and bit
ally rHjl Bbag Singh of Jind, The Faliila forces lupported by contingents of
Kaitbal and Tbanisar, defeated the raj} of Nabha at Nirwana. Finding himself

> UT. tl, p S7-f0. Ic it <t»o ih«t R«nti< Sin|h TUlifd Like’* Cimp in dit*

(uiie end that li< vit Llalitr lisptctted t>r tb« •iShtof ditcipIlneJ Rcitiih eroope

* Tt>< Pntiib cFidal Envri en Cvunmcj U’etl of ike .;unin<i.(HMS(l), Vol. SOAA fol.
U23) retera to the vaiuenett ol ehit "IrlenJIv •ltian:«‘’ani diimiitei it at baeint no political
litnlficaace tn the citabliihacQC «t tn imimtle connection between the Gritub Covemaient
and the Sikhi.

72 NEW HORIZONS ‘.THE MXLWA CAMt'AlGNS

and bis ally at a discredit, raj3 Bbag Singh invited Ranjit Singh to tnediatc^in th
Nabha-Patiala dispute which had disturbed the peace of the Malwa region*

Ranjit Singh readily accepted the invitation. He crossed the Snitej
with a large force on 26 Juiy, 18Q6 accompanied by his principal Sardar*. «
toot possession of the disputed village Doladbi and after restoring it to raj
Jaswant Siogh of Nabha and levying an idemnity on Sahib Singb
marched northwards. In a swift and sweeping campaign in which the ^
Sardars— Jaswant Singh of Nabha, Bhag Singh of Jind, Gurdit Singh of La
Fateh Singh AhlQwalia, Basawa Singh and Dhagel Singh of Thanisar, a®
Garhha Singh and others — followed in his train.* The Sikh Chiefs swore ea
to the Maharaja of Lahore, offered him the customary nararano, and tn ^
hope of receiving rich spoil acknowledged him their supreme lord and master.
Ranjit Singh discovered that the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs were disanited and toro
mutual jealousies ,* they were most wiHtng to accept him as a sovereign
all the Sikhs.

The Maharaja then marched to Raikoi to despoil and oust
Muhammadan Rajput family long In possession of Ludhiana, Jandisla, Jagnt® •
Talwandi and the neighbouring districts. The widows of Rai
dismissed with a small for their maioie&asce, and the whole territory
taken possession of by the Lahore forces.

Flustered by an unopposed marcb over the Cis^Soilej region and
flattered by the subservience of its Chiefs, Ranjit Singb readily
conquests to them. His maternal uncle r3ja Bhag Singh ofJ/od received ^
districts of Ludhiana, landlala, Jagraon and Basia. yielding an annual revenue
23,260 rupees. Gardii Singh of Ladwa was granted Baddowal, andSZvillaS**
of Jagraon with ai annua! revenue of 23,540. Rajs Jaswant Singh of Na
received 31 villages in Kot Basia, H'alwaodi and Jagraon with an annul
revenue of 26,690 rupees. Ssrdar Fateh Siogh AhlOwaliR and Dlwan Mubka*”
Cband were the major bene6ciaries — the former obtained 106 villages in Dba •
Kot Basis, Jagraon, and Talwandi worth 40,505 aonualiy ; and the latter
villsges in the same districts worth 33.945 rupees annually. Among the n»nnf
beneficiaries were Sardar Basawa Singh and Sardat Bhanga Singh. The la'oMf

of Gfaumgrana seized during the campaign was parcelled out between tip
Jaswant Singh of Nabha and Sardar Cordit Singh of Ladwa.*

» to S«too, 3 Norc!oV«i.J836.(P)2;63:B»llto&tcQ,-4No-reiiibet,1506*°'^

DieV to SetCFO {lame date)-(P> 2 j «. 6A

* CiiSio, Tfc< Rajflj cf tke Pun/ai. p. IS6.

» 5<{cnf<i£iaoattonc.30<Xtob«f.J605.KPC(t)20No»ember,lS06. Cl ; tn". IL ^

t beoffisislUhoteDiitist turnUhesiIulUccouBt ot the first MBl«r» C»mr*'r»*
Siatement cf Cen^urjtt and Cranu of Snjah Run;«ei S,nsk in «he Year IS:6.1SC7-^^
Ocbtetioor to Edaonitone-BSPCfDZSJnl/.lSOP.CW.

bJSTRtFUTIOMOKSrolLS

.S S^oad Mil** Citnpalta

Meanwhile in 1E07 the breach between iSni Aus Kaur of Patiala and
her i;ioute widened into open hotiiiiljr in which court ofllcials took tidet.
Lawneisoeis and confution became rampant;' and ultimately, (be artful end
ambitious rSm prompted by her parry at the court find rSjl 0hag Singh and r3]3
Jaswant Singh, again invited Raojit Singh to ioterced: on her behalf and (bat
other infant ton Karam Singh wtih tSjl Sahib Singh. To thii the Maharaja
readily agreed. II: croried the Sutlej with a large army, and accompanied by
Diw3n Muhkam Cband, Sardar Fateh Siogh .AhlQwnlil and Sardar Garbba Singh,
he arrived at Patiala in the month of September, 1807. He letlled the dispute
arbitrarily,' and collected a large turn of money and jeweli and a brati gun as hit
reward from rant Aus Kaur He (ben marched towards Niraingarh and attacked
the territori:s of Sardar Kishan Singh, which were taken posvcsiion of after
tome reilstance. H: then tiez;d the territories of ih: DallewSla Chief in the
Doab; wiped out the Nirhenwsla Miral by occupying their lerritotriet. The
fortrersofand estate of Chumgrana, Morinda in Sitbiod were conquered. Ziri
was occupied, andKot Kapura owned by the Duna family was taken postestioo
of: and fiailly Dharanikot belongteg to the deceased Tara Singh Qbeb3 was
tieztd.

19. Dltttlbutloo o( srults

What the chroniclers of the line fail to record is the fact that Raajit
Singh had reaped « rich harvest from his two hfllwa expeditions. He bid
conquered an area woflh an aonual revenue of 400,518 rupees conpnsing of the
pargantasot Ludhitoa, and part of Rahimabad, Sirhind, Tabara, Rurna, Pyub
and Rahoo, and the ra'a/u^ia ofGhumgrana, Shergsth, Dharamkot. Jagraon,
fhandput, Kot, Cfaaodpur, Talwandr and Obannuar. The hfaharaja, however,
retained very little of these conquered terriiories The spoils were distributed
to his own foliowert and tbs Cii-Sutlej Sikh Chiefs as under; (i)R3j3Bbag
Siogh of Jind was granted 90 villages, yielding an annual revenue of 4|,700
rupees in the pargannas ct Ludhiana, Srrhind, and (he la'eluqas of dandiafa, Kot
Jagraon, Dusia, Talwandi and Jagraon. (2) R3j3 Jaswant Singh of Nabba

I It «aa St ihU timi that Liculsnipr White, who deputtd to (urrey (he Slkb
eojnfry by the Rritrih GorernneRC anJ aaJer vttbotitr o/ r.1jiT5xhihS(nJ!h, war etfxckej by
ptxtutnf al fSiii Avt Ktat tnJ ttptlkj ttt tie Bcaalt frmrtwry, rtuV- IVircero
9]u\f.l307.(P)2:7. For Whitt** Survey scetnfra. lub.htidi 32-14.

' UT It, p. 63-&i. Rinjit SInsb ordeied the Mttleotnt ot «n eitste «ottb 50,000 rupee*
tnoJiliy eemptUlnS of the tttiltory of Panur. Maoiaitin. Saaeut. SuriU. BiisoU end Mltaotbal
fo; (be aimttnance of iht rani and her *«n Kano Slnfh.

N-10

NEW H0RI20NS;THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

received 38 villages, yielding an annual revenue of 30,040 rupees “jj' s

ofKot, Talwandi, Baaia and Jagraon. (3) Sardat Patel Singh
granted 106 villages in the la'elujas of Dhaka, Kol, Basia, Jagrao . ^a
yielding an annual revenue of 40,305 rupees. (4) Sardar

received 32 villages in the ro-olugas of Baddowal, Jagraon an . (jj

(5) Dmsn Mnhkam Chand, the Maharaja's favourite genera ' ®

villages in the ta'aluqas of Zira, Kotlcapura, Dbaramkot wor •
annually. (6) Sardar Garbha Singh obtained 62 Siesh

revenue of 22,634 rupees in the w'aluqa of Dharamkot. (7) Saroar ^
Nagla obtained 36 villages in the ta'etuqaot Ghnmpna worth •
annually. (8) Smaller beneCciaties were : Basant Singh who rece
worth 6,914 lupees annually; Sardar Jodh Singh Runsia, '“"'“'J . j jcjlsii

rnpees annually: Sardar Attar Singh, 4,010 rupees: Sardar Jodh g
10,000 rupees and Sardar Basant Singh 5,714 rupees.*

In March. U08. Diwao MuhVam Chand. the Maharaja'S
Patoki and part of Wadni which was assigned to rsnl Sada Kaur, the
mothcr-invlaw for an annual payment of 15,000 rupees.

SO. Political repetctusioQi

The political impact of these two MSiwa expeditions was
It convulsed the Cis-Sutlej region and shook up the internal po
loyalties of the Sardars of M3lwa and Sitbind. The Cis-Sutlej * .^,^10

basked in the sunshine of the Maharaja’s favour; they had no jjceif*
accepting him as the overlord ol all the Sikhs, and were most jjjjm

the Maharaja’s mnnificient grants of the conquered territories ma ® pf

on specific conditions, offering biro the customary nazarOna as a
allegiance, and following him in bis train.* Th; distribution of jjji ib*

shrewd Maharaja's investment to earn the goodwill of the major
time of their ultimate subjigation. He found them weak, and the regio^
by internal strife and mutual jealousies ; none able to resist the force o '

He had accepted fealty from the principal Chiefs of the region ; the
Malerkotla, Kailhal, Buria, Sbahabad.Kalsia, and the rani of Ambala
to pay him tribute. He had virtually eitablisbed a * facto suzerainty
Lahore Government over the entire Sikh country.

Stt

* Slawment tf Comjutlls an'i Crenis of Rofok Sanjit Sinffi. 2SC6-ISC7./5W uf

■UoGnfiin,Th« Pimjai Cfiiefs, Appendix A ;«ad tlie Rojas ef itte Funjah. p. if- ^

* Mnmy toMetc»lfe,8Janoai7.1826-(P)72:47't CUi^ to Metcalfe, tO
1835-(P) 31 1 ;30. Tiieeonditiooa oi Ranjit Siiith*» <tat.li to the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs
considetaiioa when the queition toe the adjuitment of the teriitorles arose between lb*
concerned and the Lahore Govemeccau

THIRD MXLWA CAMPAIGN

Cut the apparect tubiervi«nceflf!beCh!(fi of MSiwa and Sirhind wai
deeeptlye. Jbty kotowrJ to him. fearful of hit actual presence with bis
arned mlfhl in the tesion. but at soon ai his bacV viai turned, they had second
tfaougbfs about their benefactor. The CiVSutiej and the PhutkiJn Chiefs per*
cehed clearly that the military iircosth of Ranjit Slosh would ultimately lead
to his virtual dominance of the teston and their etlinciion or subservience to
the new and a;sressive commonwealth of Lahore, This fear united them motnen*
tatily to tale counsel and formulate a united action. At a secret meeting held
at Samana, the Chiefs decided to send a cfeputatioa to Delhi in hfsrchlSlSto
solicit Critish aid and protection astinst she matter of Lahore.' The attempt
was, however, a leap in the dark. Archibald Seton, on {nslruellont from his
Government, told them that their fears were unfounded, thtl the British Govern*
ment had no reason to quarrel with Raojit Slosh, and that it was impossible that
the hfaharaja of Lahore had any ambitious views oa their territories.*

As a matter of policy, the nritiib Coieroment, at this time, was averse to
enter into any arrangements with the Cis*SuiIei Chiefs, by which it would be
pledged to guarantee their posseisioos. ft put them olT with an evasive answer.*
Disappointed and sorely discouraged, she Cis«Sut1eJ Sardati on their return from
Delhi at once went to Ijhore to woo the Maharaja who bad full ioformaiioli
of their treacherous conduct at Delhi.* Those whom hfetcatfe found heveting
round the Maharaja In ISC8 were rajl Ohsg Singh of Jind, Dbs'l Lai Singh of
Kaitbal. Sardar Curdle Siegh of Ladwa. while the rsjs of Patiala tod the Chiefi
of Tbanisar, Basis and others had tent their veiils.*

St. Thiri! Mllws C*tn(<*l|a

It is clear that by the auiumo of 180$. Ranjit Singh had made up his mind
to tubjugale the entire Cif*Su(lej region. He bad conquered wiib success a
large portion of the Punjab proper and had subjugated or had won over the
principal Chiefs of the Mshjfaa segiou. Sardart Fateh Siogb AbtHwJtiX and Jodh
Singh Rsmgathia had been won over ; and the Msiwa Chiefs had sworn fealty

' For rerj intttftting CS>-Su(te| tfcputttion to DcSbi. «nJ ibc xcret laeet,

ln| It Sinini, vfJr. gnirtillr. A'</l0>5iSA f. 5S ei ire, : UT. Ill, p 79, ff

4oJ {’ul’Iic cormpoBJrnec In hSPCtl), IS Apnt, ISO?. 0-9- Tb€ depur»t(oa to ZTcIbi ecaiistrJ
oi rfliaBbit Siasli of Jind, Qha'i l,il S>n(b of Ksitbat, tb« diwan of Pitlili. ibd (be Chiefi of
lofidbirl snd Etdbour.

s Seton to ndmonitone. 3 lod tS Apitl, tO(t3,BSPC(I> 18 April inj Mir 2, ISOS, C3
end 13.

a Srton to Edmon.tone. 2 Mir. UCe.BSFC(I)2Mir. 1808 07-18.

' Meteilfe't detpiteh dated I October, 1809.

76 NEW HORIZONS i THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

to him as a sovereign oF all the Sikhs. But for the his dreao

and the subsequent British interest in the regton described here ,

of uniting all the Sikhs under his supremacy would have been ac P

The third MSlwa expedition, however, wae a atep ””‘'yi’lhau'l

impress the British envoy with hismiUtatymiEht and to eahfb
the Sihh Chiefs of the tegion were his friends and allies. In 00
ives he failed. Therefore, while Metcalfe was ,adi>.

cons of a defensive alliance to ward off the supposed Frenc in ^ paliala

he crossed the Sutlej again on 1 Octoher, 1808 and capture ari . cjs.Suiki

territory. Metcalfe who followed him. observed in a despatch tJia

Chief had either the will or means to resist bis atms.J After a

Khai and Faridkot, he inarched on Malerkoila subjecting t e

Ataullah Khan to a levy of l.OO.OOO rupees.® He then seized AmbaU

Dia Kaut depriving her of all jewels and valuables. He fell up

occupied it. but after exacting a heavy 6ne from the sons Sardar g,,

restored it to them. After reducing Faridkot. San«wal, J>JJ“d ' lj 5

Dharl and Chandpur, be desired a meeting with Sahib Singh of Pa ’ , g jo

summoned to Lakhnour, south of the Sutlej. Sahib Singh $ r

accept Ranjit Singh as the supreme lord of all the Sikhs was base

Imbecinty which had received no tcriHorial grants from the I^gojit

late conquests, and the feat that be would be the principalleser, s

Singh dominate the Cis-Sutl?j region. He bad a solitary ally in hts vie »
Bbanga Singh of Tbanisar. A detachment of Lahore army had ^gfe

and other territories of Dbanga Singh, but as an act of molliDcation I
ordered to be restored to him.

Sahib Singh was in sheer terror, and with mental reservations he
Lakhnour. Ranjit Singh was desirous of winning him as an ally and
hts future schemes of conquests. He showed him all kindness, embrace
a brother and exchanged turbans with him as a token of '‘eternal brot jjj

He assured Sahib Singh that “he had no friends but bis friends, and no e
but his enemies.”*

The territorial acquisitions of the third Malwa campaign
yearly yield of 50,000 rupees were granted to general Diwan Muhkam
On 4 December, 1808, the Maharaja retorned to Amritsar, where two days

> MetcUfe fo Edrooniton*, No.2a.BSPC(I) 2t October. 1303. Ct9.

» md. No30-BSPCa)14NOT<mber.l833.C14.

* Seton to Goremraent, 7 December, 1803 ; Mete»lle’» deepatch dated 9 Deceml’®^*

BarrrsH REAcrro.v

the British envoy infonsed him that the Cts^Sutlej Chiefs bsd b'.eo taken ander
British protection.*

22. Brltlth metloo

Ranjit Siogh's Mllwa expeditioot bad created sharp reactions both In
the Cis.Sutlej region and at Fort William. The Cis-Sutlej Sardars who bad
most wittingly accepted the spoitt of the ciopaigas ootr stood 10 mortat fear of
him. Sahib Singh who had received no territorial grants from the Mahiraja and
was compelled to enact (he farce of brotherhood at Lakhnour, repotted to the
Resident si Delhi that Ranjll Singh was an ambitious, oppressive and tyrannical
power who bad an eye on bis possessions. Only the fear of violence, be reported,
bad induced him to enter into a bond of temporary convenience with him.*
lie greeted Metcalfe with profuse dctDonstraiiont of joy on hit arrival at Patiala,
surrendering the keys of the (own for restoration to him as a gift from the
British Goverooteot.* He exhibited a ‘'childish delight** on (he arrival of the
British force commanded by Colonel Ochtctloey at Patiala, and in all servility
made excuses for bis recent professions of amity with Ranjit Singh, promising
all assistance to him as directed by the Dritisb Resident st Delhi.*

Rdjj Bhag Singh of Jind speedily arrived at Ocblerlony’s Camp at
Dadupur lo assure the British commander of his co.epeTation and that of every
ether Sikh Chtef. Quite innoceotly be endeavoured to assume the rdle of a medi*
ator in order lo elTect a rapproichement between the English and Ranjit Singh.
He excused bis nephew's conduct alleging that his selfish counsellert were endea*
vourlng to involve him in a war with the firitiib Coseromest.* lie was, however,
taken aback by Ochterlony's terse observation Ibsl the British Government
would require the Maharaja to surrender all bis recent conquests, and that Bbag
Singh would have to restitute alt territories which Ranjit Singh had conferred
upon him during his late expeditions*

The Kaitbal Chief BhS'l Lai Smgb stood aloof, watching with utmost
interest (he antics of Bbag Singh- R3j2 Jaswane Singh of Habba, who had
remained a firm ally of Ranjit Singh doring bis expeditions in the Cis-Sultej
terrhory, and bad received considerable grants of the conquered territories,

r CovrnimtDc to Meuattv, 3' OcfoWr, ISOS . Mctetlfe lo Riniit Siosh, 12 Cecemtxt.

1808-niPC(IJ 2/.nu«y. HO?. C93,

* Setao to CMccaBKOt, 7 Dcecmbrt. ieOS.(P)3 1 (Eaclonirt)

S MitcaKcdeipilsb No. 8. BSPCtl) 19 Scptcolxr. 1803. Ul-
t &etca to Fsia Bhtg Sipgb §aj Kx/sSibibSmCb, BSPC(I) 9 Febrssrr. 1S09. C4X
e Ocbcttlonr CO Edoonttooe, 20 }stni*rv,l(89-BSFC(l) 13 Febnurr, 1S03, CIS. pita 2.

« ;iid.

73 new HORIZONS: THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

was ready to change Bides. He readily turned to the British Ijsi

with the other Sardarsthat “Ranjit Singh’s the utmost

dangerous than bis enmity.’'^ He received Colonel Ochtcrlony with the «

cordiality, and desired to be taken under British protection.*

Colontl OctltrlOTiy htld a Etneral mtatiag of the
Patiala, and received a profusion of goodwill from all of them ,
impressed by their general affability and opportunistic „p,a5nt, of

at Malerkolla on 8 February, 1809. Colonel Ochterlony beard the P
the Patban Kawab of Malcrkotla against the high-handedness
in subjecting him to a heavy contribution: Ochterlo^ ihlTlod'jmd to remove •
his former authority, directing the Chiefs of Patiala, Habb
their police posts from Malcrkotla territory.*

Thus almost all tho Cis-Sotlej Chiefs had forsaken the
Lahore in self-inletesl. The unfoieseert tnrn rit Cis-Sutlej poMi
tbe'r opportrrrrism. They viewed the advance of the Brimh forre I ^
wilh contternatlon and relief ! they were ansioos to jom the Brmsn,
not declare tbemtelves openly for tear of the Lahore Oovernm •

1809, the Maharaja bad summoned them all to Amritsar. ® J ofBona*
BbEnLal Singh of Kaithal. Jodh Singh of Kalsia, butnios*

Bhanga Singh of Thanisar, and the Pallala DiwSn had repaired tb ,
of them expressed satisfaction that the British Governmen
protection over the country. They had all sent assurances that m ine
hostilities they would desert Ranjit Singh and Join the British.*

23. Clon3»otw»r

Clouds of war seemed to gather on the Cis-Sutlej *^®^.**5**jjjively
10 January, 1809, the Maharaja arrived at Amritsar ; the Cis-Sullej Chie s
assured him of their help in his countermeasures to stop the advance
British force. Metcalfe reported that they still respected the energy o
Singh’s character and power ; fear of the Maharaja’s resentment an r
would make them appear on his side until the war took a decisive turn.
Chiefs, he observed, would stand neutral until he had been defeated an
would join the British.* Ranjit Singh, however, relied little on their assure
He treated them with attention and kindness, making large promis®**

> Gtiltin, The Rojat of the

* Ocbtetleny to Goretnnieat, 9 Febro»ry,1809-BSPC(I) 26 Februsty. tS09. C4U.

S Ocbtctlony to GoTeiDiaeot.O Fcbnisiy, 1809, vt tupra.

* Ibta. 16. 13 Jinuity,I809-B3PCtI) 6 February, 1809,050-51.

» MrtcaUc'i dnpttcb No. 64. 29 Janiuiy. 1309.BSPCa).

ClOUoSor WAR

procteded to male httown preparaliont of wat.> Tut for the covert perfidy
aod opportuaiim ofthe Cii-StiUe| Sardart he had everyhope of attaining his
cherished detlgn of sobjugatiog the whole country between the Sutlej and the
Jacsea to hit lutbority. Acrordlogly. Djwln Muhtaar Cband. who had gone
with a large force to the Kangra hills to asiist rij} SanssrCband agiicst the
Gurkhas, was recalled, and ordered to proceed to Pbillour, on the banks of the
Sotlej, opposite the town of Ludhiana.* It was rumoured that Ambala would
be reinforced. The new fortress of Govindgarh was strengthened and guns
brought from Lahore were mounted on its walls On 12 January. Metcalfe
repotted from Amritsar: 'The Rljl'a military preparations have been carried
on with the utmost possible activity. They consist in ifscmbling troops from all
quarters, in collecting arnmnnition and military stores, and hastening the com-
pletion of storing, and raountieg guns, in the new fort at this place.”* War with
Ranjii Singh, he observed on IS January, bad become nsvitable ; that he would
cross the Sutlej with hii army to oppose the advance of ih; Rricish force. On
26 January, he further confirmed bit views that the Maharaja had collected an
army sufCsicnt to oppose the Driiitb and had nominally taken the field. He
tuggerted to the Commaader-ia'Chief to larade the TuBjab.'

-The Cis-Sutlej Chiefs eenttoued to play the game of duplieily. “It
appeats nevenbelets,” wrote Setos in January 1S09 to Covernmeni, “that Raeyi
Siegfi is intriguing, and by insidious messages, endeavouring to inspire them with
a fear of (be British Government, and to instil tnio them a confidence in himself.
From the greater pan of these Chiefs 1 contieoe to receive most unequivocal
assurances of atuebmeni. more cspectally from Dbye Lsul Singb. who is now
with Ranjit Singh. Raji Dbag Singb. although one of the first who originally
claimed our protection, may nonetheless feel himself embarrassed how to act,
from being the uncle of Ranjii ficisa good man. but without ability ; and
is generally fed by Bbye Laui Siogh. Ife has left Patiala, and is on fais way
to Katnal. 1 think it likely (bat be may be bearer of some proposals from
Ranjit Singb, who, from bis haviog (be character of standing well with the British
Government, may perhaps be using him as a go-between.”*

> /M(f.

* taXori f/ii<r. 12 Janutrv. 1809 : Seten to RJoioDiCcnF, 13 Jinuirr. lS-'‘>.nSrC

(IJ 6 ftSiuttr, 15C9. 0(3.

s MnetUe'i a«ir«tcfa No. 5a.!tSPC(I) 19 Match. lS>a. C{$.

« dtirttchn No. eo aod M-BSPC (0 II Mitch. 13C>9

S Sflonto CJtr^. IS/inutrr, J509— (P) 4:C3. AtasarMr-of /itt, t$jH BhtiSinSh
diJ eJon k!i accuitoaiad toU of a taidistot. aooaattci. bj latcojucias a eoaftJtotiit aStnc
ofthe Mabatajtat PatUUto ColontI Oebtatimj (oi Kcrrc atsotiilioiii. Aft* dasalattt
taoie aicBii atttvtd at Ocbtaslooj'a caopat MatttkotU {riit. A'oiti tf Cnntiatie*-

J, NEW HOKIZONS -.THE MAI.WA CAMPAIGNS

Tht Mabataja, however, was forestalled in “'5,e°'str«sed so over-
riEht to sovereisnty over the “’h-,, preparations orwarwnt

whelmingly in his negotiations with Metealfe. H 5 P E ,„pporling

perhaps a feint to counteract the British „i,e and Ws

Metcalfe's negotiations at Lahore. ®“' ’’f . after a long pass»8'
diplomacy espedient. He signed the treat, of ^pppa„ his

arms with the British envoy, o'"* ^ , adMnlages of ftiendlh'P

atgntnentthis political shrewdness gained him all the advanl.g
with the British Government.

It is, however, necessary at this place “ .,r'' of 'the” Anglo-SiW

political baeV-ground of the events preceding the signin,
treaty of 1809.

3 THE TREATY OF AMRITSAR
24. FtineophobU

Metcalfe’s Misiion to the Court of Ranjit .jelval iolndis

supposed threat of a French invasion of India. ''“'rAi, John Malcolm, the
in luly 1807. reports of French intrigues in Persia sent hy . i Msicoim

Bridsh Ambassador in P.tsia had alatmedtbe embassy i»

reported to the Home Government the shady f interests cvit

Tehran, the growth of an unhealthy inllaence inimical to Br lisa
the Imbecile Shah of Petsia, and the proposed march of tne
through the Alia Minot and Petaia. The Home G°vcf'>™ “ ^rBrilitl
tepoils and the French menace as a positive thieat to the s ,he

possessions in India. In September 1807, the Secret suppo®**^

Indian Goveroment to take immediate steps to counterac
menace.*

Enclmr* in Ocliteilon, to EdmoQ»t«»«.BSPC (1) 27FebTMtT. 1®°^ ; .cc«ait«J

conduct in de»linj«ith the secret a{em« ot Raojw Singh while n,gotis'‘«“*

Btitith en»oy w»5 atLehoxe, earned him ■ shatp censure lot unauthoriie

Itota hi* Goeetnment and eloiost bis dUmUsat. cor/n 15*'''*^^

S For Malcolm's despatches to the Covetnstent of Indie, vide. B

August. 1303. Vol. 203, C1-C12 ; C26-CK. nace to

t Fox the reaction of the Horae Gorernraent to the so-called French roe j^^gsion of

FOisetsion* in India, aod the Govemraent cl Irdia'a easy suseeptibiUty to a Frenc jj,j. :

India, aee fenertlly, Secret Coitfmittee’s Jlfemarandum (No. B0)-HMS{1). Vcl. •

Lord Minto'aMlnate dated 17 June. 18<».B3PC(l) 20 June. 1803 C2 ; Edmor5tone «

Delhi and Metealfe. 20 June, 1805.BSPC(l>, cp. cit. C3 andC4; and 249/f.

Memotanda (no date). Kaye. lafe and Carfejpondence of Charier,

For a mote detailed study of the subject, vide, the pteient wiiter's Angh^Si

KoehUrpuT. 1968, p.M*Sl.

ftEVERSAtor roLicv it

Theie reporis were a hiodful of niit. They were alto gronly ineccurale.
imaiinary aoJ vague. Neither Whitehall eor Fort WiIHam could ipeeiTythe
mode and manner In which the eefcrioui French deitgot would blotsom forth in
India. Francophobia generated by ihe treaty of Tiltit in 1807 prcgretilvely
increated and gripped the imagination of iboie in authority in India. Surmiiet
grew at to whether the French would aid the Shah of Perila to overrun
Afghaninao, and lubuqueeily invade India, by a march through the Kbyber
Pati to the Punjab aed thence towards the Jumna, or (hey would launch an
tnvaeion agaiott Oriiith India by Ihe tourhern route of Sind an<J Gajttt. That
the Government of India coniidered iheic ichemet of the “French Uiurpet’* at
highly impracticable it evident from Lord Minto’t despatches to the Secret
Committee.’ yet (he matter brought about a auddcn chaege in the foreign policy
of the Government of India towards the Cit Sutlej region.

2), RcwtMl o( Poller

Since torrf Weffesfey's iggreisivc policy oC erpeotive wars, the Govern-
ment of India had been asked by the Home Government to msintaln a non-
cspansioniil economy. Cornwallii and Oarlow were therefore eostcoi to have
a secure and tranquil poiset'ion ofthe Company’s tertitornes in the Doab and
the right bank of the river Jumna, as laid down in the Lumtden’s Minute of
1804.* Linder ihestreti of this idle terror, however. Lord Minto under orders
from (he Home Government had decided the reversal of policy of non-mletrerenee
beyond the Jumnj and to seek elhancet beyond the river Indui— rn Afghanistan
and Persia, and at Lahore and in Smd. It was decided to send diplomatic
missions to these countries "to throw up barriers” against the Napoleonic
espedhioni which ibrealeaed the security of the Company’s Indian possessions.
For this purpose Mountstuart Elphinstone was scot to Kabul and Charles
Melralfe to Lahore.

Lord Minto justified to the Home Government the reversal of the
Company's policy of non-interference on various grounds. First, the urgent
need to form defensive engagements with Lahore, Kabul, Tehran and Sind in
order to bir the progress of the French army in its projected invasion of India.

t S*eS<crti.(llrrf 2 r(hruir7.3l Mirchtnd 2«S«rieiBbct, 18<t3-DISL(l).

* Cbitl Setuurf LuatJtn't Mfyi* iOoventntm to Ocfarrilon/, J3 1805.

RirC(t) 3l]>nu(rr.te05. C^45) on which tb< ootleTCithe CgTfrnntnc oi lajik wttUud
vtrituticxi* do<U3i«nt, prcpnlng the llaitttion of Oiltiih ftontlvti eicluilT^l; beyond
jhvjumn* tlv«f. It f>ch<w(d vnv Brltlih coancciUin «ou|ht hr the Ci»-aut1*i Sikh Chiefi
ifhvlnt iiDrrertlcebU, contKTT to ib< ptloeltiff *t Public Law, md isiloft the (undanaetat
maxima of the Biltiih Goaemmant.

N-lt

82 NEW HORIZONS s THE MXLWA CAi*tl‘AlGN§

Secondly, to afford some sort of protection to the Cis-Sutlej Slates, so far
to them, from the steady encroachments of Ranjit Singh, who had tw'ice ’
in their territories between the river Sutlej and the Jumna. The denial of n i
protection to the Cis-Sutle] States, he observed, had encouraged Ranjit >
to make successive inroads into the region.’

Metcatte Mitsiofi

On 28 July. 1803, Charles Metcalfe, the young British envoy left
engage the ruler of Lahore in a defensis'e alliance against the French
of India. He met Ranjit Singh on 12 September at Rasur where the Ma sf
was encamped.

Details of Anglo-Sikh diplomacy and the protracted
entailed have been fully narrated by the present author elsewhere*, but if
be necessary to summerise them here. Metcalfe explained to the Mabaraj*
threat of a French army soon approaching India. He was redoes ^
coopsrate with the British in his own interests and consent to the
British force through the Punjab. He wasalso reqoested to allow the pa
of Elphlostooe's mission to Kabul for the same purpose. These rjjjei

met with jealousy and suspicion by Ranjit Singh. He considered the
menace far too remote to be real ; be was strongly opposed to the inl« ^
British misson to Kabul ; and he suspected that Metcalfe had come to the^
on some spying mission, and that it was a cloak to cover up Btiilsh desigo*

his tenitofies. He, however, shrewdly assented in general terms to the pf®P

tIOD of she British envoy for a treaty of alliance, but made specific detnauds.
demanded that the British Goveinmeot should first acknowledge him as the o
paramount of the Sikh narion, accept bis suzerainty over the Sutlcj-JofflO* res'®®’
and assure him of non-inteiference in bis aggressive designs against the terri
subject to Afghan rule.*

Obviously, the British envoy bad no authority to concede these
On 26 September suddenly Ranjit Singh moved off with his armies
Beas, directing Metcalfe to follow. He then proceeded on his third
expedition already described. If is evident that this expedition was nnderis
to substantiate his claim as the overlord of the Cis-Sutlej region. Metcalfe fe®

t Muito * S<CTrt 31 March, 18».B1SL(I), VcL 10.

S S<* AntlffStii lUJauenr, at npra, p.73 ff.

• See teaetall j, Mere«U<’« doraichai No. IS BSPCtl) 17 October. 16{». CIS ;

er.eit C12 ; No.a. op cfr, 7 November, 1308.013; No. 33. c?. cu. 2 ? NoTcober. 15^ '

Cavenor.GeQtnt to Secret CoetaUtce, U Detcaber. taiJ-BISLlI). Vol. 1®. ’

pens 8.7 etc.

CECino.v

the Chief* f*f the Sikh country in attendance on him, willing to accept hi*
toierainty. and to receive in tubmiiiion hit grant* of the nenly^conquered
tertitoriei.*

Z*. Menfstao* dctiitoo

Meanwhile, in Curope the political litnalion had eated. Nipofeon'i
involvement in the Teniniular War and the treaty of Dardnellei had cleared the
dipiomitic fog and the tO'Cilied rraoco^Pettian threat to India had receded to
the background. The objective of Metcalfe’a Muiion having become obsolete,
there appeared no oiteniible reatos for further argalUtiont tv/ih RtnjiC Singh.
However, Metealfe'i earlier report* about Rftnj't Singh’i third ineurtioo aero**
the SutVj had created a iharp rcactioA at Calcutta, aod a claim to Srttiih para<
mountcy over the Cir«SutIe] region had been examined by the Governor-General*
in-Council and a policy of active intervention in the alTairt of Cii-SutieJ Sttlea
had been resolved upon. It vat realised that Dritish interests could be best pro-
moted by the reduction, if not the entire subversion of Ranjit Singh's power.*

This momentous decision was taken by the Coveroment of India early
(n October ISOS, Lord hfinto (a hi* despatches had convineed the Home
Government that even without reference to tbe French menace the approximation
of Ranjit Singh’s iggresrire militarism and bit domioatron of (be regtoo between
the Sothj and the Jumna would disturb the security of Oriiitb possessions,*
Ranjit Singh, he pointed out, was a formidable military despot, whose aabiiiooi
knew no bounds, and yet he was aware of the power of the Dritish Governtneni,
sod be would not afford a rapture with it. It would, therefore, be full of
advantage to depart from the principle of tbe limitation of the Company'i
frontier at the Jumna and prevent Ranjit Singh from extending his dominations.*

Consequently, it wax decided to extend British protection to the states
south of the Sutlej and demand from (be Mabarsja (be immediate withdrawai of
Lahore armies to the other side of tbe river- Ranjit Singh was required to
relinquish ail prelentioat of lorereigaty over the Cii-Suilej states and to
surrender all conquests made subsequent to the arrival of the Dritish mission.*

* Cuiloxiilr in hi* ifport to rh* CovcrnacBt-tDctpstch No. 3!- BSPC(t) *3 October,

1S03, C4) Metcalfe lecosmenjed ihtr the Drltiih GavernEseat tbouli ackoonIcJcc Raojit
Seitfi'f iwvWiVWvr ,•/«-, S/.^i

bccom* the overlord c| lb* tesicn between lb* 8uiltl lad ah* ]umna and that bii sucecuive
ConeuMci tended toward* * complete fubjuittion of tbeentlte iiva.

* Goveteot-Geaetal to Sectet Commlitee, 13 Detembet. 13C0-P1S1.(1), Vol. 10.

s Ihid.

< /iij. 26D€Ctmb<r.l808.BlSUt)-yolJ0.f9l.317ff.

* EJoonitooc to Metcalfe. 31 Octobtr, 1803; Mtteilfe to Ran)l( Smsb. 12 December,
180S.B3PC(t) 2 Jaoutty, 1309, C3.

8, NEW HORIZONS = THE MAEWA CAMPAIGNS

Tlie Home Government readily unproved the ( 2,986 nw)

action.! To enforce this decision a " mender of Allshaf^

under Lieutenant-Colonel Ochterlony. the Oarri

was ordered to advance immedialely and occsipy a fort o „

the same time, another force (5.240 men) under General St. Leg
support him.*

23. Conotcr-me»s»re* Msbaf*j*

On 12 December, 1808 at Amritsar demands in«

an ultimatum embodying these demands. . Lahore to isf'

composed manner ; he immediately left Amntsar and

5 to the

composed manner ; he immediately leiiftm*' .i,. nriiiih advance t

counsel from his ministers Counter-measures to slop th. Br eeinforce

Snllei were set in motion. Lahore forces matched to Phtllou

Amhala garrison. Cis-Su.lei Chiefs were ''‘"^^““tere a. sembh^

where at the newly consltuclcd „Lirli. M"““

ftom all quarters, and guns were "tg e'®

repotted on 1 8 January that the Maharaja of Lahote w “ ® foice.’

ration for war and that he would cross the Sntlej to oppose

From all appearances all seemed '"'’'"■J., „,|iaai general «a>

held in abeyance. DtwSo MuhVam Chaod, the ,t Phi"”"'

recalled ftom Kangtaaod with large "‘f, 5 oas •

But the clash of arms did not take place on acconnt of two tea

Cis-Sotlej Chiefs welcomed the arrival of °ehlettony s for ^j^pitoiso'
Sithind with enthusiastic joy. audit seemed obvious th wouM

numerous grants of recently conquered territories froin Ih male"’'

desert him in his hour of need. Sectjndfy, taja Bbag Sing o ’
uncle of RanjU Singh mediaicd and endeavoured to eflec

ictee (M*n.ot»Bdu3iNo.80) HMS(I),Vol.511.M 33^^- j,,

jn-Chief to Gorenict.Cnietal, 17 December, 10CS.PSPC11)

1 Secret Commictec (
t CoiDmsoirr-iD.Chief 1

1309. C35, par* 5 end C56. ev. cii.

s Mttcalfe-Detpatcb No. W-BSPC<ni3 Mtrcb. 1309.

t At about this period e< tcDuon, altboujli quire unconnected *'*” !*’ tb»* ^

attacbeftbe Abslls on the eteort of the Biimb mution it Amritsar. Itso * .^^,^,.,08

an attempt to stop the ptocession of the Hindustcol Mubammeden sepors m .
Mohattam.tb* Abells Udb? tbe (anetiePbuU Smib attached them, but liter « ^ ^jj^cootr^

the handlul of Biitub Indian sepors wonted them. Raoiit Sinfh. who witnesje^ L*til.

from the fottresiof Gobmdtath, was unptessej. 'The outnte was, *'^*^*v. Mst***^
coune, an outburst of Sibh taninetio, and had no political significacee, not na
topthinf to do with it; butittautht tbe Mahaiaja the ealoe o£ British
that taoseiu, the Sibb moaareb Died CTei 7 laeaa? in his powi
into hit own araj.'" p- 373-9.

It to iotroduc* ‘

DRITBH ADVANCE

«5

between Hnniil Sir.|h tnd the Britiih ; end when he was told by Ochterlon)
that the Britith Govercnient «8t firmly cletetnined to require the teMitottonol
•tl conquertf In the Cif-Sutlej reylon duriVjt hit late etpeditian. he obterved
that the Maharaja of I^horewaa anilouatoavoid var though hit tuar'cioui
nature and bad countelloct were not untimely to Involve him in one.*

DrftiifaaJnocv

The Rrtiiih detachment arrived at Ludhiana on fS Fehruary, where
Ochlrrlony ertablUhed a military fiott. Bha; Singh of Sind wat allowed a paltry
compeniation of JOOrupeei per mcruem for iti temporary cccupation.* Ten
da)i earlier an liiltohn.'.ma (rroclimtlion) announced to the Cit-Sullej Chiefs
of the arrival of a Drilhh force on the frontiera of Ranjit Singh to confirm
friendthlp with the Slate of Lahore, ft further tnnoueced that the Maharaja
had agreed to evacuate all Lahore poiti recently occupied and (o withdraw all
Sikh forcetat Phillour to the other tide of the river Sutlej. Non<ompltance
With these tiipultlions by the Maharaja would be regarded at an unfriendly act
and the Btitlih army ‘’ihall commence every mode of defence."*

Tire rrsclamailon or9 fcbruary. 1109 wti the last straw which 'broke the
eamel'i back. The advance of Drilhh detachments under General St. Leger and
Colonel Oehierlony had considerable effrel on the wavering Cis>Sutlej Stkh Chiefs
who withdrew their laytiry and profetstont of friendship with the hfaharaja one
by one. Thui the desertion of Cis>Sutlej Chiefs of Patisla. Ntbha. find. Ktiihal,
Kalsla, Ladwt. Thtnisar and Duria, who retlised the advantages of British
rroiecllon, greatly disheartened the Mihtraja. He prudently agreed to withdraw
hfs troops to the right bank of (he Sutlej, abandon all claims of sovereignly over
the Cit'SutIcj Sikh ChJefi, and restore all ronques'i made by him during the third
Maiwa espcdition.

70 , Treatf ol Anrllur

Further negoi/ations with the Maharaja led to the iigning of the treaty of
Amritsar on 25 April, 1809 which ttipnlated : <1) that perpetual friendsbip wilt
subsist between the British Government and the Slate of Lahore : (2) that the
British shall have no concern with the territoriet and lubjecis of the Maharaja
to the rrorth of the river Sutlej : (J> that the State of Lahore tball not commit
any encroachments on Che possessions of the Cis>SutIej Chiefs, nor to maintain

■ Ocbtrtlonr to EJmanicorM, 20 Janaary. ISOS.fUtrCCI) 13 Fobniaty. llS}9, CIR, pit* 2.
' Coritonxnt to 0(h«rlony 3 )ud«, tS03>HMS(l>. Vo\ SV3 : Covcmoint to Scton,
3 Juai, te09, «•. rtf. No. 29.

s ProcliDiiiOA durd SFvbruary, IS(l9.0cbtcfl<my to Edmooilonv, 9 Pibruiry, 1809-
MPCd) 27 F.bniitr, 1809, CJg.

NtNV HORIIOSS : THE MALWA CAMPAlGvS

on policy mailers, which While s Smieeiee

suggestions and observations
scrupulously avoids by laying more stress

o statistical inrormation-

33. Resource* aod military atrengtn

Tieny.''while’s”sic'eo.enl
the Sikh Chiefs and Iheir dependanti in Ihiefiains between ihe

I, apptoaimales the total annual revenues of S.kh Cb.el. , ^

' - . . .vAcvif Alt and tbeir

S.kh CD.eiia.n^ horse

:;z:rs;;^;;«.ii:d72 rupees. .nd.heir total armed were

me sraiej a. • slrengrh of the Chiefs who wrf-

nndfoot. This eacludes the revenn. and mrlrlays f ^ ,.4

subject to RanjitSingh-thetr revenue rs estimated

ntllitary strength 7,000 borse and men. , u.iiala and !>'>

The break-up is as under; and a military strength

dependants had an annual revenue ^ af varion

a miliiaij -

dependants had a" of guns of

0f2, 500 horse, 2.200 foot wim a „,cnue of 27.000 tonees- (2) »

Town duties

2.200 foot wttb a consi«c.a.«.^ ..aaaa. roQOjopses. a-

. - Iro.tiala brought an annual revenue of 27.000 rup 3 61,5^1

Town duties i and his dependants had an annual re'’eh“'; ftaithsl

Lai Singh of .p-h" SZse and 2.000 foot. Town dut.es of K«d»„

d°mimai!y'::r” .E of Xbo.se and 2.»0 foor. Town dudes c K.
'“”'“,‘4 ,” 28 WO rupees. 0) Rija Bhag Singh of torse *»'

amounted of 2,77,000 mpees and an armed strength of

Town duties of lind amounted to 1800 rupees , oPi.srr

Sineb of Nabba had an annual revenue of 2,04.700 rupee ,

^‘***?h flf 600 borse and 600 foot with 12 guts of medium calibre.
ofNahha amounted .0 19.700 rupees annually. (5) strenSth

his*dependants had an annual revenue of 2,17.550 rupees an ,, si„gh of

of I 530 horse, aoO foot and 6 guns of medium calibre. 'j,i,4 5fflr"

?banhar had a revenue of 1.20.000 rupees, 400 horse and 5 pjO rupeth

m.- fit Karam Singh of Shahabad bad an annual revenue ’..ir.veoiJ*
RSoiDayaKaurof A-bala had ,,

00.000 rupees, 400 horse and 150 foot. (9) Bhsgwan Singh oi ^55 foot,

dependants had an annua! revenue of 2,17,000 rupees. ° 184 bo^

(lO) Dolchi Singb of Ridour had an annuaj revenue of 76,900 rupe . cf

and no foot. (11) Gopal Singh of Manimajara had an , Rhao

79.003 rupees, 200 horse, 300 foot aod 4 guns. (12) Nawab

Malcfkoila had an annual revenue of 40.000 rupees, and 400 horse. I j,orse

Rehmat Khan of Kunjpura had an annnal revenue of 89,033

and 6'0 foot. (14) The petty chiefuins of Cheloch, Muosauly, K«o •

etc. had an annual revenue of 3,00,000 rupees and a combined roilit»ry

of 600 troopers.

51. DcpendtDt* e( Ranjit Siafb g'osb^

The Chiefs subject to the Kingdom of Lahore were t (1) 5atd*^

Kahia— revenue 2,57,000 rupees, military strength 1,535 borse, 850 foot. ( ,

S6 NEW HORIZONS; ‘THE MitWA CAMPAIGNS

in its territories more troops than were necessary for Internal duties ; and (4) any
violation of these stipulations shall render the treaty nuil and void.t

The treaty shattered Ranjii Singh’s dream cf estabJishingSikh supremacy
over the territories between the Jumna and the Sutlej. The extension of his
power beyond the river Sutlej was prevented, and the Jimits of bis possessions
defined and fixed at a distance from the British frontier. The British frontier
jumped from the Jumna to the SulJej; British suzerainty was established over
the region ; and the protection granted to the Cis-Sutlej Slates saved tbem^from
Ranjit Singh’s encroachments and ultimate absorption into bis dominions. The
establishment of peace and friendship between the two States brought them into
closer relations allowing Ranjit Singh to pursue a course of conquests in the
north and beyond the river Indus unhampered, and the consolidation of his
power in the central and southern Paojab.

POWER AND RESOURCES OF THE SIKH COUNTRY
31. Sinver oi the refioa

In May 1807, Lieutenant F. S. While, a British Surveyor, on instructions
from his government snrveyed the Sikh country from the banks of the Jumna to
the Sutlej.* He travelled through HariySoa and Kaitbal to the town of
Munak, where an outrage was commiUed on his party by the inhabitants
of a town In Patiala territory.* White travelled throughout the Cis*Sullej
territory, and although the Sikh Chiefs afforded him help in bis task, he was
generally looked down upon as an interloper and a nosy spy, whose uncalled for
probe into Ibe affairs of their country deemed to bode evil. In 1809, White’s
escort of 80 troopers was attacked again at Pattoki by Akalf Phula Stogb, but the
timely assistance of the rajUs of Jiod, Nabha and Kaitbal saved the situation.*
After the outrage, Pbula Siagb repaired to Amritsar and strong protestations
were made by the British Government to Mabaraja Ranjit Singh and the Cis*
Sutlej Chiefs. The Ssrdars tacitly declared him a bandit, debarring him from

I For tie ttei:7 vide. Aiebhco, Treaiiee, Siefafemeiite and it, p- 23.

* T«a mote aceoasti at the Stkb couBCrr. preevted about the terns time, ire fteeilibte

to U5 The fitit telitei to the Chief* FO>se**u>e tcrritoi? hetveen the Sutlei asd Bets Tivers
efthe luUunjuT Dosb end its resources. complUd is 1S03 from old documents pertiinist^
the 7e*t 1730 A.O. The lesoutcesof the xedioneie estiaited it 23.%,615 rupees, end
militarr *t«3r:b.c«MlrT. J4.4Wandiafentry2.W. Griffin. tAe ef fAe Pan/j}’,

AppeniirB). Atiotbei Biaiemeni ef the P^aeraai Setaurcet ol tAe Siiis teiieeen ike Sutter

and ik$ t/urnna, drevn up tn 1$33 estimate* the rceeaue et 25,84,000 end miliary jtrenftb-
11,45) horse end intiatry. (Ihtd. AppendixC).

S WhitetaSeton.8 July. 1SJ7.(P) g; 7U

* JKd. 24. SS December, 1S09, op. at.

A FRfX-tANCE'S visit

entering into their territories : Ranjit Singh diplornatically biQiihed him from
his kingdom,’ but later appointed btm as theconmander of the Aklli troops in
Lahore service. No one In the Mllwaand the MJrIjih region welcomed the
transactions of a/7ronsI ofTieer goinf about with an armed escort, probing into
the intimate details of their government and in resources *

33. A (ree*IiDC«*« «ltlt

Since the late visit of Mir Yusuf All Khan in ISOO, the Sikh country had
been visited by one Captain Mathews— “an eapanstve free-lance on half pay and
travelling for amusement." Mathews was a Deputy Commissary of Ordnance at
Talchgath and since the arousal of Dritish interest in the region by Lord Minto’s
Government, be was permitted to travel in the Tunjsb and Kashmir in private
capacity to obtain Information nhich would be useful to British interests. We
do not know ofMathetti* iransaetiont in the Cis-Sutlej region, but when he
arrived at Lahore, he was treated with great attention by the inhabitants of
Lahore and with hospitality by its ruler.* The so-called /irongl free-lanee, how-
ever, abused Sikh hospitality by geillog himself involved io local inlrigues,
patlicvbriy with the Maharaja’s first wife, Mebtab Kaur, who bad made him
distinct propositions for Oriliih aid in subverting Ranjii Singh's power *

White’s Surrty of the Sikh eountry is of eoDsidrrsbIe value, irrespective of
of its being compiled in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust. Ills Statement
of Possessions, Military Force anJ Retenue of the Sikh Chieftains South of the
Su'le}, is a first-hand elaborate statistical account of the subjrel acquired by
personal investigation at a considerable bsaard. That bis siaiistics are in sharp
contrast with those of Ochierlony’s Reporr on the ClS'Sutle) Country? compiled
about the same lime, is due to the fact shat in computing the revenue resources
of the CIs-Sutlej Chiefs he has included those of their dependants and petty
allies and tributaries. In preparing a detailed statement of the revenue and
military establishments of iheSikh States between the Jumna and the Sutlej both
applied themselves with great assiduity to the task of personal iovesligtiions and
enquiries— Ocbteilony fer about 3 months, and White for about 3 years. An-
other difference in approach is shat Ochlerlooy'i Report is encumbered with

r Oehwtions to Luibinston, 30 Jinusry, 1810-(P} 10: 49.

» R.J. e.Mtr.l8ICl.<P) tO;Sl.

> Gov(mat-G<ncTtl to Sesetr Committn. 13 S*rtecBb<t,1803-niSL<l) Vil. 11.

* For Mithewi* i(p( 2 b(nilble tcintietioa*. mc bi« prWicc cortetpondence «itS C. F.
F«Uin. Aettns AJ)u(>ar.a«i<tal BmCit Srertt £oclorar«i. IS September, 183t-HStS (I), Vol.
293, No. 21. /el. 97426.

s PSPC(l) 29 Jut]', 1809, C3-4. Sec abo Aafto-Sm Petotienr, Hoebiitpur, 19CS, p, 99

NEW HORIEQSS : THE MXLWA CAMPAIGNS

suggestions aod observationj on policy raatters, which White's Statement
scrapuiousty avoids by laying more stress on statistical infonnation.

33. Reiources and militarj strenjtn

Briefly, White’s Slatemenl surveys the resources and military strenith of
the Sikh Chiefs and their dependants in ibe opening decade of the 19th century,
It approximates the total annual revenues of Sikh Chieftains between the Jumna
and the Sutlej at 29,15, 472 rupees, aod their total armed strength at 17,959 horse
and fool. This excludes the revenue aod military strength of the Chiefs who were
subject to Ranjit Singb—thetr revenue is estimated at 13,32,500 rupees and
military strength 7,000 horse and men.

The break'Up is as under: (I}Raj3 Sahib Singh of Patiala and his
dependants bad an annua] revenue of 8,36,100 rupees and a military strength
of 2,500 horse, 2,200 foot with a considerable number of guns of various calibre.
Town duties of Patiala brought an annual revenue of 27,000 rupees. (2) Bha’l
Lai Siogh of Kaiihal and bis dependants had an annual revenue of 3,61,564
rupees and military strength of 900 horse and 2,000 foot. Town duties of Kaithal
amounted to 28,500 rupees. (3) RijS Bhag Singh of Jiud and bis depeodauts
bad an annual revenue of 2,77,000 rupees aod an armed strength of SOO horse and
200 foot. Town duties of Jind amounted to 1800 rupees aonually. (4) RsjS
Jaswaot Singh of Kabha bad an aooual revenue of 2,04,700 rupees, and a military
strength of 600 horse and 600 foot with 12 guas of medium calibre. Town duties
of Nabba amounted to 19.700 rupees aaoualty. (5). Gurdit Singh of Z,adwa aod
bis depcndasls bad ao aooual reveoue of 2,17,550 rupees aad a military streagtb
or],S30 horse, 4U0 foot and 6gUQS of medium calibre. (6) BbaogaSingb of
Tbaoisar had a revenue of 1,20,000 rupees, 400 borse and 150 foot with 4 small
guns: (7) Karam Singh of Sbababad bad an aunual revenue of (5,000 rupees,
250 horse and 150 foot. (81 R3nl DayaKaur of Ambala bad an annual revenue
of 1,00.(X)0 rupees, 400 borse and 150 foot. (9) Bbsgwan Singh of Buriaandbis
dependants had an annual revenue of 2,17,000 rupees, 330 borse, and 495 foot.
(lO) Dolchi Singh of Rtdour bad an annual revenue of 76,900 rupees, 184 borse
aod 120 foot. (([) Copal Siogh of Kfanimajara had an annual revenue of
79,007 rupees, 200 horse, 300 foot and 4 guns. (12) Nawab Ataullah Khau of
Malerkotla had an annual reveoue of 40,000 rupees, aod 400 horse. (13) Nawab
RebmatKbaoof Kunjpura badaoannnal reveoue of 89,000 rupees. 20 borse
end 6C0 fool, (14) The petty chieftains of Cheloch, Monsauly, Karoh, Maodob
etc. had an annual revenue of 3.00,000 rupees and a combined military strength
of 600 troopers.

3t. I>ei>«nd*Btt of Raajit Sinsh

Tbe Chiefs subject to the Kingdom of Lahore were : (1) Jodh Siogh of
Kelsia— revenue 2,57.000 rupees, miliiaty strength 1,535 horse, 850 foot. (2) Sardar

iJErENDANTS OF RASHTStSClt

Fateh Singh AhlOwSha— revenue 1,76,COO fi.pee>, military strerith 1,000 horse,
400 foot. (3) Jawahir Singh of Jutwar—reveoue 77,000 rupees, military strenglb
3 guns. 250 horse and 400 font. (4) Karam Singh Sbabld and others— revenue
72,000 rupees, 130 horse and 100 foot. (5) Ohup Singh and Deva Siogb of
Rupar— revenue 53,000 rupees, military strength not known. (6) DiwSn Muhkam
Chand and other Sardats dependant on Ranjit Singh— revenue 2, S9, 200 rupees,
military strength unspecified. (7) Cujjar Singh and others of Makhowal— revenue
77,600, military strength URspectfied. (S) Gujjar Singh and otbtn of Khamanu-
revenue 25,000 (-t) Dharam Sirgh of Khar— revenue 20,000 (10) Ram Singh
of Flasiao— revenue 32,000. (11) Altar Sicgh of Dbaramkot— revenue 40,000.
(12) Cbarat Singh and other petty chiefsofMechiwira, Ramgarb etc— revenue
1,20,000. (13j Dhanna Singh of Feroxepur— revenue 40,000. (14) Gulab Singh of
Faridkot— revenue 35,000. In all White's Swrrry records the names of 23 Cis-Sutlej
Chieftains who were dependants or tnbotaries of Mabaraja Raojit Singh and
their territories were left undisturbed. Total amount of revenue of the country
between Delhi and the Sutlej, eaclus-ve of the British possessions, was estimated
at 42,47.922 rupees, and military sirengtb 24,959 horse and foot

■12

Cbapteb i

SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION OF MULTAN AND KASHMIR

1. Moltan

IN THE SOUTH, tbc province of Mo](an occupied a straiegic area.’ Rich
infertile lands and agricnltursl products, it served as an e/7/rc;?c/ of trade and
commerce for the Punjab, Sind. Afghanistan and Central Asia. Well*CDltivaled
and sTclI-watered from welts and a chain of irrigation canals, it produced wheat,
millet, cotton, and indigo. It was famrus for slJfc and cottoo fabrics, shawls and
lungis, and borocades and tissues. The province of Multan had formed a part
of the Mughal empire, and had come into the possession of the Afghans in 1752.
It was governed as a part of Ahmad Shah Abdali's Indian empire since the
cession of the Punjab and Sind by the Mughal emperor to the Durrani invader
in 1757.

A decade later, Ihanda Singh, the valiant Chief of the Bhangl Misal had
carried Sikb arms to M'jltan, He failed in his attempt to drive out the Durrani
satrap Shuja Khan Saddozai from Mutiao, and Mubarak Khan, his Daudpota ally
from Oafaawafpur. After an indecisive battle foogbt on the banks of the Sutlej,
a vague understanding was arrived at between the Bbangisand the Saddozai
Nawab that the holy town of Pakpatian would demarcate the boundary of their
territories and acnbitiozis. But (he BbaogTs broke the truce soon afrer, and
another vain attempt was made to capture Multan in 1771. Early next year,
however, a feud arose between Shuja Khan Saddozai and Hiji Sharif Beg, the
two contestants for tbe Afghan governorship of Multan; and Haji Sharif Beg
invited the Bb&ngis to come to bis aid. Jbanda Singh marched on Multan with a
large force along with his brother Ganda Singh, and in a fiercely contested battle
routed Nawab Shoja Khan Saddozai and bis ally, tbe Nawab of Babawalpur.
The Bhangis seized the fortress, the defeated Nawab having sought refuge at
Shujabad ; but they were disioclined to band over the territory to Haji Sharif

> Aut&ffritifi; Mutiafi Dntuet Gazsneer. Lthote. 1527: Yusuf Girdci, HntS’-i-
Mbtion (MS. in Punjab Public Libtarr. Labore) ; KanahiT* L»l. Ranjlinama. Labote.
1S70. tbe Oaltit It: ChuUia iiliot, c/jn; t-MuliSn. Ginesh Da*.

.;aiir.S-.Mkli3n va PesSavar; HabstnCband, TawrrtJi.l.r.lIaVi Wattan, Lafcote, 1S34 etc
See aUo, Hpbtnstone. An Acreunf trf the Kingd«m of Ksij.'. 1335. , ; Masson. Tr Leoien.
1342.1: Pjmes, Trasetr in:o l,oQdcD. 1634. t. For Bjitisb records see tenerally, tbe

deipattbno! Otbtetlony wid Cdaonstcne— (P)6:54, 37tte.

MOLTAK

Deg. They proclaimed Multan as a Khaisa lerilory, and Haji Sharif Beg was
driven out of it to find aslyuminhts jlgirat Tulumba. The Obangis then
parcelled out the town between ihemselves, A par] of the city was assigned to
Lehna Sitigh, the Bhangl general and Diwan Singh Cbacchowalia was appointed
the commander of the fort, which was garrisoned with Sikh troops.

The Dhangt rule of Multan lasted euclly seven years. They bad formed
out the country to the Daudpotas of Bahawalpur ; they had neither the time nor
capacity to set np an administration in Multan, fhanda Singh was involved in
constant wars and internal feuds of the warring Misals. He subdued Jhang,
Mantera and Kala Bagb, but was foiled in hss attempt to overrun Shujabad.
Soon afterwards, he was assassinated wheit embroiled in a war with the Kanaba>
ySs and the ^ukerchakils at Jsmma whither be had marched to settle the issue
of succession to the chlefihip.

The news of (be capture of Afulrao by the infidel Sikhs bad shocked
Kabul, but the death of Ahmad Shah in June 177}. and the succession of Taimur
Shah to the moraod at Kabul with his resulianl embroilment in domestic feuds,
prevented the Afghans to reclaim their lost territories in the Punjab from the
Sikht, Afeeawhiie Sfauja Kbaa died in 1776 at Shujabad, and his son Muzaffar
Khan lucceeded him. But in 1779. Taimur Sbab having secured bis position at
Kabul, crossed the river Indus with art Afghan host of IS.OOO which was swelled
by the cries of JehsJ to over 25,000 at Peshawar. He quickly overran Dera
Obazi Khan, routed a Sikh force at Shujabad. and beieiged the fortress of
Multan. The Sikh garrison surrendered and was allowed to leave unmolested.
The victorious Amir of Kabul tnsialled Muzaffar Khan as his deputy at Multan,
overran Bahawalpur and Sind, the rulers of which were again brought into
subjection as the tributaries of Kabul, and thereafter he returned to Afghanistan.

2. Niwib Muziftir SfaiiD

Thus Multan again reverted to the position of a province oftbe Durrani
empire tilt the death of Taimur Sbab in 1792. Nawab Muzaffar Khan continued
to acknowledge the nominal Afghan suzerainty till Wazir Fateh Khan, the all*
powerful minister of Amir Shah Mahmud of Kabul desired to replace him by
one of his nominees ; but Muzaffar Kbao stoutly resisted the attempt, and Shah
Shuja-ol-Mulk, who had regained ascendancy in eastern Afghanistan, afrer being
foiled in an attempt to oust ib: Nawab frooi the fortress in 1803 tacitly supported
Nawib Muzaffar Khan and confirmed him to (be governorship.

Mountstuart Elpfaiostone wbo visited the Nawab in 1808, gives a vivid
description of Multan and its administration under Muzaffar Khan. The city,
he observes, stood 4 miles from the left of the river Cbenab ; it was surrounded

52 StKH COKQUFST AND ADMINfSTRATION

by a wall between forty and fifty feet high. Tbc country was pleasing and
fertile, and tbe land was flat and soil etcellent, but "a large portion of the
villages were in ruins, and there were signs of a wcll-cnliivafcd country going to
decay” He describes its canals and methods of irrigation. Elphinstone met
Nawab MuzafTar Khan and comments on his gavernment. “Nothing could be
worse than (he government; all sorts of direct exactions were aggravated by
monopolies, rapacious ungovernable troops, and every other kind of abuse.’’^
The army of the Nawab at this time was estimated 2,000 strong with 20 guns, but
10,000 militia could in time of emergency be called out.

3. Paojit S'lQgh'* atcibitioBS

Ranjit Singh made two abortive attempts to wrest Multan from Nawab
Muzaffer Khan in 1802 and 18"6. In 1802, he appeared in the NawaVs domin-
ions with a strong force, and MuzaSar Khan's emiisaries met him 30 kos away
from the city and purchased immunity by ofTering a irnzarfiea and a promise of
tribute. There is no corroborative evidence supporting local histories of
Kanahaya Lai, Ranyitnrtma- and of Dewao Atoarnath, Zafarnajna’l Ranjit Singk*
that a battle was fought betweeo tbe troops of Nawab Muzaffar Khan and Ranjit
Singh and that tbe town was ransacked by tbe Sikbs. Tbe second Sikh attempt
on Multan did not materialise, and tbe forces sent for its reduction after
accepting a present of 70,000 rupees were recalled becaose of Holkar’s irruption
into the Punjab.

In 1807, however, a punitive e.tpediilon was sent against tbe Nawab, who
had refused to pay the tribute, had conspired with Nawab Qutb-ud-Din Khan
of Kasuf, and had given asylum to Ahmad Khan SiSl of Jhang, who after having
been defeated by Ranjit Siogb, had taken shelter there. But the Stkbs could
neither capture the city nor sloint the fortress. Ranjit Singh was glad to accept
an idemnity of 70,OCO rupees; and after having come to terms with the
Daudpots Nawab of Bahawatpnr, he returned to bis capital.

4. Fourth lorasioB oi Moltio (ISfO)

Early in the year 1810. the Maharaja had met Shah Sbuja-ul-Mu1k. tbe
ex-king of Kabul at Aitock and discussed with him the possibility of the latter's
recovering the provinces of Kashmir and MnUan. ButSbahShuja was suspici-
ous of the Sikh designs and did not come to any understanding with Ranjit
Singh.* However, Ranjit Siagb took advanttge of his meeting with the et-king,

1 An AtCfunt ef xhe KtrgSom ef KtijJ, IS39. i. p. Z3, Z7.2S.

* Libote. IStO.

s Laboie. 192S.

‘ SttOT to S»5niton. 15 Much, 181MP) 5 : 74.

FOURTH invasion OF MULTAN (1810)

snd issued an ultimatum to the Saddozai Nawab in the name of Shah Sbuja to
band over the province of Mu)tan to him. This seriously alarmed Muaaffar
Khan ; he procrastinated with the promise of a substantial subsidy but made
hectic preparations for the defence of the fortress. In February, Ranjit Singh
marched with a considerable force on Multan reaching there on the 24th of the
month. He took possession ofthecity, and laid seigetothe citadel. Ranjit
Singh called upon the chiefs of Leiah, Bbakkar aud Kaochi and the Nawab of
Bahawalpur to join him. The former chiefs paid a collective ransom of 1,20,000
rupees, and the Daudpota Nawab's offer of 1,00,000 rupees having been turned
down by Ranjit Singh, he furnished a contingent of 500 horse. At the same
time, a contingent of Sikh troops under DiwSn Mubkam Chand invested the
fortress of Sbujabad, 20 miles from Multan.' The memorable siege of Multan
commenced on 25 February, andlastedfor about 2 months tilt 19 April, ISIO.
But Ibe heavy Sikh cannonade for several days and successive assaults of the
Lahore troopsmade little impressioti on the besieged within the fortress. The
famous SO-pouoder Bhaogf cannon tamzama was brought from Lahore, but ft
failed to discharge its deadly shells. The Sikb artillery having proved ineETective
to batter the walls, resort was taken to mining, but ibe defenders replied with
eounterminiog, which blew up a Sckti battery commanded by Atter Singh Dhari,
who was killed along with his men. There was consternation and panic in the
Sikh Camp and it became obvious that ibe siege would be protracted and the
pravitioRs would ruo out. Meaowbile the force sect under Diwso Mubkam Chand
to Sbujabad bad been repulsed with heavy casualties.

Latif describes the siege : “Ranjit Singh made the most solemn and
lavish promises to tbe chiefs who should distinguish themselves in the action by
Ibe earliest effective advance. He personally reconnoitred the enemy’s position,
examined his posts and fixed bis own. marking out spots for the batteries, and
assigning lines of approach to the different chiefs, whose sense of duty to their
countrymen was appealed to with vebemeoce Extensive transport arraogments
were made both by land and water from Lahore and Amritsar and tbe whole
resources of the county were anreservediy placed at the disposil of the miiitary
autborities to secure the much-coveted possession. Tbe famous Bhangl cannon
zomzama was brought from Lahore to batter down the walls of the fort ; but it
made little iwprasioa on the besiegers.”*

Tbe fierce and valiant resistance offered by the defenders of the
impregnable fortress of Mulian* convinced Ranjit Singh that discretion was tbe

> Set-n to Goveinncnr, 22 Mjieb. 1910 {P)3 76.

s P. 4$S. Foe ocher account! o( the tiefe, tee gcDentljf, Secon to £<linon>tone. IS, 16,

2L 23 March. 1510-(P) J c 74. 75. 77 tod 73 ; alia (P)3 s M-Sl

a The citadel ot Mulcan it datcribed inpcefnabla and reportedtr of cteat fttm(th
and aoti^uitr. iti modara ttruenra «aa raised la 1640 A. D. hr prince Murtd

91 SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

better part of valour, and he now accepted (he previous offer of Muzaffar Khan
of an annual tribute of 2,50,000 ropses, 20 horses, and a contingent of troops to
be placed at the disposal of Ibe Maharaja at the time of war. Dut the tribute
of 30,000 rupees could only b: paid, and the disspitited ruler of Lahore
gracefully agreed to accept Abubakar Khan, a brother-in-law of the Nawab, as a
hostage for ihe payment of the balance.

The successive failures of the Sikbs to conquer Multan bad cast a gloom
at Lahore. David Ocbterlony, who visited Lahore two years later on tbe
occasion of prince Kharak Singh’s marriage, found the Maharaja depressed at
bis failure to cTccupy Multan which he so much coveted to conquer.^ In the
meantime. Nawab Muzaffar Khan bad complained of the Sikh designs to the
British Government and had sought its assistance to save the bis kingdom.* To
counteract the Saddozai Kawab’s move, Raojit Singh made a ludicrous proposal
to the British Agent at Ludhiana for a joint conquest of Multan. The move for
co-operation in the Sikh ambitions towards Multan was, however, rejected by
Fort William.*

5. Freparittons for final assault

Two further half-hearted attacks were made to occupy Multan in 1816
and 1817. But tbe citadel defied (be Sikbs, and Diwan Bbowaui Dass, the
Lahore commander returned to (be capital after receiving a paltry nizarana. It
became now evident to Ranjit Siogb that tbe reduction of the fort and tbe
subjugation of the Saddozais would require military preparations on a moch
larger scale. Orders were, therefore, issued late in 1817 for a full scale campaign.
Troops were collected in streegib. tbe transport system reorganised, the line of
communication studded with depots of military stores and provisions. Tbe
Nawab's \aklls were told that complete surrender and cession of tbe fort were

Rakhash. son of empetOT Sbab Jahan, altboJSh Sir Atczaadei Cuanin/hasi's rvsaarches date
tbe onCinal fott bsaiog been constructed earlieria 7cb or Seb century B.C. Mrcb. Surrey
Rercrti. T.p. 12710. and it is ceitain that Alexandettbe Great etnquerej it in 325 B. C. si
did tbe Arab intrader Mubameaad bin Qisiis capture it in 702 A. D Ira otismal circuit is
desTibed by Cunninibam to be 6.600 feet crllintles. Itia conittucted irregularly on a
mound of eaitb, its walla ate 6 feet thick, riams to 40 feet la hsicbt. Tthad30 towets, sod
was well secured by a deep tteseb. and a Zateway. approached by a draw-brid;e. There were
two (Unking towers and (out gates to it all protected by projectiog spikes to prevent tbeit
being battered by clepbanti. The lotenoc o{ the (ort was filled with houses, tsosques asd
coupolis. See generally. Elpbinstone. Koesit. i, p. 27-23 1 Masson. 7"rareU. i, p. 394 ;

Eurnes, T rarelj in Baihara etc. p. P4 rs srp.

« Oehteticny to Edmonstonc. 23 January. JS12-(P> J2 : 3J ; VT. ii. p 122 //.

* See particulatly. Edmonstor.e to OchTcilony, 23 December. I3l!>-(P) 6: 67.

* E Jaonstone to Ocbtetlntiy, 25 Septesaber, 151Cl-(P) 6 : 54.

COSOUEST OF MULTAN' (ISl') ^

the pre*requi<ilei Tor toy nr;otl>lion> * A force 20,000 strong ua<3er Mister
Dewat) Cband and prince Kbarab Singh with a itrong wing cf artillery and
■ccompnied by a contirfcnt of fanatic Ab3l|t ondcr Phula Singh proceeded
towards Multan in January IMS-

(. Con<)<iMto( MutUntmtA)

Tarly in February, the Sikh forces occupied Muzaff^rgarh and Khangarh.
The Nawab having failed la buy off the Lahore commanders with the offer of
tribute, arouied the Muslim population of the adjoining districts w ith a war-cry
of fthjJ against the StVh iDfidelt, and scot frantic appeals to Afghanistan for
succour. But although the city of Multan was accupied by the Sikht, the citadel
defied the besiegers for about 4 tnomht. The befeagured Afghan garrison 2,000
strong resisted with redoubtable courage and endurance : the Sikb cannon made
breaches in the thick nud-and-brick wallsof the fortress, across the wide ttoat
which surrounded tl. but the GhSrit toon filled them up The bombardment
proved ineffective. Offers of a /Agir and safe conduct made to the Nawab were
spurned with derision. In April reinforcements from Lahore arrived under
JimSdSr Khusbal Singh cloog with the fO-pounder cannon :am:ema

The stromieg of the farttess contioued iiii 3 June, when llabi Balkhash*i
atlilerry efTecied (Wo wide hre8eheS4 In various assaults the Sikhs croitei the
tnnat, but were mowed down b> (be CbSzi musketry behind mud and mouedt
suitaieiog a loss of iSOOmen The valiant Afghan defendtrs were now reduced
to 400 men cf all arms, but they refused to lurreoder or ask for quarter. It was,
however, evident that they would not be able to tesist much longer. On the
night of 2 June, a party of AkJli fanatics under Sadnu Siogh surprised the
defenders by rushing through one of (be breaches at the Khizri Gate. The Sikh
infantry soon followed. Griffin describes the final scene : “Here the old Nawab,
with his eight lonsand all that remsioed of his garrison, smod sword in hand,
resolved to fight to the death. So many fell beneath the keen Afghan swords and
(be Sikhs drew back and opened fire, on (he little party with (heir matchlocks.
'Come on like men,* shouted the Afghans. 'and let us fall m fair fight.’ But this
was an invitation which (he Sikhs did not care to accept There died (he white-
bearded Muzaffar Khan, leornirg to accept quarter, and five of bis sons. The
skth was wounded teveraly in (be face, and two sccepted quarter and were
saved. Few of the garrison escaped wu'ih (heir lives, and the whole city was
given to plunder."*

t On ib« (uh|«c. fit itottMi. UT. IL P 311 «i iN . Ths Multin Diiinei
Ca2eunrlCittn\iDnt$‘i!unf:.i-MuUaa,Paknuar andChuIiiu jitmi * c/u’C i..Mvli-lii. ilio
Munihi Hakio Chind’t Tet'aTtik.i.Ztttah’t Jtiitiaii, Labote, tSSl etc.

* ftanjll Sin/ti.p. 1S6-1S7.

§6 sIkH CONQUESt AND ADMl^’iSTRATXO^J

Latir describes graphically the sack of Multan : “The city and fort were
now given up to be pfandered by the Sikh troops ; great were the ravages
committed by the Sikhs on this occasion. About 400 to 500 bouses in the fort
nere razad to the ground and their owners deprived of all they bsd. The preci-
ous stones, jewellery, shawls and other valuables belongiog to the Nawab were
confiscated to the State aod kept carefully packed by Djwan Ram Diyal, for the
inspection of the Maharaja. The arms were all carried away. lo the town
many houses were set on fire, and ttolbing was left with the inhabitants that was
worth having. Hundreds were stripped of their clothes. Outrages were commi-
tted on the women, many of whom committed suicide by drowning themselves
in the wells or otherwise putting an end to their lives, in order to save them-
selves from dishonour. Hundreds were killed to the sack of the city ; and
indeed there was hardly a soul who escaped both loss aod violence. So great,
in short, were the horrors inflicted upon the unfortunate inhabitants that the
terrible incidents attendants on the ssck of Multan are recollected to this day,
and still not unfrequectly form the topics of conversation.”*

The Sikh victors of Mulian having occupied the citadel, officers aod men
ransacked the town. 20, CO, COO rupees worth of booty was taken by tbe soldiery
from the wealthy town, bat a stern warning by the Maharaja with a penalty
of death for not restoring tbe spoil to the State, disgorged merely 5,00,000 rupees
worth of the plunder.* The conqoesi of Multan by tbe Sikhs in ISIS sounded
the death-knell of the waning Afghan influence In sourtbern Punjab. It gave to
Ranjit Siegb possession of a substantially rich province yielding an annnal
revenue of 7,00,000 rupees, a commercial centre of great advantage, and a city
strategically commanding a vital military position. Multan was a gateway to
Sind, and its conquest ultimately brought tbe submission of the Dersjat and the
Daudpoias of Bnbawalpur.

7. Mnltan uoder Sikh rule

For some time after the Sikh conquest of hfuitan, conditions were highly
unsettled. People of the city had been wantonly despoiled by tbe Sikh soldiery ;
tbe farmers bad left the fields, and the population had left the town ; the weavers
and silk manufacturers had ceased their activitie:;, and trade was at standstill.
But with the appointment of a Lahore govercer Sukb Dayal in 1818, there

• HiJlfrf ef PunjaS. Calratts. 1S91, F- 412.

* In 182 Rtsjit Singh nieiullr told eravrltec Wiliiam ttooffitlt (rrareli, p. 61) that
atthetimeoi in eonque^t tee vealth of the city wat estimated at 4 crores of tupeea- Tke
Sikh cetera, he raid, did not lettraia the tdiicta ftoa pUndec after the fall of the toirn. hut
rety little of the booty came to baa thace. even thonsh the loldieiy waa made to dUtoHi P*rt
of it.

Land revenue sYSTE.si

Were signs of ibe Doroistcy ; but tbe rcs-eoae could not be collected and the
Mahsraji removed the governor and imprisoned him on charges of misappropria*
(ion of Slate dues. Tbe country was then fanned out to Sham Singh for an annual
sum of 6.SO,O0O rupees. He and bis successor Badan Ilazari failed to render
account and were dismissed soon after, (o fS2t, Muliao was farmed out to
Diwdn Sawan Mai, who proved to be one of its most cincieot administrators and
a beneficieot ruler for almost a quarter of a century.

Sawan Mai's administration in Multao was In sharp contrast with that
of the iubohj of Peshawar and Kashmir. He introduced fiscal and judicial
reforms, and with a firm hand curbed the lurbuleot tendencies of the refractory
zam!nd3ts in such a manner (hat peace aod prosperity came to the province.
He improved the lot of the cultivators by giving them relief from tbe pressure of
exorbitant exactions, l/nder Ibe Saddozai Nawabs cultivation bad decreased,
lands were deserted, and an improverisbed class of proprietors bad grown up.
Sawan Mai introduced land reforms which without disturbing tbe proprietory
rights of the zamtndSrs encouraged the Chakitafs aad tht Slllunda/s— tbe real
rultlvjlers of the soil, to reclaim aod improve the Jasd aod dig wells io tbe
uoeullivatcd portions of tbe land. Tbe lyttem saved them from the ibrsldom of
Ibe zamindar. The actual cultivator could not be ejected from tbe land provided
be paid to the zamindlr his share of the prcdoce, thus giving him an interest
in Ibe improvement of the soil. Tbe government share was kept atthelowest—
usually l/2rd of Ibe produce. Oa certain cash crops. su;h as sugar aod Indigo,
It was furlber reduced to |/6ih. State share could be paid either in cash or in
kind at current market rates. Ptittos were granted to individuals for the
cultivation of wells— 25 SIghet of land, and numerous fees and cesses, the goblfah
tbe ieroni aod skarO/J were retained in feis iiksotne form. Cradualty tbe
CAcAddrs became hereditary cultivaton. and paid revenue direct to the State,
thus acquiring permanent rights in tbe laod in the village, which (hey could
alienate without the consent of (be proprietor. Sawan Mal'i agricultural reforms
In Ibe jubah of Multan, which included Ibe districts of Dera Cbazj Khan,
Muzaffargarb, Lclah and Jhang. were based on tbe principle of lower taxes,
better facilities for collivator to get adequate price for bis produce, aod a regular
supply of water to bis fields.

S. Ltad RcTmue Sftttm

The system of land revenue assessmeat prevalent under the Sikhs io tbe
zubaA of Multan was on the basis of goveramental share either in cash or kind
of tbe gross produce. It was classified under four beads, v/z., (I) /insl or Bata’J,
tbe staodard nielbod ot a ibare in tbe crop et M rale wbicb varied aceordiagto
the condition of tbe toil. It averaged between ]/4(fa to ]/3rd of (be gross produce.

N-13

98 skH CONQUEST AND ADMINlSTRATl0f<

(2) Naqdi-Jinsl, or cash kind assessment, by which the landlord purchased
the government share at fixed rale. (3) ZabiJ or cash assesmeot per acre
00 certain crops. (4) or cash lumpsum assessment, where the landholder

bad hlmseir provided means of culiivatioa or wells without State help, a fixed
assessment in money appraised under a deed, which stipulated the governmental
share usually at 12 rupees per well.

But although the assessment in Multan was considerably reasonable, both
the landlord and tbe cultivator were saddled with extra burdens in their
bewildering numbers. A ccss called the malba or fee for the renewal of lease was
payable on certain conditions ; the or royalty on all cash-crops sold;

the shukrana or thanksgiving ; chart or pasturage cess. Other cesses equivalent to
graft or extortions levied for tbi upkeep of revenue and military ofl'icials bad
(be picturesque but irksome nnmes-tbe /aM-drimn or essentials, (be qannn^i,
kharch l-dablr u-j darogha wa d'lKOni, begar vea shikar etc.

9. Network of eaa«t<

Multan was studded with a system of old and new canals as under ;

(1) Tbe Z7/uanH-dA, a canal 35 miles in length, irtigating Lodhran, Khai
and Mails!, was an old disused canal re-excavated by Mustfa Khan under Ssvan
Mai. It was navigable for boats upio 40 mites from Multan. (2) Tbe Sardarvahtit
miles in length, irrigating Kebror and Sardarwab. It was navigable for about 25
miles along tbe highway from Multan lo Babawalpur. (3) Tbe MukammaditaJi, a
canal having a length of 30 miles, irrigating Kehror. It was navigable for 12 miles
from its mouth at Sbabpur Jussa. (4) Tbe Bahawalwah, length 30 miles, irrigated
Mailsi and Kehror. It was navigable for about 15 miles from its month. (5) The
Sultanvah, length 25 miles. It was a branch of tbe Bahawalwah, which irrigated
Mailsi and Kehror, and was navigable for about 3 miles. (6) The Qabulwsh,
leugth 20 miles. It Irrigaied Msilsi and was navigable for 3 miles. (7) The
Jamwah,]eDglh30tDiics. It irrigated Mailsi and was navigable for 8 miles from
its mouth at Ni'anat AU. (8) Tbe Jamwah and the Quiubwoh, length 30 miles. It
irrigated Mailii and was navigable for about 10 miles. (9) Canal iro/< Muhammad,
length 30 miles. It irrigated MuUan and its environments, and was navigable
beyond Suraj Kund. (10) Tbe Sbahpur Canal, length 12 miles. It irrigated Multan,
(11) Tbe DoorSna Ccnal, length 10 miles. It irrigated Multan end Sitlamarbi. (12)
The length 30 miles. Jr irrigated Multan and its suburbs and was

navigable for 15 miles. (13) Ibc Gujuhala Canal, length 12 miles. It irrigated
Sbujabad and was partly navigable. (I4) Tbe Bakhtwah, length 12 miles. It
irrigated Shujabad and was navigable for about 8 miles. (15) The Dhundhu Canal,
length 16 miles. It irrigated Sbujabad and was navigable for about 8 miles.'

^ H.Jteiet—Canalt ef the Meeltan Dittriet. No, I, dtted 29 Nertabet,

SAWAN MAI s A BENEFtCtEST RULER

]0. Sawia M<I : • htnftitint raUt

Sawin Ml! knew ihe country of Muilan and iit depeodeociet very wtll.
He leplaced the diiorgsnised lovcranenl of the Pathant by a t)stem of rule
conducted on prlnctplei which benefitied both the 5:ale and the people. The
revenue arraoeements with their local and individual character were not touched ;
be simply centralised the aiiminltttatioo, dispensed sviib the corrupt kardart, and
gave personal attention to all business of the State. lie held regular darbar, and
dispensed justice to all and sundry without any resenations of caste and creed.
“He was thus able," obicrves Sir Edward Maclagen, “in a remarkable way to
make tbit district, Ihe most contented in India, and )et at the lime time, to
make it yield every rupee of Income ifiai could be sijueeted from it, and this
result be achieved by a combination of strict justice with minute revenue mana*
gement. He was constant and methodical in hit kutrhtiry hours, and minute
in hit supervision, especially over matters of accounts ... In his judicial work he
was itrkt and impartial ... to too in hit revenue administration.,, be carried
out tfae ideas of land natioDilisatiOB to great tengihs, Hu maio prtseiple was
that if the land was euliurable and the owner did not cultivate it, aneilser
cultivator should be put in by tbe State, and the owner recouped by a small doe
or not cecerdiflg to cireumtiances. Each village was assessed in the way that
gave tbe largest return to governmeot. but whenever possible that way was the
most suitable to the cultivators. If a man bad not capital to build a well or to
by oxen, tbe Stale at once tuppiied tbe capital and recouped as best as t) could,
not aecordiog to any system but by ukiog as much from tbe owner each year
as he could spare without Injury to tbe cultivation. The canals were diligently
cleared out, the zealous zamiadars being eocourageJ by rewards and bonours,
and the remiss being severaly punished. Tbe Hindu who wanted to invest money
in land was given uncultivated land to reclaim, and when he reclaimed it was
made to pay full annual reveoue for ii. Useless expenditure on JOgirs and
mu’d/is was reduced to a minimum, and CTcrythiog able to yield revenue was
made to yield it. And yet, tbe people, tired after long hirassments and pleased
with tubstantial justice they received, were kept happy and contented as they
have probably never been before or since."’

II. people, Tridcand Comiane*

Vu Wn, W'tAVw»krti4u‘ptrp*A*\wuV/ttwwi» ■wViVi

bouses, the area within the walls completely built over.* Alexander Barnes wbo

5(t<cl(o«i freei PiAIie Cemrpendeiiee ef iSe Admintdroiien ftr tV« affatti ef l^e PuKjai.

' VoL 1. Lsiore, 1857.

r Cereiierr e/ .Mullen Dtririrc, Lelierc, 1927, p. 4)-S0.

I Mtiton, Jturntyl tte, i, p, 39t ff.

loo SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

visited Multan a few years later ia 1831, describes the circumference of the city
upwards of three miles, surrounded by a dilapidated wall overlooking the fort*
ress. It had a population of 60,000 souls; 2/3rd Muhammadans, and l/3rd
Hindus. The fort was garrisoned by 500 Sikh troops.* Masson who was in Multan
in 1827 describes its citadel, its commerce, shrines and ruins. He describes that
the citadel and its defences were elaborate, but the Sikhs had not taken the
trouble to repair the breaches of the siege, consequeutiy these were in a much
dilapidated state. It was also poorly garrisoned. Its trade bad fallen since
the Sikhs took it over from the Pathao Ntwabs, but : “there are still numerous
bankers, and manufacturers of silk and codon goods. Its fabrics of sfaawis and
lungis are deservedly esteemed, and its borocades and tissues compete with that
of Bahawalpur.”*

Among the Muhammadans, the Palhans were still the largest landowners
in the villages. Under the Sikh rule, Sawao Mai's policy of rec/atnaiioo of land
had brought the afllueot Hindu Bh£ti'as of the lower Indus into the province.
They acquired land and proved successful agticoliurists. The Aroras or the
Kir9r$ were predominant everywhere is busioess sod moneyleodiog.
Muhammadan races inbabitiog this part of ibe kingdom we. e the Sayyeds, the
GilSnls, the Gardezis, the Quraisbls, the Paibans, the Mugbals, the Baluchis,
the ArS’Ins, the Jats and the Rsjputs. The Muhammadan ist was the backbone
of agriculture in the province. Among the ioferior Mubamtnadan tribes, the
Lab3o3s, the MahStams, Che Jhabals and (he Kehais were numerous, most of
them engaged in agricultural pursuits. Others like the Mocbls, the KutSnSs, the
Pa'olis and the T«iit and the Qassabs of the menial castes among the
Mubsminadass, followed their respective professions besides supplementing their
livelihood as tenants or farm tervants.

12. Commerce and duties

\Vc have some account of the trade activities of Multan in 1835.
Multan produced silks which were of high quality and popular in Sind, the
Punjab and India. Its main productions were khes, gulbadans, taimOr^bit,
chintzes, lungis and carpets. Ranjit Singh in a way encouraged their manu*
facture by giving at his Conrt the cloth taanufactured at Multan. They were
worn as sashes and scarfs by all the Sikh Sardars. The principal marls of
the country of Multan were : Amritsar. Bahawalpur, Kbalrpur, Dera Ghazi
Khan, Dera Ismail Khan and MUbankot, which bad communications
with the merchants of Shikarpur, Kandahar, Herat, Bokhara, Peshawar, Kabul,
Sind and India, Merchants of Sbikarpur especially the Lobanis resident at

t 7V0v(tf In BotSara <ie., pi94 (ce.

* iTeurnc}'! etc., opt. eii.

VlGNrS ACCOUNT

10)

Muliin rtnied nn lucurative irtde tri'b Ceetral Aii». Malian [rapottcd lilk from
Holbira in Tutihlao at (be rate of 3S)7.t rofeei prr cacneMoid of 6| miundt
fcroD|ht bjr ibe Lohanli via ICabul aoJ Gbtrni. Si’k artielei were moiily
riporlrd to Amntiar; nlk clotb, rblot/'i and fndi/o worth 5,50.000 roper*
•ere exported to Khorataa and Turiiitea : the expert C|uret for Sind are
30,OCO rupee* ; India !0 COO lupeet and Amrittar 30.000 rupee*.*

From Afchaniiti’i, Multan Imported tllk. fruit, aiiafoeiidi, vinegar and
candiraenti ; from Amiit*ar rng’iih cloth, hatdi. ginger and copper ware: from
India cloth, Jjkti. erpprr and hr*** pan . from Shik arpur prjt}* ; anj from Dera
Ghazi Khan opium, *iu7, butler Sftd oil. Mohan Lai deicrihei Ibe exorbitant
cution charge* in the Punjib and obtrtve* that the roerchinti received ito
eecourgemrat from the covcrttment. A tcbeduir if rnjiom datit$ prevalent In
1835 i« alto available : Silk etpjtied-S anna* per tecr, while lilk lold in the town*
13 anna* per legr : lfld'g>f>| rupee* p:r maund , CnKlith cloth'7% ; Droad
eloih'IO ttinsi per )ard , Spioei-J% : Cotfoo»I5.0 per tnauad: ftail and
raiilnt from Kabul' 54 rap::* pet camrl'load; hofie*'5 rupee* each; and
etmcU'2 rupee* each.* An indigeeout tyttem of laturanze of merebaodite
called (he wu( citrreas for <.(k trade br(*rei Multan aod Amruitr. ft
amounted to 59 rupee* per naund •hieh iociuJed the (reighi but the cuitem
duties were pajiable bp the owner of the cargo '

13. Vlrfie'i teenoa*

Godfrey Vigne, who vitited Multan at (he zenith of Sawan Mal’t rule in
mif. ohfcrves that be met the governor : *’Kanjit Siogh bai been beard to say
that he was one cf the best odicers in hi* service.'* lie obiervet that Multan
was famous for its silk minufaciuref. 709 maundi of silk wat imported to
Multan every year from Dokhata attd Turkitian, Vlgoe'a deicriptioo of the
people of the country of Multan and their aoeiai behaviour at the festival of
naiiikhi Is picturesque, lie s*y« : “I rode to the river about three mites dliiant.
The country which intervenes between the city aod its bank* was looking very
green and picturesque, coofidertrg it is entirely flat ; a great deal of land was
nodcr cultivation and beating very fine crops of wheat. Welt planted gardens
were always In sight ; and date and palm trees standing singly or in groups were
frequently teen amoagsi the numerous tope* or clump* of mulberry, maogo,
banfao, peepul and acacia frees. Dyffte roadside ivere rhe reoderr of srreifhs

* Mohin L*!, Tttnli ia Punith, AfsS«aiiMa.tu. Ptllala. 1971, 39l ff.

» lUJ.

» ntJ P. s«.

* A r«ri«*«t NarraUce e/ « Pirit I* Ckaaat etCn Lenjm. 190,p. 14.

102

SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

and fans made from the Sags that grew on the water's edge. In the afternoon
there was a fair in the Bagh AU Akbar, a garden with a shrine of a fakir of that
name. I saw the Multants returning, every specie: of conveyance had, of
course, been put in requisition t horses, mules, donkeys carrying one or two
persons : camels each bearing seven or eight women and children, disposed on
either sides to trucks; and unlicensed bullock carts, with cargoes of giggling
dancing girJr. The number of persons who will stow themselves in these
vehicles is quite astounding ; all were in their holiday dresses. Tbs Hindu was
to be distinguished by his castemark on bis forehead, bis rose-coloured turban,
and red 0owiDg trousers. The Multan Mussalman usually wore white dress of
the same kind of pattern. The Sikh, generally a Sepahi, was recognised by
his sword, matchlock and accoutrements, his scanty tnrban, bit earrings, his
would-be-knec-brecches, or his close-fitting, ill-used tronsers.*’*

2. CONQUEST OF KASHMIR

14. A diuitTODa expedition (1814)

The fiasco of Sikh co-operation with the Afghans against Kashmir in
1812 had exhibited to Ranjit Singh the weakness of the Mohammadan bill
Chiefs of Bbitsber and Rajoori, both of which commanded the approaches of the
Pir Panjal range of hills. Preliminary to as invasion of the Valley, a Sikh force
had already occupied these two places and driven out their chiefs to seek
refuge with Ata Muhammad Khan, the governor of Kashmir.* Raojit Singh now
made full preparaltons for a large scale invasion of Kashmir. On 6 June, 1814,
tfae Maharaja reached Bbimber on the banks of tbe river Jeblom. Contributions
or20,C00 rupees bad been levied on the bill rsjas surrounding the districts of
Nurpur and Jesrota ; tbe rajs of Punch. Rufaoitab Khan, was asked to co-operate
in tbe operations, and on bis refusal to do so, a detachment sent under Sardar
Fateb Singh AblQwaiiS and Diwao Ram Daya] overcame the armed resistance
offered by him atTfaatba, five Aos from Rajouri. Tbe Babram Kalla pass was
seized. Two divisions of the Sikh army then marched on Kashmir ; tbe main
army commanded by Ranjit Singh proceeded by the Punch route towards the
Tosbu Maidan Pass, while another ooder Ram Dayal and Sardar Dal Singh
by a diversionary route through Baramola towards Sopio inside the Kashmir
Valley*

But the progress of tbe expedition was severely retarded on account of
heavy ranu. The PIr Panjal was still snow-covered ; Sikh troops began to tnifer
from wet and cold, and the line of sopply conid sot be maintained. Further

‘ Jiid.

* Mums, p. j*. 394.

A bUASTROUS £XP£OtTlON (iSM) loi

operatioDS were, tberefore, tuspended temporaniy. However, towards the end
of tbe moDlb, the division commanded by (he Mabarajs arrived at Punch, which
town bad been evacuated. Here tbe Sikh force bailed, and after the replenish-
tcent of supplies, moved towards Nfandi. arriving at Toshu Maidan on 18 July,
where Ata Muhammad Khan, the Kashmir governor, with bis forces was en>
camped to bar tbe advance of tbe Sikh army.'

Meanwhile, totelligeoce bad been received that tbe force under Ram
Dayal and Dal Singh after ascending the Pir Panjal Pass had occupied Haripur
and was advancing on Supio, whither the defeated Kashmir force bad retired.
Tbe Sikhs assaulted the well^defended town but failed to dislodge tbe defenders
ted by the Afghan commander SbakurKhan. Meanwhile Azim Khan’s cavalry
appeared on the scene. In a battle fought in a snow-storm and heavy rains,
tbe Lahore troops were utterly routed. Reinforcements sent under Ram
Singh Bhaya, hearing the news of disaster at Supin halted at Baramula. The
defeated Sikh force fell back towards the Pir Panjal with heavy loss of men and
materials.

At this critical Juncture, Azim Khan opened offensive against tbe main
Sikh army under the Maharaja at Toshu Maidao. Tbe Sikh army, hard-pressed
by lack of provisions and diseomSited by rain and sickness, retired to Mandi,
which town was set on fire. With the Afghan host in hot pursuit, Raojit Singh
endeavoured to reorganise hii army demoralised by torreotial rains. Tbe roads
were all under water : the soldiers began to desert or were cut down by the hill
tribes and all baggage was lost. Tbe remoants of the Sikh army fell baek on
Punch, but the retreat was conducted so inegularly and in such disorder, that
it became a disgraceful Sight.* Under the stress of pursuit and terror of snow,
cold and rains, tbe Maharaja forced bis way back to Bbimber, when be decided
to leave Camp and return to Lahore; and accompanied by a few aiteodants,
be arrived at the capital on 12 August, 1814.

Thus ended in disaster and shame tbe Kashmir expedition of 1814. The
force under Diwsn Ram Dayal and Sardar Dal Singh was completely surrounded
by tbe Afghan troops. Its retreat and supplies having been completely cut off.
it faced immediate annihilation. However, Azim Khan allowed it safe conduct
to the Sikh frontier, on account of bis professed friendship with Diw3o Muhkam
Chand, the grandfather of the Sikh commander.*

1 Muttar, p. 7-8 : Lttif. p. 39*.

* Ocbtetlon; to Adami, 13 AuSutt, 1814.(P) 13 :78 iQd 19S.
S Mucit7,p,29: L«ti{ p. 4QS etc.

104

kKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

The failure of Ihe Lahore expedition ihook up the Sikh sway in the hill
region. Towards the dose of the year, the Muslim Chiefs of Bhimber and Rajouri
broke out in open revolt; the tiljas of Punch and Nurpur began assuming an
independent tone. The repulatioo lost by the Sikhs could only be retrieved by
successive punitive expeditions sent from Lahore during the next four years.

IS. Conquest of Kashmir (18i9)

, Multan fell IQ ISIS, but the disasterous setback suffered by the Lahore
forces in the Valley of Kashmir in 1814 rankled in the mind of the hfahsraja
for five years. Early in 1819, expeditions under Sirdar Desa Singh MajlthiS
having subdued the hill Chiefs, Bir Dfiar, a miaisfer of iabbir Khan, the Afghan
governor of Kashmir deserted his master and sought asylum with Ranjit Singh
at Lahore. BirDhar disclosed to the Maharaja that Muhammad Azim Khan
having gone away to Kabul with his best forces, the Valley of Kashmir «'as
unprotected at that time. The locum lenens JabbarKban had no adequate
means to defend the province should the Sikhs invade it. Acting on this
intelligence, Ranjit Singh ordered that preparations for the invasion of Kashmir
be set 00 foot. Misser Diwao Cbaod, the Sikb conqueror of Multan was
nominated to command the main army. 12,000 strong- Another division of
the army was placed under the command of Prince Kbarak Singh to support
Misser Diwao Cbaod. The Maharaja bfroreJf itayed at Wazirabad with the
third division as reserve and to supervise the flow of supplies and aramunittoo
to the army, which advanced from Lahore early in April 1819. Accompanied
t>y f3j2 Sultan Muhammad Khan of Bhrober, who bad been released from
captivity after 7 years, Misser Diwan Cbaod reached Bhimber in May and within
a fortnight occupied Rajouri and Punch, and secured all the passes in the
Pir Panjj) region. The road over Pir Paojal now lay open to tbs Sikh forces,
who advancing rapidly descended into the Valley and halted at Sarai Ali.

Meanwhile Prince Kbarak Singh's division advanced towards Surdi
Tbaaa,andtbe Maharaja with the third division cime upto Bhimber. Jabbar
Khan, the aciing governor of Kashmir had taken up a position at Supio towards
which the entire Sikh force advanced, and in a battle fought on 5 July, the
Kashmir forces were utterly routed and fled across the mouniaios.

The Valley of Kashmir now lay at the mercy of the victorious Sikh army.
A triumphal entry of the city was made, and the surroundiog forts of Shergarh
and Azimgarh surrendered. The Maharaja announced the annexation of Kashmir
to fats Kingdom, appointed Dlwan Moti Ram. son of Diwan Muhkam Chandas
its first governor and Diwan Devi Dass to be in charge of the settlement of the
country. Then he returned to Lahore to celebrate the victory of his arms*.

* Mumy to Ochtirieny, 15 Jul,. 13l9.(P)29 1 157 ; Litif. p. 417 //., ^tur«y, P. 50 ff.

KASrtyiR-STATISTlCS 105

Tbe conquest of Kasbmlr added an anoual revenue of 40,O0,0C0 rupees
to tbe KiagdoEn of Lahore and bioasht under Sikh rule an extensive area
inhabited by varied Tacts, Aryans and Turanians in tbe Valley and its iollier
mouotaios. It raised the prestige of the Mabanja and tbe majesty of his power
at Leb, Lhasa and beyond the Karakoram mountains. It struck a heavy blow
at the waning Afghan satrapies in oorthecn India, tbe only one left now was
Peshawar.

16 Eaihmlr Stitistlci

Kashmir was a rich prize with sit trade routes, its vegetable and forest
products and its valuable shawl trade and direct trade route to Tibet. Moorcroft
and other travellers who visited the Valley furnish us with a detailed
sccounc of (he adminhiruioa of Kasboifr under tbe Sikhs, itt races and
population, revenue, agricultural products and manufaclnres. Tbe varied races,
Aryan and Turanian inhabiting the Valley of Kashmir and its loftier mountains
were widely di^ereat in origin. Dogra rajputs were Hindus, Cbibbatis,
Kasbtniris and Dards were all Mubaomadaot. Tbere were also Afghans and
Brahmans In the Valley. The Turanian races— tbe Baltls were Muhammadans,
and the Ladakbls and the Cbsnpas were Buddhists, all of Tibetan erigio. During
(he Sikh rule, a few Sikh colonies were formed in tbe Jeblun) Valley. Kasboiri
Hindus and Drabmaot were mostly traders and government ofScials.

Feed end regtiabU pfodaets. Rice or shaU was the staple crop of
Kashmir. In. the Vadey the staple food of the inbabitanis was rtce, fish, meat,
vegetables and nudru or the root of tbe lotus phut. Tbe common food of tbe
Ladakbis was barley meal and broth of turoips. They draok tea and were
exceedingly fond of chang, a spirituous liquor made from barley and wheat
flour. The Baliis who were Muhammadauised Tibetans, were of the same stock
as the Ladakhis, generally ate grains and the higher classes amongst them could

drinking tea and ehang.

In tbe Valley of Kashmir vegetables and fruit grew in abundant
luxuriance. The cultivation in tbe Valley ibongh irrigated by canals, was in
small part dependent ou rains. lu Ladakh, tbe Thing or all cultivated land
was gtneraJly watered by small atreamx Kashmir was rich in forest product^.

It produced the HimsIaynD cedar or dtodar of tbe highest quality, which was
felted and logs cut into length and floated down the river Akhnur, from thence
to Wszirabad and into tbe Punjab. Kashmir supplied the Kingdom all its
lequiremeDts of timber. It bad abundant forest wealth— pine, called yor in
Kashmir, Grs, yew, oak, elm, cypress, ehuran, poplar, ash, acacia, willow and

N-14

ios SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATIOij

sandal'Wood. Walnat, cherry, apricot, apple, pear, peach, orange, guava,
almond, slive and vines were the maia varieties of fruit trees which enriched
the Valley.

Paper of excellent quality was made of the plantain tree ; twenty varieties
of grapes are said to have existed in Kashmir according to Moorcroft who
visited the Valley in 1821, from which was brewed wine, vinegar and brandy.
Other important varieties of vegetable and fruit were : strawberry, currant
{basho), raspberry, tobacco, hemp, wild indigo, saffron and crocus. Saffron
which was used as condiment and medicine, was produced in (be light ferrugin*
ous clay soil of Pampur in a limited area. It required neitber irrigation nor
manure, and for its value both in the Punjab and India, it was brought to
Srinagar and exported.

27. Shawl Trad«

A very prosperous commerce existed between Kashmir and Tibet (broogh
the Shia merchants of Persian extraction, who were resident at Lcb in Ladskbj
According to statistfcs furotsbed by Jacquemont (1834),' Kashmir imported from
Tibet annually (0,000 seers of raw wool aod woven woollen cloth, tea. procelain,
gold and silver ingots, musk, dried fruit especially plums from Kasbgar. If
exported to Tiber grain, cotton cloth, iron and spices.

. The capital of Kashmir, Srinagar bad a numerous population ofS.OOOOO,
out of which I,20,0C0 were engaged in the trade of shawl manufacture, the
annual value of which in the year 1822*23 amouuied to 35,00,000 rupees, yielding
to the State custom and stamp dunes averaging 12,00.000 rupees* The stamp
duty On every shawl manufaciured was 26%, and a considerable reveooe was
raised by imposing duties on (be import of wool. Tbe shawl-wool was also im-
ported from the western districts of Lhasa and Ladakh, from Yardkaud aod
Kbotan, brought chiefly by Mongol tnerebauts, wbo exchanged it for manufac-
tured sbawl-goods. Kashmir shawl-goods were exported to Turkey, Armenia,
Persia, Afghanistan, India and Chinese Turkman. Kashmir produced a large
variety of the finest qualities of embroideut shawls ; some of varieties were expen-
sives vjz-,i)A<3urdJf price averaging between 200-2200 rupees per pair, Chouiah'ttl^r
price between 300-1500 rupees, Thildar or oet-work priced between 500-1700
rupees, Xoddor priced between 300-2000 rupees, and ChaporHit piiced between
300-7000 rupees per pair. Finer qualities of shawls averaged puces between 200
to 7,000 rupees. Kashmiri workmen were also ramous for the fabticatioo of gun
and pistol barrels and manufaciufc of sword blades. Leather-goods, pec-cases,
paintings and paper were other important items of Kashmir louusiry.*

s JeuTHel, p. £A.

* Mcot.toit, p. 345 /f : Jtequosect, p.79.

JYSTCM CF COV£aNMIS*T

3. SIKH MISRULE IN KASHMIR

S jitta of CorfrvBtBt

The SiVh rule in Kathair It deiciibed at hishly opprefilte and riptcioat.
The p'otinee wai diviJeJ into SSparjionai and farnied out for apornzi*
irately 40 OOOOU tupret. Su:eeii«*e foveroort appointed—Moll Ran in 1819, Hari
Si'jh in 1820. Guraulh Stpph In 1821, ri«an Kifpa Rm flS24.3C). Prlrcc Shrr
Sin|h in lt3t. and Mian S r^h (lS3Mi) tubjecled the country to a tystem of
taiation «hich brole the back of the peatantry and irorkint cUttet. Moorcrofl
who tiilied Ktthmir two yean after itt conqueit. during the R';i:bnjr of
Sirdar Cumulh Sinyh detcribet the condition of the people; “Everywhere,
however, the people are In the moit ahjrcl condition : eiotb.iantly taxed by the
Sikh Governneoi. and tubjrcted to every Lind of extortion and opprettion by
iti olSeeri. The co'itequencet of the tyitemare. I*'e cenersl drpopolation of
the country ; tw't more than oee-ntteenth of the cnUWahlc lutfaee U In cuttivat*
ion, and the Inhib linit, tiaevlns at home, are driven in {real numberi to (he
plain! cfHinduitao. Inihelike maoBer. ihe people of ihe cJiy tnnpidtr
thinniny. ihoufh iett from cmlsratloo. ihao poverty and direaie : the prevalence
of the biter in it< nett •({raiaird form wat fearfully extentive,”’

Poverty end diieite were ayravated by a biyhty ebnoxloui lyttem of
(axitlon, bed revenue, and noiwithiiandins the fael. ibat it wat net Initiated by
(he Sikbt, In Kiihmir from aoliquiiy all land beloD|ed to the State and the
tenant bad no rishi!. Under (be Hindu rjjis the tiaie touk l/6ih of the groix
produce • under (be Afihan rule, the aiaie ahare of rheliCriee) wat 5 8tb. The
Sikhf look whit ever they could from the cultivator! ; S,’6ih of the crop wax taken
away ai State fbire briidei numeroui ceittt tuch at (omko/, mandirl, ratcm-f*
iafiar etc. A lyftem of Iraki wet introduced in Ibe diviitoo of cropi which
augmen'cd (be blitc'i portion by 6 terra over and above it$ Hied abare.*
Every trad: and profeiiion wit taxed Thethawl trade, the main occupation
of l/Stb of the populaiioDof Srinagar, wax itt main target. Apartfrom a duty
of 26% on each ibawt, a charge wat levied upon every ihop or workthop
connected with Ihe trade. All other profenioni from the loweit to the highest
were taxed. “Dulchtrs, bakers, boatmeo, veadcri of fuel, public notaries, scaven-
gers, piosiJtutes, all pay a son of ptotectioo tax," observes Moorcrofl, “and even

' Oih'c ireojnli rtlxclliat ibcSikbvcootE I ihiTV el lh« kXffrrf crop end la adjlilea
4 trail (21 vtrtt) p<r kliarvtr (M Tbathaeti el i(>tnut cilieitti— ibt palwj.l, tad

lb< «r»oa/abMat 1 arfri per IXarirtr: •lera'Oaj 2)&, (»nV»l K’o aaj with additioaU local
buidrni, toi tbta icb ci the liavtpiedaca wuttkra *w*y Irsm ibt culcirttoe. _

163 SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMISISTRATION

Ibe Kolwal, or Chfef Officer of Justice, pays a large gratuity of thirty'thousaod
rupees for hts appoinfmenf, befog left lo reimburse himself as he may.’’^

In CO part of the kingdom of Ranjil Singh, the local administration was
so chaotic, rapacious and extortionist as in Kashmir. The system of farming out
the revenues to the highest bidder so successful under Sawao Mai in Multan,
miserably faifed in Kashmir on account of the locompetency and avariciousness
of the fucccfsive indifTerent governors and their opporluntstic setellites. Here ss
well as elsewhere, land revenue, ionumberable taxes and town duties were
farmed out to single individuals, but neither Ibe nszfm nor the DarbSr possessed
any means to check the extortions of corrupt officials. The revenue farmer
employed a horde of Ica'dars and tax-collectors, who took away what they willed
from the cultivator. Kashmir was a paradise for the corruot nB^lms and kStdars.
oral} the that corrupt paragon of oppressive autbority, who plied bis

trade with caution and hesitancy in the plains of Punjab, in Kashmir is painted
as a rapacious tax-collector. He stole state revenues for himself on a much
larger scale : **He is always a Hindu Babu or a Pandit. He eats a chicken dsily
at the expense of his charges wbo rear plenty but rarely eat any of them. He
seizes all their crops, leaving them what is barely uecessary for Jubsiiteuee, soor-
timesless. He is a man of abomioable character and is loathed by the peasants
who are all Mobammadaus-”*

Moii Ram and Kari Singh the first two governors did not enjoy much
popularity; they had no acquaioiaoce with the problems of Kashmir, and
except for the collection of revenue with inadequate means at their disposal,
they adopted inhumau aod harsh measures; but so impoverished was the
country, and so indigent the people, that they could hardly satisfy their own
avarice or (bat of the State requlriog (been to send a fixed revenue of 40.00,0(70
rupees annually. After a short rule by Gurmukb Smab. in 1824 Diwan Kirpa Ram
took charge oftfae subih. K<rpa Ram was an efficient but easy-going cffieial
of the State; betook measures for (he regular payment of the Lahore dues of
40.00,000 rupees, out of which, he was allowed to retain 2,C0.000 rupees for the
maistenance of troops in Kashmir. His popularity at Lahore was dependent on
bis punctual payment of State dues every year, which excited the jealousy of rSjS
Dhian Singh, the all-powerful minister of Ranjit Singh. In 1830 be was recalled
10 Lahore oa charges of corruption and imprisoned. He disgorged IS.OO.COO
rapeesasths price of bis release. “Of all the Sifcb governors of Kashmir, Kirpa
Ram gave the people the least cause of complaint,** observes Jacqoemoot,

1 Meereroff, Trartit, p. 3tS.
S 3«e^«acsr. Jctirnal, p. SO.

SCS^f AT OF SHFR STNC!l

109

"yet the news of bis ditgrice wss k iigaal of pablie rejoicings. It was justiSed :
for tbe least oppressive of the governors ts ■ cruel iyraDl.'*>

19. TTiesmjt of Sher Slnlb

So much perturbed was the Maharaja by the lad state of affairs in
Kashmir, tbat white (atkingto Aleaaoder Gurnes in ISJfbe observed that bis
government had received 36.00.000 rupees as revenue, but his ofTicials were
higblv ineompeicnt and corrupt: "Alt (be people,'’ he observed, "i send to
Kashmir turn out to be harOmiaJat (rascals); there is too much pleasure and
enjoyment in (hat country, f must cither send one of my sons there, or go
myself.''* Accordingly, in 1831 Kanwar Sber Singh was appointed to the n'fimal
of Kashmir. Gu( Sher Singh's rule In Kashmir msy be tilreoed fa a parody.
He grossly neglected his charge and a famine overtook the counlry. People died
of starvation and Oedtoihe p'airssofthe Punjab* According to tbe Lahore
DiarUt. SherSirgh had reported to the Msharajstbe sad state of alTairs: that
the revenue could nor be collected and defalcairoo and loss of State dues was
tahing place on n vrry large scale Tbe Maharaja then drspitcbsd a eeremittse of
(be three court o/ndals— )jmdd3r Khushal Srngh, Shaikh Chulam Mohyi>ud*din
and DbS'l Curmukh Singh to Srinagar to assist prince Sber Singh in the admlni*
ttratloo of the province and cotirciioe of the revenue.

The Committee of “the three’* luperimposed upon the authority of
Nagim Sher Singh proceeded inan cxiraordinaiy manner of apoilstion. Soban
Lai records what these "three pillars of the kingdom" did immediately on
their arrival in "the paradise-Hke Kashmir.*’ "No sooner had they reached
there than they began to treat (be inhabitants and alt ih: kordars in a tyrannical
and ruthless manner and III up high flames of the fire of wrath and anger against
them. They put in prison all tbe kSrdars of Kanwar Sher Singh and began to
realise nozatSnas from them by keeping (he list of exactions before them. Pandit
Sura] Dhan Rs. 1,90, COO; Mundsl Tilok Chand Pandit Ri. 75,009; Himmat
Pandit Fotedlr Rs. 35,000; Pandit Kaul Shan Rs. 35.000; Shankar Pandit
Kootra Rs. 15,000 ; ShaiVji_ Jalal-ud-Din. a resident of Dighshal Rs. 75,000 ;
jamSdar residing in Dswa Farosbao Rs. SO.COO; Chandarbit SartsJ^adar of
Daghshal Rs. 25.C00; C.3nD»g£)es of /’orgoniKts Rs. 56,000 ; Kardars of Kanwar
Sber Singh Rs. 85.000; Klrd^rsoflbc mufussil Rs. 95,000. All the fine things

i IMd.p. 81.

1 Quewd hr Uf« p.

* UT, lit (iiy. p. t'O d«fCtlhs the fimlne ci 1833 < rreat (siain* broke evt to
]C(il>«)r cod its tcsidtnrs tsrsms itfusccssDd esilci Irom tbeit bouses and di«d io Isr/c
pumbeis br cipciuie cn losdt."

110

SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

consUtlng of utensils made of gold, silver and crjslal, arltcJes of jewellry,
Pashmina tents specially made'to order with gold and silver poles, which
were contained in the Toshikhaia of Kanwar Sher Singh worth 7 Lakhs, were at
once taken into possession by them.*** The oppressive policy of the Committee
lasted barely 3 months. It so annoyed the Maharaja that Sber Singh was recalled
and Colonel Mian Singh was appointed in his place.

rO. Rule o{ Mian Siugli

The mal-administration of the successive inept governors bad practically
ruined the economy of the country. Oppressive kerdars had rackrenled the
peasantry; extortions were the order of the day; (be judges and Qazis took
open graft with impunity, and soldiery was 1st loose in the countryside to assist
(he tSrdars in tte realisation of revenue. Jacqucmont describes the method
employed by the kUrdar of ICoteli by advising him to find better means than
banging of making the cultivators pay their revenue. “Impossible,” said he,
“the rascals hang on to their money so tight that you can thrash (hem forever
without their disgorging. The rope is the only thing that frightens them.”* * He
saw several corpses banging on the oeighbouriog trees, while crowds of crows
were tearing them to pieces. The same coDiemporary eyewitness who observed
the state of affairs in Kashmir at the time, calls (he Sikh governor as one tyrant
instead ofathousacd. “But according to the Kashmiris,” be comments, "the
best oflbc Sikh is bad. The latter who have rendered themielves odious to
the people by their exactions and (heir violence, do not hesitate at the same time
to interfere with (heir religious observances, punishing with death the slayer of
a bullock or a cow. A homicide is rarely put to death. If be is rich, be pays
compensaiioo, if he is poor, he loses bis nose and ears. Otherwise panisbinent
is rare, because serious crime, iocludtog the slaying of kine, is never beard of."*

. The rule of Colonel Mian Singh lasted till 1841 when be was assassinated

by the soldiery. He took up the adminhtralion of the country ruined by
famine, floods and oppression. The population cf the Valley of Kashmir which
was 8, (0,C00 twenty years before, in 1833 bad dwindled to 2.00,000 on account
of fearful dispensations of earthquakes, pestilence and famine.* The oppression
of Sikh rule bad weighed heavily on the people. Villages had been abandoned
by their inhabitants and more land bad gone out of cultivation. The inbabi*
tuwMds Kabul, Into \be plisws of the Pewiah, cs sss the fi^ to

* ttcrtiTiiel. p. €5.

Ibid p 7i»-71.

* 3ee T>Tr>culittr. tfe Dijirici Gffxrfirer and ZaiaSA, p. 465 : Vifoe. C.T»
•Tretth in Keibnir etc.. 2 Vgl» ; B«Uw, Kashnir and Kalkgbar ; Dtev. •tor, mu and Kaikmir
7«rri(»r>ei <t:.

DOGRA TRANSACTIONS IN LADAKH

111

torch cf lets lyraonout matters* Baron Charles Huge!, who visited Kashmir
during Mian Sirgh’t rule, observes that tis prosperiiy nnd trade were no longer
in CMdcRce : “Kashmir has lost its charms as a desirable acquisriion ; though
It may still be made ao imporiant and valuable province. Its riches are all
depiried, and invaders, such as those advened to, go in quest of wealth rather
than new and productive territories.*’* Mian Singh it described by Baron Von
Hugcl. who met him in ISSS at Stinagat : “Its is & ibtclset unwieldy figure, and
though stilt in the prime of life, bis dissolute way of living has given him the
appearance of an old man : hts hair was white as silver. To judge by bis
countenance, one would pronounce him good'flatured ; but, in many respects,
he is not the governor required in the present critical state of Kashmir.*'*

Yet, by comparison Mian Singh was a mild, temperate and a conscien*
tioua governor, llis contract had been reduced to 26.01), 000 rupees annually;*
be ordered a fresh settlement of the land* and intioduced minor reforms in
tbe counity, but due to the isipoverisbed conditions prevailing in the country,
revenue could never be collected in lime, and charges of embezzlement were
frequently levied agsioit him from Lahore.* Out the bane of Kashmir adoinli.
tratiofl continued to be (he farming out of provincial revenues and taxes to
the Kashmiri riodiis of Srinagar. They estored frcm tbe eultivaiors a far
larger sum than due from them, tf they paid the farm rent regularly, tha
government did not tnierfere with them. Throughout Kashmir posts were
established to collect the cuiioms. These posts constiiuied a chain of espionage
system through svhlsb iotelligenee was collected and carried to the police
organisation set up in Srinagar.*

21. Dogr* (raafaetions la Ladakh

In November, 1834, Mian Singh reported to the Lahore DarbSr, tbe
activities of Gulab Singh's deputy Zorawar Singh in Ladakh. Tbe LaJakhis
customarily paid a ttibute to tbe governor of Kashmir, which Mian Singh
reported was not forthcoming and that the trade in thawl.wool was being

S Hufct. Trcpilj, p. 123.

» /»d. p. 1J5.

» 21 a.

• UT, III (ii). p. r70.

* Mianfiinrh w>« itio a Dia of lctt<r(,aa U evidenced hr the coapilatist at bli orden
of TorlH-i.Kaihmlr, a Totjminoai aaril«inf*i Sepvrt and* hit'Orieal wotk with i to:ul a od
a^ucosie backgtounJ, of bii cimaand niU Id Kaahair. Tha mtnu><:ripe u aat-«oelr tt,e. and a
esp7 aash of wbleh is ptaiacTti >n KaibairSts.e Llbratr aa* Pvajib Sta:a Aithirea P«iiala.

» UT. IlKiii), p.45t.

t JactuaaeDC, tlparnal, p. 73.

SIKH CONQUEST AND ADMINISTRATION

diverffd to Jammu.' Since the consolidation his of power in the newly conquered
province of Kishtwar, ambitions of GuIabSingb, the r2j3 of Jammu bad erupted
in an invasion of Ladakh. The force commanded by Zorawar Singh, the Dogra
commander, entered the Bhotkal pass and built a fort at Suru. The Ladakbis
opposed the Dogras at Pashkyum, but were defeated ; a few days later, the
Ladakhi Chief sustained another defeat at the fortress of Sod and surrendered.
In the meantime, the Kahlon of Leh having organised a strong force attacked
Zorawar Singh, who retreated to Kortze. A battle was fought soon after, and
the Kahlon sustained dsfeal and was taken prisoner. Zorawar Singh theo
advanced to Leh, and in 1835 forced upon the Ladakbis (erms which ificMed
a war idemaityofdO.OOJ rupees and payment of annual tribute of 20.000 rupee*
to Gulab Singh, Zorawar Stegb deposed ibe ruler and bestowed the kingdom
on bis rebelliou* minister leaving a garrison of Dogra troops behind to
sustaio bim.*

All this had happened without tbc c6|nizancc of the Maharaja or the
Lahore Datbir. Dbian Singh connived to keep away the news-letters received
frem the governcr of Kaibmie reporting the mad adventures of the Dogra
deputy is Ladakb and that ibe ambiiioos of the Jammu brothers in the nortbero
slopes of she Himalayas bad not Only stopped the tribute from Ladakb but also
hampered the regular supply of sbawl.wool to Kashmir.*

Mian Singh counteracted the extension of Dogra power io Ladakb by
iflstfgaftBg an isurrectioo at Lsb. Zorawar Siogh again marched into the Valley,
quelled the revolt, and set up (he Kahlon of Banka as a ruler asd tributary ef
the Dogras. A year later, in 1838, a general Ladakbi insurrection took place,
and ibc Dogra garrisons were beleagured lo forts. Reinforcements under Zorawar
Singh arrived promptly, but due to the Booded state of the country notbiog
tnateriaLsed. In 1839, however, Zorawar SIngb re-entered Ladakh with a force
of 5.000 men, for the purpose of seizing the Kahlons of Bank and Basgo. wM
bad raised the storm against the gyalpa helped by the Mohatntnadan ruler of
Baltistan. Zorawar Singh left a gtrrison ai Ukardu. and in 1840 invaded
Baliistan and look its ruler as prisoner. The territory was completely ravaged.

It is surprising (bat the spirit of aggrandizement shown by the Jafflfflu
deputy in tbc Himilayan region, except for caos.-ng some m'ngiviags ia
the mind of the Maharaja who was ailing, did not stir up any reaction at

' UT. lU (u). p. 225-6.

* SfeS'scuIIr. M»cn»thieoi« Wade.22NoTe!nbeT. 1837-(r) 119:73 ; 10 March. IHS-
(P)121r25s T*pp to Wide. 31 October, 1937 (P) l09:i7; Mickeioo to W«de. 10 AfriL
183«.CP) 110 : 13.

• UT, lU (il), p. 22S ; Wade to Corenseot. 27 Jansary, I g i ? (p) etc.

POSTSCRIPT ON LADAKll

i\S

Lthorr. Qut«then Zorawar Sio;h occtipied Garo and likardn, be claibed with
Britiih intereiti. It was pointed out to the Lahore Government that the forward
movement of the Jammu lajls to monopoltte the sbawland wool trade with
Chicete Tibet ibroush Ladakh retarded the profress of free trade between
Driliih India and the countries beyond the frooticr.t

22. Peuietlgt ea Ladakh

Ladakh was a ile Jure Sikh possession, atthongh inhservient to the Dogras
of Jammu. William Moorcroft who stayed In Ladakh for 2 ycais {1B20>I822),
has furnished us with an interesting account of the country, its people, their
manneri and cunoms. and their trade telations with Kashmir and the Punjab.
The country of Ladakh was bounded on the north-west by the mountains which
divide it from the Chinese province of Khoten, on the south-east by Rodokh
and ether dependencies of Tibet, lathe north it was bounded by (be Kara*
kuram mocntalns and in the louih-wesi by Kashmir and its dependencies. Its
eapital Leh lay at an elevation of ii.OOO feet : its prineipal rivers were the Sinb*
khi*bab and the Sbayuk, both flowing nerib-west of Lsdakb and joining at
Kbiflun to form the Indus Proper.

The population of Ladakh was of Tibetan origin, butt very consider*
able number of Kashmiris were domesticated at Leb, tod a mhed race bad
originated from them and the women of the country, termed Argands. It bad
seme Turin merebaots. and In the lands of Cbushut, a colony of Balti Mubamm*
adanswas established. Its population was estimaled between i,SO,(X>0-1.80,tX>0
of which 2/3rd aileasi were females The Ladakbis were, in general, a mild and
timid people, honest and moral, although corrupted by the dissolute Kashmiris.
They were Buddhists and Ibeir religious belief and practice "seemed a strange
misture of mefaphysic , mysticism, morality, fortune-telling, juggling and
idolatary. Tee doctrine of metaphysics is curiously blended with tenets and
precepts very similar to Chrislianily and with the worship of grotesque divinities.
The Lamas recognise a sort of sriniiy, or a triad consisting of a paramount deity,
a prophet and a book, and (he peopi are exhorted to truth, chastity, resignalioa,
and mutual forbearance and goodwill.’’*

The Ladakbis bad paid In the past an annual tribute to the Afghan
governors of Kashmir and since its cooquett by the Sikhs in 1819, a similar

s Fot public coTteipondracc on the fubiect, wtd*. ISF(I) 16 Au|uit, 1641. Net. 39, 96 ;
6 Srptfiobcr. 1S4!, Noi. 4?.44 end S3 SrptembeT, ep. e<<- No. 63.

* Moorctcli. p.203.

N-15

in St^ CONQUEST AND ADMiNrSfRATIO^^

demand was made npon them. They also paid an annual tribute disguised uudef
the came of a present to the Government of Lhasa. Moorcrofi found the
governmeat of Lsdalch a simple despotism modiGcd by the ioGaeacs of
beirarcby. The ruler, a Lama was a persoa of little power and could be deposed
or elevated at pleasure ; bis successor in the former case being a member of
the reigning family. He was assisted by the A'oMun or bis principal minister
and very powerful, the JLont'pa or deputy, who was the civil and military gos'ernor
of Leh, and a few other officials. There was no regular army, but in times of
emergency, the peasantry served as soldiers with scant weapons — cavalry faraisbed
with bows and arrows, the infantry having “but one maichtocl: for ten men, and
one sword for six.*’^

S nid.f.2!X.

Ci>«»T>* 6

nit situs AND TtiE ArCitASS

t. TtibaT»llo&* at Stiait

LAID IS ISC'), Shab ShuJa-nt-Mulk. the Amir of AfthaDiilin wit orer*
throvB fay fall fatif'faroiber Sbih Mahmttd. Mho with the tttUtiBce of the
lUrakrai Vatirr Tateh Khan bad toppled the weak, eorriipi and unpopular
Saddoni rtsine. Shah Shuja’a potiiloa in Afthaniitan bad been ihaky for
aoms time and he bad held h(« court at rethawar in the hope of re«eirtblithiDg
himieir at the mdinuJ at Kafaut. to February ISIO. be met RanjK Smth at
Khuihab. and attheu|h fuliotae complimeBta had been etcbanpd between the
two and vayue promiirt of luceour held oot by the Sikh tuler to the es.Sbah,
Bothfaf tansibla hadcome out of the meetinf. The ct>Shah hurriedly left for
reihawar, where tribal cbiefi bad taken up the Saddoui eauie. With their
help Sbah Sbuja wat abteio aiiemble a contidefable force, aed with the help
of Ala Mubammid Kban. ibe poyerner of KaibrsJr, be made an attempt to
recover hit kingdom. He defeated aad tutoed out Shah Mahmud from
Affbanitlao, who look refuse in the forireii of Aitoek. SbaJa«ul>Mulk rttoroed
to Petbawar, but ia September 1110. Muhammad Aiim Kbao, the broiber of
Vazier raieb Kfaao defeated bim. Tbe ea-krap fben fled lovtbwarda, and after
an uniucceiiful attempt to «ia ever Nawab MuulTer Khan, the governor of
Multan, returned northward} aod after untuceeiiful baitlei with bia adveraary
Shah Mahmud, two yean later, Jahao Dad Kbia. the governor of Altock aeized
him in reibiwar attd rent him ai priaoscr to Karbmir.

Then the tribulalioot of the uoforiuaale prince began. lo February 1811,
Ranjit Singh bad net Shah Mahmud, wbo bad croased the Indua with an Arghao
host of 12,003 hone to punlfbAta Muhammad Khio, Ibe governor of Kajbmir
for aiding Shab Shuja. A meeting between the Maharaja of Lahore and the
Amir of Kabul look place, but noibing of consequence transpired, to November
1811, Shah Zaman who had been blinded and dethroned crorsed the Indoi to
seek refuge with the Sikh ruler. The familiei of both the exiled mooarebs
repaired to the capital the following year. These were well received by the
Maharaja, and Shah Sbuja'a principal wife was assured that her husband would
be liberated and made Ibe king of Kashmir provided the diamond Koh-l-ffor
be made over to the Maharaja. To this the distressed lady had agreed. Mean*
while in 1812, Vazier Fateh Khan Barakzai with a large army crossed the Indus

THE SIKHS AND THE AFGHANS

to chastise his brothers Afa Mohammad Khan of Kashmir and Jahan Dad Khan
of Attock and bring under Afghan sozeraJnty both Peshawar and Kashmir.
Apprehensive of the creeping Sikh arms aronnd Attock and beyond it, Fateh
Khan solicited the Maharaja's co-operaiion in reducing Kashmir. An emissary
from the Kabul Vazier arrived at Lahore with presents. The Maharaja agreed
to greet the Afghan intruder on the banks of the Jehlum, where it was agreed
that in return for Sikh assistance, the Lahore Government would receive l/3fd
of the Kashmir spoil. The Lahore commander Djwan Muhkam Chand.with
12,030 troops reached Pir Panjal but was held up by snow and inclement
weather. The Afghan troops had marched unhindered to Kashmir and con-
quered the Valley without any resistance, but Fateh Khan refused to share the
spoils when at last Muhkam Chand arrived at the capitsl. In the confusion
Shah Shuja escaped from captivity and came over to - the Sikh camp. The Sikh
commander returned empty-handed to Lahore and Shah Shuja accompanied him,

2. Battle otHaidra (1813)

The perfidy of the Kabul Vazier having aroused the wrath of the
Maharaja, a force under Dia Singh occupied Attock with the coonivance of itt
governor Jahandad Khan, who was offered a Jogir. Fateh Khan beslcued
towards Attack having put Kashmir under the charge of his brother Muhammad
AzimKhan. He accused the Maharaja of gross treachery and demanded the
evacuation of the fort, ReiDforccmenis under Diw5n Devi Das and Faqir
Azlz-ud'Din arrived, followed by a strong force under DiwSn Muhkam Chand.
Parleys, stalemates and skirmishes ensued, but the Sikhs outnumbered the
Afghans and Diwan Muhkam Chand defeated the Afghans under Dost
Muhammad Khan in a severely contested battle at Hatdru fought on 13 July,
1813 on the banks of the Indus, a few miles from the fortress of Attock. Fateh
Khan returned to Kabul after having appointed bis brother Yar Mubammad
Khan as governor of Peshawar and its dependencies.

3. Tbe Kch'i-HVT Diamond

The colourfnl story of how the wily ruler of Lahore wrested the famous
Koh-t-Nar “the mountain of light” diamond from the Afghan ex-His Majesty has
been told by many writers with its pathos and compassions.* The diamond of
li* X I' dimension and of dazzling beauty and elegence is described to have
originally belonged to the Fandavss of the epic age ; and in the course of genera-
tions of history it came in possession of (be Mughals, and Tavernier describes tt

* See gcBenUy. Bute Sbab— (BM. Or. 1623), fel. 215-22 S Sb»h
Shuj*'» autobiettephieil tecount— SSuia* (LvdbiePa. 1M4). p. 82 ff ; Piinsep,
•p. 67-"8 ; Muttiy, ii. p. 12 « re?. ; Latifyp. 393.400 ete.J

THE KOH.t.KVR DIAMOND

117

BdorniDg Shah Jahan's cdebrated Peacock Tfarooe. Nadir Shah took possessioo
of it, and alter his assassination, it was passed oa to Ahmad Shah Abdali. Shah
Shuja bad brought it to India on hia expulsioo from his native country.

The eX'Shah's principal wife having promised it to Raojit Singh for
helping the cause of her husbund, a demand for its surrender was made immedia-
tely on Shah Sbuja's arrival at Lahore. Shah Shuja was offered a large sum of
money and a jOgtr, but be denied that he had the diamond with him. Guards
were placed around the Mubarak llaveli, the residence of the royal family;
severities of surveillance, of denial of food and provisions were imposed, and
strict control on communications from outside was ordered. Letters were forged
and intercepted and the eX'Shah accused of inviting the Afghans to destroy the
Sikh infidels. The increase in sufferings of the ex-Shah and indignities imposed
on his family continued for over two months, when wearied out by ill-treatment,
he coaseated to deliver the diamond. RanjitSiogb visited the Sbab and took
possession of it on 13 June, 1813. He bad it set in an emerald and used to wear
it 00 hit arm.

The abject surrender of tbe AbA-f-ATor, however, did not end ibe tribula-
tions ef the Shah. Ranjit Singh considered him neiibtr friend nor foe. A
nefarious plot was batched, which allegedly imolicated Shah Shuja in having
invited Muhammad Aztm Kban of Kashmir and Fateh Khan, the Kabul Vazier
to arrange tbe assastinaiioo of the Maharaja. Nothing however came out of ft
except the mallieaiment of Sber Muhammad Kazi, one of the staunch adherents
of the ex-Shah. Further indignities on the Shah followed. Ranjit Singh took
Shah Sht'ja in his train to Atlock when the Kabul Vazier Fateh Khan was at
Peshawar. A scamp from the Shah’s followers reported that he still possessed a
considerable amount of jewels and demand for tbsirsurrender was accompanied
by search in the female apartments of tbe Shah's numerous harecn. Jewels and
all valuables were (bus taken away from the Degums and the Mubarak Haveli was
placed under strict surveillance.

The disgraceful extortions of (he ruler of Lahore made it impossible for
Shah Shuja to remain with safety ony longer with hiS oppressor. Tbe ladies of
tbe royal family first made good their escape in disguise with the connivance of
bribed guards and a merchant of Amtiisar named Bafak Ram. On receipt of
this information, orders were given to seize the Shah's property with the bankers
of Lahore and Amritsar, a column of artillery moved up to the Mubarak Haveli,
threatening to blow up everything if the Shah persisted in refusing to disclose
tbe whereabouts of bis harem. In AprillHS. Shah Shuja escaped in disguise
though a breach made ia the wall of the house, aod made his exit out of the city
through tbe drain and by swimming across the Ravi. Bedraggled, and without any
belongings, be reached Sialkot and thence fled to Jammu. With the help of the

THE SDCHS AND THE AFGHANS

116

petty chief of Kfshtwar, he assembled some troops for a vain bid to take posses-
Sion or Kashmir. On its failure, ha left for Ludhiana through the
hill route of Kangra and Kulu, and after sufFering great hardships, arrived there
in September 1816.* On arrival at Lodhiana. he sought Dritish protection
and an annual maintenance of 50.000 rupees was fixed for him and his famtJy.

Soon afterwards, bis blind brother Shah Zaman also repaired to Udhiaoa anfl

a separate raaintcnancc of 24,000 rupees was assigned to him.*

CONQUEST OF PESHAWAR

4. Its oeenpatioD

In August 1818, the all-powerful Kabul Vazier Fateh Khan ^
treachery and ingratitude. The imperious son of the imbecile sovereign
Mahmud, the young prince Kamran had him seized, put out his eyes, a
had him assassinated. The able minister bad with energy and tact kept toge
the fast disintegrating fabric of the kingdom of Afghanistan, but his deal so
brought the division of the kingdom. The horde of powerful Barakzai hr
cried for vengeance. Muhammad Azim Khan, the governor of as mi ,
hearing of the dastardly act, left the Valley, and marched with a strong f
towards Kabul to punish the perpetrators of the crime. Kashmir was
charge of his younger brother Jabbar Khan. He defeated Kamran an P
claimed Ayub Khan, the son of Taimur Shah as the sovereign. Sbab
fled to Herat, and the Barakzai brothers parcelled out the provinces atno g
themselves.

The news of political coovulsionsin Afghanistan created stir and excite-
ment at Lahore. The Khattaks bad revolted and there was tribal fermamen
across the Indus. Ranjit Singh, therefore, marched with his armies
Attock in October ; he swiftly occupied the fortress of Jabangira and ^ ’

brought to submission the Khatiak chief Feroz Khan, and then advance
Peshawar without any opposition. Peshawar was occupied by the Sik ore
on 20 November 1818; Yar Muhammad Khan, its governor, fled across t
Khyber to Yusafzai territory.

But to the Sikhs, the fail of Peshawar was neither a windfall
political and military considerations it coutd be retained permanently wilhou

r The BUtobiojMrty of ibe ejr-kiptot Kabul (entitled
No. Or. t796)|iTe»adec»ileda:countotebefuffenncs of Shah Sbuja. See aUo MurraT. ”•

;Cunninjhaio. p. 155-39 i Pruliep, p. 81-S2 and Latif, p. 401-2.

* For corretpcmdence on the aul^ect. aee geneiall;, Governtaent to Oehterlemy.
20 Au{uit,lSl5and21a2id 25 September. lSt6-(P}.

tHE BATTLE OF MAUSHEiA (18M>

ll5

Strong garrison. Ranjit Singh appointed Jahan Dad Khan of Attock as its
governor ; the town was neither plundered nor given to pillage, and a nazarona
of 25,000 rupees taken from the leading citizent. After staying for three days, be
marched back to Lahore carrying away 14 heavy Afghan guns from Peshawar,
leaving behind the hapless governor without any garrison force or means of
defence. The Sikh forces had hardly reached Lahore, when Yar Muhammad
Khan recovered it and Jahan Dad Kbao, who bad neither the means nor the
will to defend it, fled southwards.

But although Peshawar was gained and lost, the Maharaja took measures
to wipe out smaller Afghan dfcpeodeocies of Darband and Mankera (1821 ) ;
Dera Ghaai Khan and Dera Ismail Khan (1822) ; Bannu, Tank, and the
surrounding districts. Thus not only a territory with an annual revenue of
5,00.000 rupees was added to the Sikh dominion, but also the Sikh arms were
firmly planted in trans-Indus Afghan territory.

Meanwhile, Dost Muhammad Khan, one of the Barakzai brothers, then
quite unkoowo but destined to become the ruler of the divided kiogdom sod
fomentor of internal and external convulsions, offered to the Sikhs an annual
tribute of 1,00,000 rupees for being put in possession of Peshawar. The Barakzai
emissaries who bad arrived at Lahore were given an assurance of the acceptance
of the offer, but a Lahore force 12.000 strong under prince Kbarak Sisgh and
Misser Dlwan Chand was ordered to cross the lodus to enforce the proferted
terms. The Darakzais reoccupied Peshawar, but paid only half the stipulated
tribute supplemented by (he preseol of a lone horse, and the Sikh troops
returned to Lahore.

5. The battle of Naoabere (1623)

Having taken a muster of the jigirdiri troops at Rohtas in the Autumn
of 1822, Ranjit Siogh marched north towards Rawalpindi, from which place
Faqir Aziz*ud-Din was despatched to Peshawar to collect the tribute from its
governor, Yar Muhammad Khan. Mohammad Azim Khan had meanwhile succee-
ded to power in Afghanistan, and the various Barakzai brothers had parcelled
out the trans-Indus Afghan tenilories, ackoowtedging. however, the nominal
suzerainty of Kabul, Yar Muhammad Khan, who had been installed as governor
of Peshawar by Kabul, hesitated to comply with the Sikh demands, but ultimately
yielded by sending to Lahore a tribute of a few horses.* The fact of bis having

S Otbet accounts tij that Yas Mubsminad EbaaaenC to tbe Lahore Darfcar 40.000 rupees
as tributs ot subtnbsion with a promise of furtbet anoual tribute of 20.0C0 rupees, vide* EvenU
at the Court of Eanjit 5ing%. 1822 ft). Foe tbe details of tbe baRle of Nausbets. tee reoeiallr,
Munsbi Gopal Dti—Tirlih-i-Perhowar, (Lebore, 1874} p. 303-23 ; Mubamniad Hajst Kban—

1^6

THE SIKHS AND THE AFGHAJ^S

made Peshawar a tributary of the Sikhs so much outraged Afghan pride that
Muhammad Azim Khan marched with a strong force from Kabul to Pcshswar.
The cry of jehad or holy war having been raised against the Sikh infidels,
thousands of Afghan tribesmen joined for loot and plunder- On 27 January,
J823 be approached Peshawar, and Yar Muhammad Khan fled into Yusafzai
territory.

On hearing the news, the Maharaja sent two strong armies to contest the
Afghans. A force of cavalry under prince Sher Singh crossed the Attocfc imme-
diately. Another strong body of troops under Diwan Kirpt Ram, Sardar Hari
Singh Nalwa and Sardar Attar Singh invested the fortress of Jabaocira. After
a short and swift engagement, the Afghans were expelled from the fort and fled
towards the hills. The Afghan reverse did not dishearten Muhammad Azim
Khan who was encamped at Peshawar. The cry of /cAad resounded the Valley
of Peshawar inflaming the religions zeal and enthusiasm of the tribal people—
the Afridis, the Yusafzais, the Khaltaks and tribesmen from Swat and Banner—
who swarmed from the surrounding hills to large cumbers. An immediate contest
of arms between the Sikhs and the Afghans seemed inevitable.

The Sikh ruler mobilised his entire army on the banks of the Ravi. A
column under prince Kbarak Stogh and another under Misser Diwan Chand
rapidly marching north converged on Naosbera, midway between Attock and
Peshawar, where the Afghan host bad assembled. RanjU Singh himself followed
the advanced columns wjih a cavalary force J5,€00 strong. The army of the Sikhs
is variously estimated between 20,c00-25,000 men of all arms ; the Afghan
troops and the muJtaKids arc estimated about equal in strength- The itregoisr
Afghan militia was in position at Naushera ; it was joined by a considerable
force under the son of the Khattak chief Fetor Khan. They styled themselves
as the Gharis waging a holy war against the infidels. Against them a furious
charge was commenced by the equally fanatical Akalls under Pbula Singh. la
the desperate battle and band-io-baod fight all the Ak2>r> including their leader
were slain.

Then a contingent of troops from Kbarak Singh's column advanced, bat
the CftSziJ stood like a rock ; half of tbe Afghans were slaughtered, but the rest
could not be dislodged from their position on the high ground. The gkoTcharSS
were Ordered to charge and break op Che Afghan ranks. On cams the daredevil
Sikh horsemen supported by the Gurkhas and the Nujeebs after them. But all
was in vain. The 5,000 strong fought well against the whole Sikh army

HfljJJ.r-AfeVsnT. (\V»h, 1S62-65J p. 3M.*> ; BoteShih, 09 . eic. /o!.215ff; CtT. U. p 30fA:

p,42t-30; Cuaninibais, p. 145.6 : Mseew/or. ii. p 153-94; Csaesb Dti Fa:/k>tCnJ
C«ri» KXaliisilta. p. 149 « teq . ; Kzjt : Untorp ef Aftkanisten, i, p. 117 //. etc.

bEATH OF PHULA SisdH

lil

anij over 2.000 men of Ibe Sikb armp perished in the fierce contest. As dusk
fell, the lengtbeoiog shadows of the nightfall enveloped the field of battle; the
remnants of the Afghan troops fought their way out of the Sikh posts and fied
to the safety of the bills.

Muhammad Azim Khan, who bad raised the storm of yMad, had all the
while stood aloof from the contest S miles east of Peshawar, at Cbamkawa,
where across the river, the force under Sher Singh and Harl Singh Nalw9 held
him at bay. The rout of the GAaitt at Naoshera and the dispersal of the Afghan
troops wilbont orders hastened Muhammad Azim Khan’s deparlnre towards
the hills of Afghanistan in utter disgrace. He died, soon afterwards, a broken-
hearted man.

The Sikh victory at Nansbera sounded the deathknell of Afghan supre-
macy beyond (he river Indus. On 17 March the viclorions Sikh army entered
Peshawar. The city was given to plunder ; and the soldiery advanciug to the
Khyber Pass burnt and destroyed everylbittg with the wildness of barbarians.
The Maharaja was well content to keep Peshawar as a tributary of Lahore.
Yar Muhammad Khan was reappointed as its governor, but the province was
divided Into 5 districts and given over on notninal tribute to the Sikh Barakzais
— Yar Muhammad, Suliau Mubamtnad.Sayyed Muhammad, Samad Khan and
Pir Muhammad Khan.

6. Death et Pboli Sicjh

On (be battlefield of Houshera fell the valiant Akali leader Phula Singh,
the hero of Multan and Kashmir. His career and connection with Ranjit Singh
deserves a brief description. Phufa Singh was the son of a poor Akali attendant
at the Ak3I Bonga at Amritsar, and had woo ootrieiy as the leader of attack on
Matcalfe’s Muhammadan escort ia 1E09. A typically bold, arrogant and des-
perate Akall, be demanded vengeaoce on the bated Jirangl from the Maharaja
failing which he threatened to take the Maharaja’s life. Phula Siugh then
organised a baud of 400 AksITs and started the career of a free-booter, plun-
dering the rich but sparing the poor.* His fame spread throughout the Punjab
and bis baud of followers swelled to 4,000. His name became an object of
dread : he openly levied exactions even on powerful Sardars and oCSeials of the
Court. The Maharaja adopted a policy of reconciliation and forbearance
towards Phula Singh’s Akalis, hot nllimately took them into his service con-
verting their desperate and impetuous character to bis own advantage. The

* For the exploits sod depredsiioDsof Pbnla Sussh, ride. (eoersUp, Seton to Ochterlonv.
24}ieiurp.23FehrnaTTen<]26ApnI,I810.((0U:SS,^ sad 65 ; Bitch to Matcalfe, 1, 1$
sad U FchtnatT. 1817.(P) 62 : 33, 43 sad 44.

N-16

irf THE SIKHS AND THE AFGHASJ

AkSlIs, however, with tbelr courage and rapacity were immune from the rtgoroui
militarydisciplioe of the regular army. They dirtinguisbed themselves in the
final capture of Multan in 1818 and Kashmir in 1919.

Yet nothing could match the bravery, daring and courage of FbaJa Siogb
and bis band of 500 Akslls at Noosbera. Several unsuccessful assaults bad been
made to dislodge the Afghans from the hill of Teri, and the Sikh army was
seriously threatened. Phula Singh with bis band of desperados moved along
the foot of the bili. A musket ball struck bioi down from bis horse, but be
soon reappeared on an elephant leading she charge. The Afghans rushed down
the hill and fell on the Ak3lts, who dismounted from their horses for a band-to*
hand fight. 1,500 Afghan horse surrounded them, and the war cries of Sat Sri
Aksl and AllSh-o-Akbar resounded the battlefield. Another musket ball bit
Pbula Singh, who amidst the volleys of the destructive matchlock fire of the
enemy, led his followers and captured the hill. Pbula Singh and all bis followers
were slaughtered in the battle for tbe bill of Ter!.

Ranjit Singh remembered the gallantry of tbe Akglis and to coaase-
morale PhuU Singh's memory, a smsdh was erected over bis last remains at
Naushera on tbe banks of tbe Kabul river.

7. DitfficfflberaieBt of AiSlunlttu

By 1823. Abdali's north Indiao empire lay in ruins. Tbe Sikhs after the
battle of Nausbera bad practically wiped out Afghan sopremacy between the
Indus and tbe Valley of Peshawar. lo Afghaoistan itself, the Barakzai brothers
began a scramble for power. Habibullab Khan, tbe youthful son of Muhammad
Azim Kbao was unable to retain tbe kingdom as a whole. Sber Dil Kban, bis
uncle established bimself as an iodepeodent ruler of Kandahar. Dost
Muhammad Khan wrested tbs masnoJ at Kabul. The Chiel of Bukhara annexfd
Balakb ; Herat was in the possession of Kamran, tbe ousted son of Shah
Mahmud. Peshawar was held by the Barakzai brothers as tributaries of Lahore.
Sind had thrown off the Afghan yoke. Kashmir was conquered by tbe Sikhs lo
1819, Multan in 1818, the Derajat io 1821, Altock in 1813 and Raw3lpio<^>
in 1820.

By 1826 the dismemberment of the Dnrrani empire was complete. Kabol
and its dependencies of Cbazol and Jalalabad had become a separate kingdom.
Kandahar began to be ruled jointly by three brothers Kohin Dil, Rustam D»l sod
Mihr Dll after the death of the fonnh brother Sber Dil. Prince Kamran of
Herat afraid of being ousted by the Barakzai brothers, hobnobbed with Persia
and became its ttibutary.

THE WICKED KHALIFA

123

The political confusion in Afghanislan bad enabled the Sikhs to grada-
ally take possessioa of Afghan pronoces in norihero India. The reduction
of Peshawar as a dependency of the Sikhs was a wise move. Kashmir had been
occupied and Multan annexed. Since (he death of Muhammad Azim Khan,
the strong uoifylng hand of the Qarakzai family, the glory and determination
of the Afghan race as empire boildets had departed. For some time, the pro*
vinces of Kabul, Kandahar and Peshawar bad retained the semblance of a loose
cohesion, but with the defection of the Peshawar Barakzais and their becoming
the tributaries of the Sikhs, the iinily of the Barakzai family as rulers of an
empire was gone. However, the Peshawar Barakzais were not fully trusted by
the Lahore Government, and nominal tribute was paid to (be Sikhs under duress
and threat of expulsion. For about 4 years this unsatisfactory arrangement
continued, when in 1827 all north was set ablaze with the cries of jeh&d for the
blood of the Sikhs.

a. Th« "wicked Kbelib"

The cause of all this tumultous upsurge of Muslim fanaticism was one
Sayyed Ahmad, a Muslim faeatie and a self>$tyUd reformer and prophet of hate,
who proclaimed the docltioe for the purity of Tmjn or faith for his co*rel[g!on«
ista in India against the eotruplioD which bad seeped into Muslim belief and
worship. Sayyed Abmad was originally a resident of Bareilly and a mercenary
in the service of the Rohilla Chief Amir Khan, whose service he quitted after
the latter's downfall. He (hen turned an adventurer and a religious enthusiast,
visited Mecca, and on his return proelaioied himself a reformer preaching a
hoteh'poch of the WahSbl doctrines which be bad picked up abroad. He wrote
a treatise entitled the Taqwtyat~ul-fslam, which enunciated .bis doctrine of bate
against non-Muslims ; gathered around himself a motely crowd of religious
fanatics, and in 1823 moved towards the North-West frontier. Amongst bis
converts were (he Nawab of Took and (be Talpurian Amirs of Sind, whose
territories be had lately visited. From Sind he repaired to Kandahar, and
thence having crossed the Kabul river, he entered the turbulent Yusafzai hills.
Here be raised the standard of Jehad against the Sikh iaGdcls, who be proclaimed,
must be utterly annihilated. His doctrine of hatred readily found favour with
the Yusafzais and other frontier tribes, who were smarting against the humilia-
tioD sufTcred by the Afghans at the bands of the Sikhs, but more particularly
because (heir regular plundering incaisioos across the Indus had been elTectively
stopped. The virulence of their hatred was also directed against the Peshawar
Darakzais, who had been deoouoeed as treacherous by becoming (he Sikh
tribntaries.

In 1827, Sayyed Ahmad moved from Panjtar with hii lll-equipped !?»***
and fell upon Akora, near Attoefc, where a strong detachment of Sikh foree**^

124

THE SIKHS AHD THE AFGHANS

Badh Singh SmdhianwSla repuised him. A large number of his adherents were
slain and Siyyed Ahmad again retired to the bills. Sayyed Ahmad continued
to sow seeds of dissension and discord for almost 2 years amongst the culpable
Afghan tribes. Yar Muhammad Khan, the harassed governor of Peshawar
after having made an oosuccessful attempt to poison the turbsleot fanatic made
overtures to the Yusafzais. Sayyed Ahmad wrecked vengeance on him by
investing Peshawar with a strong force. The hapless governor came out of the
city to oppose him, but be died of the wounds sustained in action ; but the
Ghazts were prevented from taking possession of Peshawar by the timely arrival
of a Lahore force under General Ventura and prince Sher Singb, who had come
to take possession of the renowned horse Leili from Yar Muhammad Khan at the
orders of the Maharaja. But although the Muslim fanatic bad retired hastily
with his Ghaafj on the approach of Vcntnfa*s force in Peshawar, and the Lahore
general departed with the horse which was so much coveted by the Sikh ruler,*
Beshawar was again left without adequate defence under Sultan Mohammad
Khan Barakaai, who was appointed governor ia place of bis brother Ytr
Muhammad.

For a while Sayyed Ahmad laid low extending bis doctrine of hate is
the Valley of Kashmir and the surrooadiog bills with a dominant Muth'io
population ; the Maharaja was reported cousolling bis astrologers for (be chances
of victory over the “wicked Khalifa.*** Ia June 1830, a force commanded by
Sardar Ilari Singb Nalws aad Allard drove blm across the river Indus, but soon
after he fell on Peshawar, defeated the Lahore governor, and occupied it. The
Gb3zls proclaimed Sayyed Ahmad a KhatifauuUhiuaalmXn or a Caliph sod he
installed himself as the ruler and struck coins with the high-sounding inscription ;
Ahmad the Just, Defendtr of the Faith, the glitter of whose sword scaliereth
destruction among infidels.

But the rule of the religious upstart was short lived. His ill-conceived
reforms and inoovations in the administration of justice according to the
doctrines propounded by him aroosed the opposition of the Sunni MoIIsfci
of Peshawar. He imposed a tithe on the peasants and issued a decree
bestowing all Afghan marriageable maidens on his sncooifa Indian followers,
which created a w'Ud Strom. HtsYusafcai and ether tribal adherents instantly
denounced him as an imposter aud au adventurer and clamoured for his expulsion

1 Set te^eeills. Cueatngbear, p. 170,^; Mnmr. n. SS-S?; Letif, p. +<1.
MteiTtior p, J97 for Ranjit Sts(V« pauira for the ho»e. Ytt MahttamaJ Khan had
pretiously promiied to deliTet the horse to rise Maharaja, fcet later eeiieJ deli***/
deelarinf that L«Ui war dtad.

* UT, in (0. p. 30.

XKD or "THE WIOCEO KHALirA*

from tbe rtjloo. Stjyei Aboad opeoed up Bctoiiiliooi in November 1830
with SaldB Mabimmid Kbao, haitily aorrendered peihawsr to him on a
promUe of tribute, and fled aeroti the lodoi.

9. EBdeI-|>>*«{ch«di:ht1iU'*

Meanwhile, t itrong force under the Maharaja crotied the Atloch to
cbaitite the fanatic reformer, but ai the Sikhs approached PriSawar, Saned
Ahmad Red tovardi the hilli. Oa the return of the Maharaja to Lahore, he
reappeared at Pethawar, levied a natotana of 3,000 rnpeet on itt ivpioe govetoor,
and rrterned to the bill fastnetret again, Put the yuuf^att were now fed up
with hit piendo doctrinrt and provocative and Uhcuitomary reformt. which
curbed the liberty of the wild mauntainceri and deprived the ecelaiiattt of
their lumuneratite oceupalioo. AilPethaarar fcvolietj ajaioit him. The Mullahs
<ha<wrceil iia ai a bftelh aod ctpelUd Itia fiaa the Yutsfai bHU to feet
refuge in tbe region surtoundlag the Valley of Kashmir, where he bad lome
Influence. There, for aome time, be continued fomenting trouble with tbe help
of the chief of Mutaffiribad. In May 1831, a Sikb force uoder prince Sber
Stnih overtook him, and in a ibort action at Datakei, be was tiaio along with
hit few adherents.

Aleaandrr Gardner deseribea the actional Dalakoi and the eod of the
Khalifa ; *'Syed Ahmad and the A/uidor/, lorrouoded by bis surviving Indian
followers, were fighting desperately hand to band with tbs equally fanatical
Akalis of the Sikh army. They had been taken by surprise and isolated from
the maio body of the Syed's forces, which fought very badly without ibeir leader.
Even as t caught tight of the Syed and the muu/url they fell pierced by a hundred
weapons. Those around them were tiain to 8 man and the main body dispersed
in every direction ... I saw literally within a few yards of the Syed when he
fell, but I did not see the angel descend and carry him olT to Paradise, although
many of bis followers remember afterwards that they had seen it distinctly
enough.”* The news of the victory over ”ihe wicked Khalifa" was well received
at Lahore and orders were Issued to (he Kardars of Lahore, Afultan, Kashmir,
and Atlock to celebrate tbe occasion by illuminations and discharge of guns.*

10. Mictilullon* ot Dost Mntunmid

The final liquidation of Sayyed Ahmad made It apparent to tbe Lahore
Darbir that Peshawar must ultimately be anneaed, although no immediate
solution of the problem could be evolved. The nominal Darakzai tributaries

i Afenorlei e/ Aleiander (Gardner, LoadoB, 1893. p. 171.72,

* OT.m(i).p32.

12S

THE SIKHS AND THE ATGHAKS

coDtinued to role it on bebalf of the Lahore Government. Dost hfohamoad
Khan, the ablest of the Barakzai brothers, had in the meantime, taken possession
of Kabul, Ghazni and Jalalabad. Dot althocgb the Barakzai family was still
torn asunder by internal jealoQsies and individasl ambitions, the new mastw
of Kabul desired to rc*cstab!ish his control over the Afghsn dependencies.
Obsessed with a desire to possess Peshawar, which had virtually passed under
the Sikh control, and fearful of the Persian designs en Afghanistan, he songht
British help against both. He asked for British help for the restoration of
Peshawar to him, declaring his intention of leading a jehad against the Sikh
infidels, and promising to stop Persian influence in Herat and counterscl
Russian iaSuencs in Afghanistan.* hfassin, the British news-writer in Kabul,
and Wade, the British Political Agent at Ludhiana both pressed upon ibtir
gos-ernoent to accept Dost Muhammad** offer, but the Indian Government
refused to meddle in the Sikh-Afgban dispute.* At the same time, the Peshawar
Barakzais Sultan Mohammad Khan and Jabbar Khan were afraid of Do*t
Muhammad’s designs and the wrath of the Yusafzais for holding Peshawar as
tributaries of the Sikhs ; they made secret overtures to the British, hot the
British declined to accept them.’

Meanwhile, Sbuja-ul-Mulk, the deposed monarch of Kabul, whom the
reverses of fortune bad reduced a stipendiiy of the British at Ludbiaua, had
never given op the hope of the recovery of bis lost kingdom. In 1826, Racjtt
Singh had opened up correspondence with him luring him to regttn his throne
with the Sikh help.* It is not known whether the Maharaja’s solicitude for the
victim of his former oppression was in atonement of bis past conduct or to use
the ex<Shab as a stooge in his fortbeomiog struggle with the Afghans- Shah
Shuja did not accept the Sikh bait for fear of British dhapptovai and terauna*
tionofbis asylum at Ludhiana.* In July 1827, be seat a deputation to the
Governor-General at Simla submitting that be was determined to make au
attempt at the recovery offals lost domioions with the help of the Sikhs. He^*
informed that the British Government would not object to his entering into an
alliance with Ranjit Singh or with the Afghan Chiefs favourable to his cause,
but the relinquishment cl their protection would not place the Government of
India under any obligation to renew it in case of a failure.*

s \V«ie to Macntrbtco. A Jumsty, 1S33-(P) HI : L

* S3AjTi!.lS35-(P)US:S.

* See pirtienlariy. Wade to Gorenitaesc, )9 May and 9 Jcly, tS32 ; 9 Marsh, lEM l
Goeerneent to Wade, 27ti Febraaty, JSSS.

« WadetoMeicalff.3Joly,lS:».(P)9S;2J. ^

S Wa’e totd bid tim the Ennib Gorcmoieat eouli B9t tire tiipi aoy td»ice
Balter, and that be ahould mabe bu earn desiaion iauuinisc T.n.evi,f,,

* Aaitt. Delbi Berideocy to Wade,? July, IS27.(P) 115:19.

^HAHSHUM ELICITS StSHAlD

ll. Sbih Sbuj* tollcil* Sikb aM

Tbe rejoinder dampened (he ex-Shah*s ipirils, but be cootioued iQ bis
endeavours to woo tbe Sikh ruler. In March 1629, be proposed to the Maharaja
(hat in lieu of the help received for regatniog the possession of Kabul and
Peshawar, he would pay to the Maharaja 1,00,000 rupees and presents of horses.*
The British Government on becoming cognizant of it, repeated the same warning
to him.* It was thought that Raojit Singh by entertaining such proposals was
trying to amuse himself at (he expense of tbe Shah.* In August 1831, Shah Sbuja
made another proposal — this time surreodetiog his claim on Peshawar and its
dependencies to (he Sikhs and beseeching help in re-establishing himself at
Kabul.*

The Lahore Diarist records in some detail the reactions of the Lahore
Datbar to the Shah'i proposals. Ranjit Singh agreed to enter into oegoitations
with the ex-king on such excessive and extravagant terms that the Shah withdrew
his hasty es'ertures. BrieOy, the Maharaja of Lahore envisaged tbe Shah’s
feiinquisbaient of bis cUims on (he former Afghan posstssioos of Shikatput,
Mankera, Kiebbi, Multan, and tbe Derajat ; payment of tbe expenditure oa tbe
Sikh troops accompanying (he Sbab on bis cxpcnditon to Kabuli a yearly
naxarOna of 101 horses to the Maharaja, prohibition of killing kiae at any time in
Argbanistan; non-molestation of all tbe Brahmans and Kbatris resident at Kabul ;
the return of sandal-wood portals of (he (emple of Jagannalb then a[ Ghazni;
and (he attendance a( (he Lahore Court of one of (be sons of the Shah with
500 horse,*

These astonishing proposals were met with distinct bewilderment by tbe
ex-Shah. He considered the stipulations of the proposed treaty as highly humi-
liating and disgraceful. Although be agreed to the political terms of the
proposals, be stoutly rejected some which he considered derogatory. The attend-
ance of a Sbabzada, be said, would be lamamount to retaining a royal Afghan
hostage at tbe Sikh Court, Tbe demand for prohibition of killing kine in
Muhammadan countries would be unjust and toexpedient on political grounds,
and the surrender of the gates of Somoalh would be an eternal national disgrace
for tbe Amir of Afghanistan.*

I UT.u. p. 3JS.

* Foi coneapondence on tbe fU&jcct, nde, W«de to Goreinmest. 2, SMey, 1829.(P)
97 ! 81. 87 ; Govecnaent to Wtie, 19 Maf and 12 Jane, 1829-(P) IS : 59. 62.

* W«de-29 September, ISSa^tP) 58 ; 120|,

* UT.mtO. P. 69.

» UT. HI (i).P. 71-72.

* (FP) 1S38, Hcs.2-4.

i23 TllESrKriS AND THE AFGHANS

Being despaired of secaring SiVh help on reasonable terms, Shah Shoja
torned towards the British taking advantage of the Persian threat to Herat,
in possession of Kamran. He proposed an expedition with British help ”
Afghanistan from the unpopular and tyrannical role of the Barakzai usor^
Muhammad Khan, whose favourable disposition towards Shah °

posed a threat to all peace loving nations. In return he promise r ^
relations with the British and the reception of a British agent in Afghanistan.

12. Marches on Sind

Meanwhile the Shah received offers of help from the - a

of Sind, who were afraid of Ranjil Singh’s designs on Sbikarpur.
him help in his project of invading Afghanistan on the condition tba s
relinquish bis claim on Shikarpnr and acknowledge their '.-aci

this the Shah agreed.* At about the same lime, several Afghan an
chiefs sent him messages of loyalty and help if he would invade
encouraged, the Shah opened up negotiations with Ranjit Singh for help
proposed expedition. Ranjit Singh offered to give him
be delivered Sbikarpur to him and divide the territories of the Talpuria
with him.’

The Shah had neither money nor resources to organise such an j.

tion. He begged from tbe British a loan for his expedition, an -

protection for his family at Ludhiana during his absence, and B«mh
advisers to accompany him to Afghanistan.* Lord William Bsntiac o ^^ 5^5
thalthe British Government would rerasin perfectly neutral towards all ^
in Afghanistan, that no Snancial or military help except the advanw

half-yearly maintenance allowance (16,000 rupees) could be given to . *

that his family during bis absence would not be abandoned
As a matter of diplomacy, British iodiffereaee towards the Shah s expe i
was complete. Shah Sbnja, tberefoTe, compelled by stringent circums a
tnrned to Ranjit Singh, and on 12 March, 1833, entered into a treaty wi
Sikhs for uncertain pecuniary and military aid, surrendering all claims o
territory north of the Indus, occupied by tbe Sikhs. The most obnoxious
oftbe draft of 1831, proposed by Raojil Singh were tacitly dropped,
Shikarpnr and the Sindhian leffilorics on the right bank of the Indus, w

I MiectHtcti to Wtit, 19 Octobrr, 1S32-<P) 116 : 35. , « Sf>

* MtcVesca to Wade. 12 October. JS31-(P) 103 : 23; Memtrittea to W»d*,
teDb«.lS32-(P) 116:29.

S Wade to bleauShtcD, 27 Marebaod 9 Aptil. ia33.(P) 133 : 17. 10. ^

* Shab Shuja toLoid Willtam Eentinek.23 Beptenber, 1S33-(PP) XL. 1®^"

S Lord WilUaa Bestiack to Skab Sboja, tp. tit. No. 9.

DtyEATtD AT CANDAJfAR

125

Sjlb tsltf coreted. wttt left to the Mtbittttioa of tbe Oriliib Como*

cient. Reicrorced «ilb ihe vitse atiurasce* of Sikh help, Shth Sbuji with
hii tleoder r^ourcet betaa rccruiliof aa aimy. We da aot know whit pfcu*
siiry atilitaoce wit rendtred to bin by Ranjit Siejb, aItbou|h Sohia Lai
ttcordi that a fum of 1.25,(00 rupsei wat rrcoffitrended to be given to hita.>
Dl*3n Sawan Mai. Ihe fo^eroor of Mnltan waf ordered to depute a neirt*writer
to atay wtih Ihe artny of ihe Shah and keep potted the Lahore Darhir with
the newt.*

The Shah marched on Sbtkarpur with bta newty>raiied force of HInduttlei
tnerceeatiei of two balttlioot commanded by a loldier of fortune named
Campbell, and by the time he reached Sind in September 1833, bis army bad
swelled to 10,000 tnen of all ranks. Tbe Atnin pul him in temporary possession of
Shikarpur and promiied him a subsidy of 50 000 rupees. Here he recruited more
men ard put them oedee traioinf under bis ofTiceri, but be flatly refused to
evacuate the town. ro(i/> of ihe Darakzai Sardtrs ofKiodihsr lotpretted upon
Ihe Talpurian Amlrt oflhs impolity of invuing lueb a dangerous gueit in the
eouetry of Sind jeeparaditing tbeir owo intereitt. The SinJbiai Amin
vueerved by the ditmal prospect decided to use force ; but In the battle
fought soon after, they were defeated by the Sbah, who now announced that
Shikarpur and its dependencies belonged to him. He browbeat the Talpuriins
into signing a treaty with him which made incumbent upon them to replenish his
mililsry stores and ammumtian. and pay him a war contribution of 5,00.000
rupees towards his etpedition to Kandahar.

la. •( Ksndsbir

In March 1834, the Sbah set out on his cipediiiou. He marched conll*
dently towards the Valley of Piihin, where (he Kandahar Chiefs bad collected a
host of 81, COO horse lo stem the onward advance of tbe Sbah'a army. Dut as tbe
Shah’s force approached the Valley, the mercenary troopers and tribesmen whom
the Kandahar Chiefs hsd collected, icaitered like autumn leaves in a windsirom.
Large scale desertions look place, and Kohio Dil Khan retired lo Kandahar.
Dast Mabamroad Khan at this tins: was beset with the intrigues of bis brothen ;
he made fervent appeals (0 his renegade brotberi at reihawar to forsake (he
Srkhs antf jota him, ntide t ItiCtaimte offerafaa aHixazc to the Bnessh aad
invited the king of Dokhsra and the ruler of Kunduz to enter into a Iready of
friendship with him. Tbs Kandahar Chiefs bewailed for succour ; and ultimately

« UT. m (.1), p. 163.
• tiii, p. 132.

N-17

156 tHE SIKHS AND THE AFGHANS

prince Muhammad Akbar Kban left Kabul with 2,000 horse and 4 cannons to
fight the Shah.'

Muhammad Akbar Khan joined forces with the Kandahar Chiefs— Kohin
Dil Khan, Mihr Dil Khan and Rahim Dil Khan on 30 June, 1834 at Qila Azim
Khan about 5 miJes from Mandahar. In the battle which was fought the oext
morning, Shah Shuja was defeated, the Durrani Chiefs having defeated biro a little
earlier. All seemed lost, and the Sbab ficd to Herat leaving behind bis aromunU
tioD, guns and stores. After aimlessly wandering in Ladakh to receive succour
from the Shah of Persia, he ultimately returned to Shikarpur in January IS35,
where be hopelessly abandoned all claims to Shikarpur and Sind- Soon after-
wards be returned to Ludhiana.’

14, Dost Muhammad's bldstsr

The ignominious defeat of the Saddozai ex-king saved the kingdom of
Afghanistan from further dUictegratioo ; but the Afghan pre-occupation at
Kandahar gave an opportunity to the Sikhs to occupy Peshawar on 6 May, 1834.
The three Batakzai brothers, Sultan Muhammad Khan, Pir Muhammad Khan,
and Syed Muhammad Khan, soon after became vassals of the Lahore
Government, Dost Muhammad’s elation at the victory at Kandahar was
momentary ; the loss of Peshawar and the defection of his brothers turned it into
chagrin. Flushed with victory, he instantly wrote to Raojit Singh threatening him
with fire and sword ifPeshawar was not instantly banded over to him. An army
of crusaders, be said, would come to fight unto death, and would create a tumult
the like of which would put to sbamc even the scene of resurrection.’ The
Maharaja called off Dost Muhammad’s bluster by moving more troops towards
north. He wrote back that the Amir was welcome to cross swords with him and
that be would get an adequate reply io the field of battle.*

It is evident that Dost Muhammad Khan was not in a position to
carry out his threat immediately. He blew hot and cold, levied heavy exactions
and extortions on his subjects to replenish resources for the expedition.

' UT, HI (to. V- 163. See gmerallr, Mohea Let, pf Amir Ooit
i,p.l57ff.; Sjkea, A Hiscprr p/ Afr^aniitan, 1 ; Kaoabarft Lai, fi?anjIlJing^n3maI ;
p. 463 J5. ; Fettier. p.200 tg. For BntUIi records see pirticutarly, Mackeron— 18 January #nd 12
March. 1834.(P) 105 S 29.53; Wsde-I February, 5 March and 1 April. 1334-{P) 140 : 6. 14.25;
(PP) XL, I833.£ufaei» reiiifire to ik: expediitaa of Sliah Shoaja-gol-Maoli {nio
Ja33.34.

* UT, 111 (ii) p. 182.

» UT.mOO, p.216; Wade-~15 June, 1834-(P) HO : 46. See also RanpUlnefinUma
by Kanabaya Lai, p. 4SS et see.

• Wadt.7 Ausutc. 1834-<P) *40 : 65.

ANS'EJtATiOM Oy PSSHA WAR

131

8fid looked abool for friendt and foci. Tbe Am!n of Sind ignored hit farmon
forasubsidy for the cnisade and so did ibe Chief of Kunduz. The Kandahar
Chiefs who bad been rescued from the threat of extinction, procrastinated to
join bis adreoture. He adopted the grandiloquent title of the AmJr.^ul.ifumMn
in the style of the Caliphs of Baghdad, Iransformed himself into a CAiter,
and proclaimed a lehaJ or holy war against the Sikhs, Dot the trickle of
martynand religioui fanatics into the ranks ofhif army was not encouraging.
The or the treasury at Kabul was almost empty; the merchants at

Kabol were squeezed dry, the district gomnori spoiled bath the rich and (be
poor, and in this manner he could coltect 12,00,000 rupees for his expedition.

But the Sikhs had by this time built up the defence of (be N, W. Fron*
tier. Garrisons had moved up to Peshawar; Gulab Singh and Genera! Avicabile
bad been despatched to Kohat and Hart S-ngb Nalw) bad ruthlessly stemmed
out all chanees of insurrection (a the Valley. A chain of outposts all along
the Kfayber Pass had been established. Tbe Maharaja had moved up to Attoefc
and 2S battalions of (he Sikh army with guns of heavy calibre had moved north.

15. Aannattan «l Pethawtr

Featful of Dost Mohamoad’t determination to nrett Peshawar from the
Sikh Barakzais who had neither tbe itrengtb nor the wiii to retain it, Raniit
Singh bad made up bis mind in the Spring of |$34 to annex n to his own domi-
nions. A strong force under prince Nauoiba! Singh and Sardar Hari Singh
KalwS accompanied by Generals Ventura and Court marched northwards. The
Osrakzii brothers, Sultan Muhsmoiad Kbao. Per hfubammad Kbsn, and (heir
nephew Gialh Khan readily paid the excessive tribute demanded from them, but
sent ibeir family and heavy guns across the river Kabul to Michni in the
Ynsarzai hills. A pereraplory order was conveyed to them to evacuate Peshawar.
Tbe Sikh armies surrounded (be city, occupied Ojia Hissar, and after desullry ligh-
ting In the suburbs, occupied Peshawar on 6 May. 1834. Pir Muhammad Khan
Qed to Koiiat and other Afghan Sardars repaired to Takkal and Shekban.*

The Sikh occupation of Peshawar resulted in a hectic activity for its
defence immediately. Re/nforcemeDrs were seat to Altock under prince
Kashmira Singh ; Gulab Singh and TeJ Singh with strong detachments of
infantry and cavalry arrived at Peshawar : and the Maharaja himself reached
Robtas with strong contingenis and heavy guns. There were strong rumours of
an Afghan invasion of Peshawar.

16. Jt\ai tSalnit “the tollicts''

Having made another futile attempt to WOO the British* for assistance in

* Wad* I* Mtctitshim, 19 May aod 17 June, 18S1-(P) 140 : 37. 47.

s Set fentrallr. Wade to Mienaibcen. 7 June, ISSS.^?) 142 t 36 ; 11 July, 133$-(7)

142 : 45 ; 19 July. 1S36-(PJ 142 ; 43.

THE aiKHS AND THE AFGHANS

the recovery of Peshawar, Dost Mohammad Khan opened op desultory negotis*
tfons with the Shah of Persia, and oUimately raised the cry of Jehsd against the
Sikh infidels who had usurped Peshawar. Afghan tribesmen gathered in large
nnmhers at Jalalabad. Sultan Muhammad Khan with bis troops had joined
Dp with his brother, and Dost Muhamoiad Khao with a body of large Afghan
irregulars marched across the Khyber and took up position around the Valley
of Peshawar at Shekhan. On beating the news of the arrival of the Afghan
host, Ranjit Singh moved up to Peshawar. Thirty-five battalions of regular
Sikh infantry, and numerous cavalry were arranged in battle array in horse-shoe
manner around the city. A battle seemed imminent, but negotiations were opened
up by the Maharaja by the despatch of Faqir Aziz-ul-Dio and Mr. Harlan to the
Amir’s camp. Dost Muhammad finding his antagonists superior in numbers to hi*
irregulars, was wtlliog to modify his crusade for a consideration and the promise
that his brother Saltan Muhammad Khao should be put in possession of half
of Peshawar, But he resorted to treachery and put under detention the Sifch

emissaries, and Sultan Muhammad Khan in whose custody the hostages were
given, double-crossed him ; he deserted him and arrived in the Maharaja's camp
along with the prisoners. Dost hfubammad Khan left (he defiles of the Khybtt
in disgust and shame and retreated to Kabul. The Ch3:l's boast to the tribesmen
that the fiy would extirpate the elephant bad misfired.

It was, however, clear to Raojit Singh that Peshawar could only be
retained by taking adequate measures for its defence. The hfabaraja ordered
that a new fort be constructed at Peshawar. Hari Singh NalwS, one of the ablest
Sikh generals was put incharge of the province,’ Measures were taken to coo*
solidate Sikh power by strongly garrisioDiDg the forts on the frontier. General
Avitabile took charge of the military administration. The Barakzai brothers
Sultan Muhammad Khan and Pir Muhammad were assigned in the region
to avoid further trouble.

17. Bittle of Jtmrnd (1837)

The rule of Hari Singh Nalwa in tbe Peshawar area can be described a»
that of dagger and swordJ He curbed (he iosorrectionary teodency of the wild tri-
besmen by the simple expedient of extermination. A man of extremist views, he
was diobolical in bis hatred of tbe Afghans whom he described as cowards, sad
overtly aired his determination of carrying the Sikh arms to the heart of Kabul
and annexing the kingdom of Afghanistan. In 1837 Hari Singh Nalwa seized
the fortress of Bala Hissar in tbe mouth of the Khyber Pass. A strong fortress
began to be constructed at Jammd, and the Afghans apprehended that their
dangerous neighbours would make an inroad beyond tbe formidable defile. Tbe
Amir of Kabul, therefore, resolved to pm a stop to any further advance of
tbe Sikbs into tbe tribal area. A force 8,000-10,000 strong with 50 cannon under

AN EYE-WITNESS ACCOUNT

133

prince Atbsr Khan and Abdai Stmsd Khan proceeded towards the Khyber to
dislodge the Sikhs Trom Jamrud.* Fietce Afghan tribesmen fired by religious
fanaticism swelled that number to 20,000 horse and foot.

As (he Afghsn host fifed past the Kbyber defiles and surrounded Jamrud
la a five-pronged attack, the Sikhs were ready to receive them in their entrenched
positions at Jamrud. The iefantrymea came out to meet their foe. The fierce
contest commenced oa 30 April, 1837 sviib canoooade 00 both sidrs; Ibe Sikh
commander llari Singh Naiws Skho was ailing, came out to lead his men. The
Afghans failed to dislodge the Sikhs although successive onslaughts of their
horsemen under cover of their artillery threw them in confusion. They reformed
their ranks, but the fort was reduced to rabble and the four columns of the
Afghan army were worsted with heavy loss. The CAflets fed from the field in
titter dismay, leaving behind their fifth column under prince Afzal Khan wiih
2,000 horse commanding a position of advantage on an emioeoce. Iltri Singh
NalnJ lead the assualt on ibis column and drove Afzal Khan from his position.
The Afghan commander fied in confusion leaving behind bis dead and wounded
and 14 guns. The retreat cf (he Afghans was aecompaeied by great slaughter
and carnage ; but the tide was soon turned by the arrival of Afghan reinforce-
ments under Shamt-ud-Din Khan. The runaway Afghan column of Jabbar Khan
asd 5buJa-ud-Daula trickled hack and joined them for (be final fray. The rein-
fereed CAdrfr reeapiured their guns, and the Sikbs retired behind the shattered
waits of Jamrud.

18. An ej-f.irilfleMArroenr

Alexander Gardner describes the mobilisation of forces on both sides.
At reshawar. Dost Mubammad Khao had an army of 50,000 troops wiih 60,000-
f 0,000 Irregular luppIemeorJng it. Rtojir Singh bad moved the whole of

the Sikh army towards Peshawar : "The rroneese Compo or the French division
of the Sikh army, then personally commanded by the four French and Italian
generals— Messieurs Allard, Ventura, Avitabile and Court, and having a strength
of 20,000 to 22,000 men, marched towards llasinagar, and thence slowly and cau-
tiously made its way westwards and southwards with the object of turning the
left flank of Dost't army ; while the remainder of the Sikh army commanded by
Ranjit Singh himsetfand 60,000 to 80,000 strong, horse and foot, threatened
Dost Muhammad's centre and right flank,"*

The battle for Peshawar Is described by Gardner as ''one month’s spar-
ring, coquetting and skirmtsfaing.'** Heavy cannonading and fkirmiihiog rook

* Fci «n seeouDt o{ (b« ballte e( lamind. *e« (JT, lll(iv), p. 393 ttte9i

Wade to Mtcnisbtcn. 13 M17. 1837-(P> 141 : 7.

* Ptitee, A{tm»rl4l of Atexandtr Gatdnot, Loodoa, ISiS, p. ISiSS.

3 thd. p. 1S7.

15A

THE SIKHS AND THE AEGHANS

place along the whole front. The Afghan position being on rising ground, then
every movement was visible. The entire Sikh army with the French divisfM
was ready to make an advance and a simultaneous attack on the Affbso
position. A general advance and attack along the whole Afghan line was to
commence at 4 o'clock in the morning. But: “fn fact. Dost Mohsmtnsd,
with all his troops and G/ifl’jj, had retreated during the night into the Khaiber,
and when day broke out not even a single tent or Afghan was to be seen.’ ^

The battle of Jamrud, so fiercely contested, was however indecisive. Both
the antagonists claimed victory, but neither had won it. The Afghans ha
failed to capture either Jamrud or recover Peshawar and their motely crowds
of frontier tribesmen soon dispersed beyond the barren deGles of the Khyb.r.
The Sikhs had lost their valiant and brave commander Hari Singh Nalwa so
had suffered enormeus causukies.

The death of Hari Siogh NalwS had cast gloom at Lahore. He was oe.
of the ablest generals of Ranjit Singh. As an administrator, be was ruthless ao
much feared by the Afghans. As a civil administrator, bis methods were tetsliW*
rlan and highly excessive, and for his severities as governor of Kashmir, lo
December 1820, the Maharaja had recalled him. When appointed governor e
Peshawar, he adopted the same methods. He abolished thtjeslya on the Hin
imposed a tax on all Muslims, and constructed a chain of forts on the turbulM
frontier to stop tfce ftequeat predatory incursions of Afghans into Jn
Tradition ascribes to him to have struck his own cola in Peshawar with t
approval of the Maharaja. With bis death passed away a great stalwart in Si
history, and one of the ablest generals of the Sikb Government who hadconlri*
buted much to the extensiou aod consolidation of Ranjit Singh’s empire.

2. PESHAWAR UNDER SIKH RULE
19 People, aaaaers and cuitoma

The Subah'i Peshawar and its dependencies had a population of *ho“
47% of Fathao descent— the Kkatfaks, the Yusafzats, the Muhammsdzais ^
The Kkaitaks, a tribe described as industrious and fair cultivators, were predo®^
nantly setteled in the Kbattak country, from the south of the Kabul river and c
the lowlands on the Indns to Noosbera. They were a bold and fanatical prop »
who never liked Sikh rule. When the Sikhs gained a footing on the right bs°^
of the Indus and subdued them, they perforce paid them an annual reveoo**
The Yusafzaix were the largest of the Peshawar tribes. They were
warlike and independent having seltlcments on both sides of the river Indus*

> Ibid.

^£OPLE. MANSERS AND CUST0^{S

liS

the phioi their lenitories exteoited as far it Kathssr, Swat and Buoner. The
Sikhs could never efTectuslIy subdue this tribe; they never paid any revenue to
the Lahore DaibAr, but for keeplni the peace of the country allowances were
settled on them and they were a cODslant source of trouble to the Sikh Governor
ofTeshawar. The MuhammaduU Inhabited the district of Ilashtnagar, with its
mixed population, north>easi of Peshawar. The Glgla^ls had secilementa south
of Ilashtnagar divided iolo 6 tappahs i they itood in open rebellion with the
Sikh regime at Peshawar as their lands had been assigned as Jsgir to the Sikh
Barakzais reducing them to the positions of tenants. The Mohmands, another
warlike and turbulent tribe, occupied tappaht between the right bankof the Bara
stream and the Afridi bills. The ^u/i/r occupying 6 tappahs situated on the Bara
to the west and on the Kabul river to the noilb-wesl were great antagonists
of the Sikhs. Their principal town was Takal, whose ofbabs had to be constantly
bribed to keep peace by the Lahore Government. They were also assigned a
/agfr by the Lahore Oarbsr. The were divided into 5 /tf/'pd/ir and

Inhabited the country between the Khotits and the Deaba. In the city of Peshawar
various Afghans and pettons of sub>iribes and clans resided. A mixed pepula<
tiOD of other tribes and a few Hindus and Sikhs resided in ibe city *

The Sikh rule, notwithstanding its rigidity and oppression, failed to
bring the tetiive and turbulent Afghan tribes to complete obedience and tub-
jeciloo. In the country south of the Kabul river, however, the clansmen were
brought to a subordinate posiiioo. The Afghans kept their patriarchieal insti-
tutions and love for individual freedom. The harsh Sikh rule could only
momentarily blunt the sharp edge of chief Afghan characteristics but could not
obliterate them^ Like the Sikh, the Palhan bad two occupations— cultivation of
land and soldiery. The Sikh rule was merely confined to the Valley of Peshawar ;
it could barely touch the internal clannish administration based on lodividualislic
democracy. The tribesman in each Kht! looked to his own Arbab, Malik or Khan
or the Council of Ciders or the Jirgah for guidance in mailers of common interest
and not to the ruling authority at Peshawar. As such he was ever ready to lake
up arms when called upon by his Chief against the infidel Sikhs.

The cbiefcharacterlslics of the Afghan tribes being clannish jealousy and
an intense hatred of the foreigner. The Sikh JggirdSrs or their Afghan assignees
rack-rented the people : their exactions broke the back of the peasantry, but
their bold on the loyally of the people was almost nominal. When the Sikhs

> Autharttits i See genetiUr, ihe Oittrlet Gazetteer ef Peihawar, III, P.I23.1S3;
SettUmeet Report ef Peihaiear Dletridi UT. I?e/lar 111 ; Ibbeicon, Memorar\i3um
on Panjob ethnology end Panloi Caete* (1916); Sbahtmtt All, eh< and the

Afghani, p. 2^3-281 ; BeUoir, Yusafiei Ai$*nm*iit Report (1895) ere.

THfeSlKHS ANDTHEATG^AnS

, 00 k possession of Peshowae. Najef Khas, Khattak. a
Sardars fled to Jahangira foittess which he hod raised, Th
the Kbattak villages as ajaglr to whomsoever would keep the

23. Policy of Hart Singh N#1«K

Internal feuds so inhereotlj common amongst the ''^8’'““ “"jX 1

the Sikh officials in the province to array family against J' „„n

tribe, and cash rewards, land assignments. .‘'""Xthey could net

the uncertain loyalty of a number ' considered them os a

be trusted upon. The Afghan tribe, hated the Sikhs and considered the

common danger : and if a cry ofyeMdwas raised “g ^ f

gel their clannish feud, and unite instantly to eatirpale the lobdels.

The policy followed by Ranjil Singh with regard ^‘|^“”“'jjoajbera
trans-Indu, region since the decisive Sikh '"jX'idation of the

in 1821 was that of drift and indecision. Even after Ih Peshawar was

fanatic Syed Ahmad by prince Sher Singh at Balakot in May .
not annexed to the Kingdom. It was northern India, Iho

that although the spell of Afghan supremacy was hi°h'” "> "“.Xadan ,rib»

region predominantly populated by turbulent and warlike ,i„ed

nonld no, be securely held unless a large Sikh army Singh

there. A force 12,000 strong was lef. a, Peshawar under Sa dar H ^

Nalwa to quell any sign, of turbulence and W 'h= . Th

the name of the K/iSfso resounded in the Valley. The Sikh

havoc in Afghan settlement, in the country. Fart of 1^ city o -

burnt, the residence of the Barafczai governor, at Bala Hisar was ra

ground, and reign of pillage, incendiarism, and extortion sails"

side. The goveniincDt was left io hands of pfo*Si!ch Barakzai

Muhammad Khan and Pic Muhammad Khan subjecl to the pay joog OOO

annual tribute. The gross revenues of Peshawar in 1832 approxima -

rupees, but it could only be collected by sending an army

realisation. The approach of a Sikh host was a signal for the peop - j,_jfty-

to fiee from their homes taking away with them their «ho

The country and its neighbourhood lay at the mercy of the Si s 'pnU-

pillaged and destroyed everything. “The system undoubtedly kep . ^

tion in a depressed state, and deterred the Sardars from rising against

they fell so irksome."*

Hari Singh Nalwa knew how to match his hatred of the Afghans a^'

their hatred of the Sikhs. He set up a rule of tyrannical oppres

s F(Aa»ar Milner Caxeiteerp Pu67.

NEW SYSTEXt OF GOVERNMENT

the Peshawar Valteji Arbitrary tribntet were levied on (he YosafzaU— a cess
of 4 rupees per house which coold be collected Id cash or In kind and for the
realisation of which personal efTeelt of the people could be appropriated. *'There
is scarce a villaie/* records the Peshawar Gazetteer, "from the bead of the
Lundkbw3r Valley to the Indus, which was not burnt and plundered by this
celebrated commander. In such awe were bis visitations held that his same was
used by mothers as a term of alTright to hush their unruly children.’*'

Tor several years this policy of depredation was followed by the
Lahore Oovernment. It was expensive and unremaoerative. Except for
recovering part of the revenue, the reign of terror let loose by Sardar
llari Singh NalwJ did not much contribate either in the settiement of the
Pestiawar region or (be tfans*lodus territories or in tbs establishment of Sikh
rule on a permanent basis. Marl Singh continued in charge of the administration
of Peshawar till his death in 1S37. He was a brave and skillful soldier and he
ttrenstheoed Sikh position by garrisoning the frontier forts. He built a new
fort on the site of Dala Ilitar, placed siroog garrisons in the fortresses of
Atloekand Jbangira, and on the mouth of the Khyber after occupying Jamrud
in 1836, he built a new fort and garrisoned it strongly.

2L New S/<e«a oi Gorveenene

The doubtful Sikh victory at Jamrud ia 1837 bad mads it dear to Ranjit
Singh that policy of hatred and repression in the oorlhwestero frontier so far
pursued bad failed in its objective. Tbs Afghan invaders had been driven
across the Kbyber Pass and the Sikhs had become the masters of the Valley. In
order to remedy (be expense and eobroilmeot of the Lahore Covernmsotin
tribal affairs, the Valley of Peshawar was parcelled out to the Sikb Dirakzatsln
Jsglrj, and Peshawar was placed under General Avitabile as its new governor.
To Sayed Muhammad Kban was assigned the turbulent .t/uAcmodeat district of
Hashtnagar, to Ptf Muhammad Kban vras assigned the Doaba of restless
Mohmands, while Sultan Muhammad Kban received Kobat and Ilangu. Large
tracts of areas were assigned to (be orhJbx or local chieftains on the Khalil and
lower Mobmand frontier. A strong garrison was placed in the newly^constructed
fortress of Sbabkadar; and she tappohiaat Peshawar and the city itself were
placed asdtr sba eV thr Sikh .4y.UidilU, Bit! is the

Yusafzai districts, where the tribes bad not been completely subdued, the revenue
continued to be collected r/ et ormfs : periodically Sikh brigades would march
into the vieinily of the mountains aad realise what they could.

1 [bid. f. TO.

N— 19

133

THtSlKHSANDTHS-ATGHANS •

Yet the new system of government did not make up the frequent deBcieocy
of revenue arrears, though it saved the Lahore Government from the expense
and odium of permanently stationing its troops in an extremely hostile region.
The assignments on such a large scale to the Barakzai Sardars and the arbabs
further depleted the diminishing revennes, which were now almost absorbed in
meeting the expenditure of local government. The income of the country of
Peshawar, as for instance, in 1837 in the detailed entries of the DaftarA-Mf^ola
from village to village, amounted to 8,35,000 rupees, but only a fraction of it
trickled into the KbUha exchequer at Lahore.*

22. Administration of trans>ladus districta

The administration of the western frontier fdistricts of the Punjab
designated as the Derajat was divided into two distinct regions. It bad three
principal districts, Dera Ghazi Kbao. Dera Ismait fCban and Dcra Fateh Xiao-
For all administrative purposes, (he /district of Dera Ghazi Khan was farmed
out to Diwan Sflwan Mai of Multan. Dera Ismail Khan in which was sabmerged
thedhlxictof Dera Fateh Khan was ruled direct by a Lahore SSftm. This
included the transJodos territories of Bannu, Merwat, IsakbeJ, Darbaod and
Cltang or Dera Fetah Khan, where the Sikhs bad built a strong fortress. The
region was inhabited by various Afghan tribes and the Baanachis who are des*
crjbedas“bad specimens of the Afghans.” They claimed their descent from
the Afghans whose yoke they bad thrown off by 1822. They were unwilling
to pay any tribute to Kabul, and they were resolute enough not to pay
willingly to the Sikbs^ They hardly paid any atlentien to the royal order*
from Lahore. These trans-Indus regions were never firmly held by the Lahore
Government, and such was their turbulent character that the Tfszim and Kardar^
had a precarious hold on their loyalty. The revenue was allowed to fah
arrears for 2 or 3 years, and when it became worth-collecting, a force was sect
to recover it. The Valley of Bannu, for instance, had never been conqoere
or occupied by the Sikhs, who, however, considered it a part of the kingdom
of Lahore. Its total revenue was estimated at 60,000 rupees per annum, an
when the Sikh force overran the country of these aggressive and warlike peop*^'
the expenses of the troops could bardly be defrayed by the amount of the
revenue realised. Every two or three years a Sikh force would descend upon
them, burn and destroy their harvests and houses and carry their personal eff«f*
and drive away their cattle. On tbeir approach the inhabitants ran away t®
the hills to avoid payment of reveone and the threat of baildivg a garrisoned
Sikh fort and stationing of a KardBr bad little effect on them.*

* OT, III OO. p. 443.

» Sdwtxdes^AYeafentUPMnicAFmtiUr. Loadca, 1851, p, 76f/.

SOCIETY AND CONOmON OF THE PEOPLE

139

Alexander Gardoer dMcribeds the mode of collection of revenoe from
the trans-Todos districts of the Derajal and Oannu in 1832: “In the course of
few months we managed to cut down, born, nod destroy all the grain crops, and
to level and destroy the forts, villages, gardens, fruit trees, orchards etc. of all
the most refractory, and of those who refused to pay Ibei'r fixed annual stipend
and revenues.”!

23. Society and eonditiOB of the P«orte

The Valley of Peshawar was verdant and fertile and full of exuberant
crops, notwithstanding the local Pashtu saying abont Peshawar: “the heat, the
scorpions and the flies of Peshawar are so bad that it may be likened to the eye
of bell.” It was protected by natural boondartes — in the west by the Kbyber
range, in the east by the river Indns ; in the north by the highlands of Kasfaghar
and in the south it was bounded by Bangisb. The crops of the Valley of Peshawar
are wheal, barley, Indian corn, rice, cotton, tugarcane and ran or fiax. Mohan
Lai who visited Peshawar in 1834 while N was being roled by the Barakzai Sardars
as tributaries of the Sikhs, gives its popolation as 80,000 mostly Afghans of
Indian origin. Surrounded by mountains on three sides, be says, it was endowed
with luxuriance of tropical verdure and soil of the Valley was rich and fertile :
“no part of the Punjab can equal the cultivated districts of Peshawar in beautiful
scenery. The agreeable avenues and handsome bouses extend not only over
suburbs, but also over (be whole of tbe gardens wbieb surronnd the city and are
adorned with richest verdure ... grapes, figs, pomegranates, peas, apples, melons,
oranges, peaches &c. are produced here.”*

Mohan Lai describes the government and the character of Sultan
Muhammad Khan. He observes that tbe Barakzai Sardars, rnled Peshawar with
cruelty and fierceness: “Tbe goveromeot of Pcsbawar is administered by petty
sardars, who do not know the name of justice and are fond of luxury. They
possess a few battalions, composed of foot and horse soldiers, who use spears,
swords and guns in the battle. They figbt openly and fiercely.”^ He draws a
pen-picture of its governor : “Sultan Muhammad Khan, the present governor of
Peshawar, commonly called Sardsr. is a mao of middle stature. He is past tbe
meridian of life, and is fond of pleasnre. He is notorious for his Jewdness, and
is always surrounded by females, married and unmarried. He is careless of his
country and government and always employed in adorniag himself with splendid
and precious robes, on account of which heiscalled Sultan Bibl (or lady) by
Dost Muhammad Khan, the ruler of Kabul.”*

S Putte, Memeriet tf G^rintr. ep. at. p. 134

* Travelt in ihe Punjab. Afg\«niriax, TgrtUttn tte. (Reprint, 1971). p. 43.

S liii.f.Aletttt.

< Ibid, p, 41.

THE SIKHS AND THE AFGHANS

GeoeraHy speaking, the Sifcbnile fn the Valley of Peshawar couM not
change the traditional pattern of Afghan life both jo the towns and the villages.
The acknowledged heads of the clans, the ^rhais, the Khzms, and the ^fa!ikJ
controlled the tribes through their national institution, the Jirgah, or the Council
of Elders through which the general wishes of the comajonity were ascertained.
They could call the tribes to arm and take the field. In villages the Afghan
community had its own trade>guild and workmen. Each had its traditional
gardeners, tanners, shepherds, weavers, sweepers, cotton dressers, barbers, oilmen
and potters. They lived on their trade, and if they possessed land, they had no
proprietary rights in the soil.

Amongst the highly superstitious and fanatical Afghan population in the
north, the Sayyeds occupied a position of prominence on account of their holy
descent. They were recipieots of all alms, offerings and gifts by virfac of
tbier reputed sanctity. The /f/ndAls, probably all of Indian origin were settled
in the Yusafzai area. The Oujars and Awans were traders and money-lenders.
AfewKashtoiti residents at Peshawar worked as mechanics, artificers and petty
traders.

At the lowest rung of the social ladder in northern Afghan districts were the
marls or the slaves, the former captives of war or slaves bought in open markets
of Kabul or Bukhara. Men were servants of the household or in the field, loyal
and faithful to their masters ; women or Kfnedr served as concubines or house-
maids. Slavery was common and widely practiced ; the KhSns, the Afaliks and the
Arbabs possessed them according to their possessions or capacity. The Afghans as
a race WYre highly superstitious and worshippers of pirr, who were given heredi*
tary tights and privileges in the soil. The Hindus— Brahmans, Kbatris and Aroras
settled in Peshawar, mostly cairisd on local trade and were money-lenders m
the villages; in towns particularly at Peshawar a wealthy and influential non*
Muslim commercial class grew up. Amidst the fanatical Muhammadan populs*
tion, they lived a life of peace and followed their religious practices under a
tacit guarantee of protection.

Craptei 7

SIND

1. CrItItTi ttUlten*

TSin CONQUEST OF MULTAN iR 1818 and Ihc subsequent subjugation of
the Daudpotas ofRahassalpur had virtualfy etfendej Silh inttuence fa the borders
of Sind, a kingdom then poserned by the three Talpurian Amirs of IJ>dcr3bad,
Khairpur and Mirpur. AJibooph the Talpufuns aclnonJedged nominal Afghan
supremacy, they had stopped pa>ing tribute and were virtually independent. Both
financiaily and militarily they v.crc weak, but folioftfd a policy of isolation and an
extrerre rente of suspicion towards any foreign interference.

British reiattons with Sind date back to 1758 when the Kalhoras, of the
Baluch tribe, nominally under the surcrainty of Afghanistan, ruled that country.
Ohuljm All Khan Kalhora, the ruler of Sind, in that >ear. Jesirous of cuhivatins
friendship with the Cast India Company, allowed an English merchant, Mr.
Sumption, trade privileges, which included the establishment of factories and
permi<sion to reside in Sind.' Three )cars later, the Cast India Company deputed
Mr. Crskine to II)-ilerabad to act as their commercial agent and some vague sort of
commercial relations continued between the Cast India Company and Sind till 1775,
when on the death ofGhulam All Khan Kalhora. his successor Sarfraz Ah Khan
Kalhora ordered the closure of British factories in Smd and the withdrawal of the
British Agent.

For about a quarter ofa century thereafter there appears to be no record
of the resumption of Anglo-Simlhian commercial relations, but in 1798, Lord
Wellesley's Government deputed a Bombay Civil Servant named Nathan Crowe to
negotiate with the Talpurian Amirs, who had since supplanted the Kalhoras as the
rulers of Sind. The Talpunans belonged to a fanatical Baluch tribe: they had
parcelled out the country of Smd into three separate territories— Hyderabad,
Kh.7ir{Wf srtd M/r(>ur. Three brolhrrf, Mtr Fateh A)i, Ohahm Aft ortd Murad Ati
conjointly ruled Hyderabad, the biggest and the most important portion of Smd ;
while the rest of the country was in the possession of their uncles and cousins.
Crowe obtained from Mir Fateh Ali certain commercial concessions and he remained
in Hyderabad as a British Agent, but two yeanlatcr. in 1800, he was unceremoni'

AicebUon, tUI. p. 304 tq.

142

BIND

ously Mpelled from the country on account of the jealousy and mistrust of the
local traders.*

In 1808 Lord Minto’s govemmcnl sent diplomatic missions to Afghan'^*
Persia, Lahore and Sind to counteract the so-called French threat '

Captain David Seton arrived at the court of Hyderabad, and without anyau
concluded a defensive and offensive treaty with the Amirs, which ^ .

not be ratified by the British Government.* The British emissary was rcca , ^_^

Nicholas Smith, who was sent in his stead concluded another treaty wi
GhuIamAHTalpurin August 1809, by which the Sindhians bound . j

to allow any one of “the tribe ofthe French*’ to settle in their country. .{•

a decade the treaty of 1809 remained a dead letter; but with the * -jj.

Culch in 1819 by the British, the Indian borders having become wntiguou

Sind, and the depredations of the Khosas and other Balucli tnbes wi i -
British territories from across the Sindhian borders necessitated the °

almost defunct treaty. In November 1820 a ne%v treaty
Sindhian Amirs would restrain the Khosa and Baluch tribes’ depredato^ m
into British territories. This treaty proved totally ineffective and
British made a ralliUry demonstration on tbeir side of the borders of
overawe the Amirs for neglecting to observe the terms of the treaty.

2. Sitd) detitfas

With the Sikhs, the Talpurian Amirs, since the Anglo-Sifch treaty ^
had for some time, relations of uneasiness and distrust. They made a
attempts to woo Ranjit Singh in entering into a defensive alliance with them * ^

e\ent of an attack by the British on their territories.* Ranjit Singh put ®
Sindhian rakih who had arrived at the Court with petty khUa'ats. The co ^
of Multan in 1818, and the subsequent subjugation of the DaudpoUs of
had virtually extended the Sikh influence to the borders of Sind. The ® P
Amirs of Hyderabad, Khairpur and Mirpur were considerably alarmed by t e
imity of a miltant neighbour, for, the Sikhs made it apparent that the Kha sa
would soon penetrate Sind and occupy Shikarpur, a rich commercial
a flourishing centre of trade. Border disputes arose betv,’een the Sikhs
Talpurians and the Sindhian jakUs shuttled back and forth to Lahore
failed to get adjustment of their territorial disputes. Added to these were the co^^^
tont depredatory intrusions of the Mazari and other Baluch tribes from across

* GoremoT-General to Srciet Cooniittee, 15 December, IS03-BISL (D.

* CaTtetpondence telatint laSiiuf, (PP) XltXlV. No. 1.

S Hid. Not. 2 and 3, An. 4 and 3 respectiTc)/.

t Retident Delhi to GortioiaeDt, 26 October, ie09-(P) 3 : 59.

SIKH DCSIGKS

undeHnex] borders ofSind into tbe Silh territory of Multan. To quell their unla\\rul
Bctisities, the Maharaja himself led an eipeJitJon in 1823. lie subdued the
depredatory tribes, collected tributes from them, and charged the Amirs of connising
at the unlatsful actisiiics of their turbulent sobjects.i

The successful Silh eipedrtion to the Sindhian borders made Ranjit Singh
realise the rkh prire that Sind offered to him in the south. Shikarpur, the rich
commercial lossn was stragetically a Ley to Sind.* The British, he found, vsere not
politically inCerested in it. The Talpurian Amirs, tveal and isoiaCionists, kept up
the pretence ofacknowIedginB nominal Afghan supremacy, but they were practically
independent. Hieyviere self-tsilled and obstinate, but had little means to contend
s^ith Sikh arms, should the tide of Sikh expansion toss'ards south engulf them.
Consequently, the Maharaja made up his mind to subjuple Sind. Soon after, he
made a claim of Sikh supremacy oser Sind on the ground that having virtually
conquered all Afghan possessions in northern India, alt nominal tributaries of
Kabul should ov^e ollegtance to Lahore and pay tribute to his gosemmeni. The
Amirs, it was contended, had usurped Shikarpur and Sind ; whereas the Lahore
Government had succeeded to the right of suzerainty by overthrowing Afghan power
in northern India,* To enforce this argument of force, troops were sent to the
borders of Sind ostensibly for the purpose of taking possession of Shikarpur.

TJie Sikh designs on Sind were the logical consequence of their espansion
towards the south. Wade's numerous reports notice Ranjit Singh's aggression on
the territories of Bahawalpur ; the Lahore ocws*wniers confirmed that the Maharaja
was holding frequent discussions withbis Trench generals on the best meansof
invading Sind.*

That she Maharaja had made uphis mind to subjugate Sind is evident from
the fact that he had demanded tribute from the Talpurian Amirs m 1823 ; a year
later, the Sikh frontiers were extended to Talta Bhakar— the Oaudpotas of Dahawal*
pur having accepted Sikh supremacy. From 1825 onwards, Sind and Shikarpur
had become the fixed objective of Sikhexpansion southwards* The tumult created
by the Wah3bi fanatic Sayyed Ahmad on the northern frontier prevented Ranjit

* W*Jt to fOT«niiB<nt. 7 AuSuir.lSZJ. (P)9t : 11 ; (tu <Sid. 7ind 11 Scpirmbtr, ]821*
(P) 91; 17. IS

* CoTtrnor- C(n<ril to S«ei«(Con>raitc<(, 36Noveob«t, 1836-BIiL (1). Vol. 23

S Tt>UcIiliD «(i ffiidc ■ few fMT( alter tb* coaqjnt of Mutern tbe public corret*
poD^eoc* of th« time ceTctls. Sea Icoerallp, Wade to GoTcroment, S-l Auiuit, 1S23-(P)94 : tS ;
alioitfif. 18Msr.1S31-(P)137:8.

* Wtdt to Goremmear, 7 Stpttahtr. 1823-iP)9^; 17; Waie to ReriJenc Datbf.

11 Ausoit. 1S23.(P) 96 : 113.

* ViJe. Wada'i eorttipond<D<( dtrringthejcaii lS2t<23— (P)?! : 11 ; S4i5; 73i4>3
and Wt 171.

146

Sind

of Turkomanchi of February 1828. which made Persian foreign
subservient to Russia. The Russo-Persian threat to Khorasan and

vie%sed by British statesmen both in England and India as dangerous o ‘ ^

of British India. To counteract it. it was considered necessary to extefl
influence in Sind and the countries bc>ond the Indus.

Under these circurrislanccs was bom the Utopian scheme of the
of the Indus envisaging the opening up of the river Indus to commercia n ~
Treaties had to be signed with the three main participants in the s^^erne .^ntases
Amirs, the Nawab of Bihawalpur and Maharaja Ranjit Singh. *
offered by the river Indus. Lord Williaa Bantinck informed the Horn, u

were both politica! and military. If an occasion should ^ . t,y

the defence of India againstan invasion from the West, facilities ^

stream for transport of goods and navigation could be made use ot.
would kill two birds with one stone : it would establish British mfluen
forestall Sikh advance in the direction of Shikarpur and further south.

About this time, Wade had pointed out to Ws gove^ent that the
exercised powerful influence in Sind, and that if any negatiations wit ^

Amirs were necessary to gain British political objectives, the Maharaja s
should be sought as an ally so that Anglo-Sikh interests may not come
with each other.* Intelligence had been received that Sikh forces were in
of all the territories of Bahawalpur west of the river Indus, and that wi
betsseenthe Indus and the Sutlej in their hands, the territories of
Sind lay open to Sikh aggression.* On 19 October. 1831, Beatmck
Secret Committee of the political and military advantages of an intimate
with Sind. It would, he said, provide for the defence of India from an
the West and safeguard Indian frontier in that direction by connecting ^
British India. Ranjit Singh can then be confronted with a fail accomp *
Maharaja had little inkling of this double-dealing though he exhibited anxi
regard to British reaction against his designs oa Sind.

4. The Rupar Mcetiog

Opinions do not differ that Lord William Bentinck’s meeting with ■
Ranjit Singh in October 1831 was a camouflage to cover British negotiatio

1 GoTemor-Geatnt to Secret Commiuee, 19 NovenVtt. l83t-BlSL(W- V®*

* Wide to Ptioiep. 19 Oetobet. 1S31.(P) 137 : 34.

« IHft.

* Secret Letter. 19 October, 1S31^1SL(I). Vot. 21.

THE KUPAK MEETiNO

the Sindhian Amirs and to forestall the SiVh advance on Shikarpur and Sind.’
Early in the jear a compUnentary mission had been sent by the Lahore DarbSr
to the Indian Govemor-Gencral at Simla. The mission consisted of Faqrr Aziz-ud-
Din, Dl«an Moti Ram and Sardar llari Singh. Lord William Dentinck received
the mission with consideration and messjges of goodwill and presents were
exchanged.* Soon aflcrw-ards. Captain Wade was directed by the Governor.
General to proceed to Lahore to ascertain indirectly whether it would be agreeable
for the Sikh ruler to meet the Govcmof-General * Wade arrived at Adinanagar on
22 May, where the Maharaja was in camp. lie assured (he Maharaja of the
British Government's desire for continued friendship and perpetual alTcction for him
and espl-sined why the Governor-General was prevented from sending a return
goodwill mission to his Court. He, however, hinted at His Lordship's desire for a
{vrsonal meeting with the Maharaja, tacitly observing that the matter should
emanate from the Utter. The Maharaja capressed sentiments of friendship and
goodwill, but did not commit himself to the suggestion.

Three months later, Ateaandcr Dumes had travelled up the river Indus with
a present of five horses and a coach from the Ling of England for Ranjit Singh.
Wade was directed to attend the presentation ceremony at Lahore. It was on this
visit to Lahore in fufy IS31 that Wade arranged a meeting between Ranjit Singh
and William Bentinek. During the discussions Ranjit Singh resisted the suggestion
put by the British emissary that the Maharaja should pay the Goveraor-Ceneral
the first visit ; but ultimately, he conceded the point with great reluctance. The
meeting svas scheduled to take place at Rupar on 26 October. liSL

> I( l« <1*0 (Uat (roa lh« public eonnpondrnct pI tbc tine ibei the Sikb rulet'e
ob]reil*c In coniBI CO neet Lot j WlilUn Bentinek •» to eieertiin the eicwi of tbe Baiiib
GiTrerPaerr belore beiinnlnC Bil)t*r7 tTetsrieBtBZeiimSbjkerrurenit Sind, The Ldbore fereeg
under Cesetil Venrun, ifiri oceupleJ •Hib« Daudpoca miiietiet vrte el tbc rirer

ledut, (tood poittj lot lb< inraiion of Sind |(«ntinck ntitber diKuiMd nor attuded to the
entnet in tbe ippi renllv ■fTabI* InKrtirmt vicb tbc Mahica]<. On 2i October, he h*d iifutd
iniCiveiiona ID HtoTT Poiiloftr, tbc Primb Krtident at Cutcb, to proceed to tb« Court o( the
Sicdhien Amin lar ne|ot;trin( a trntr vtrb tbcoi. Tbc Mihircia'e apprrbeneion ccc
appatent fiom ifae fact tbic he Inticcd (VO oCfielab of tbc Cocemor-Ccneral'a ptitp to bii
Camp and put tacit qaeeilrn* with tcfpcct eoSinJ. He ttprenad ■ deiltc to open nefotiationi
with the Btiliib Goeersneot witb retard to bia ttUtioni with Sind. He bid broufht the
Jiliuthlni'.'lAbVt'CCr.PjvniV! Jltnit vtnuvvy cnlvKniv* .r MMutup* ^ury.

alto hinted at a joint As|InJ(lib enrerp/iae CD Sitid. Moebin/ tineible. hewerer. tranapired,
Bentinek did not dUcloai bii tsind, inj to lull the apptchcniiciDi of the Maharaja, (tec bin a
written aiiurinec lot tbeeentinuation ofrclationa of tmndihlp.'' See (eneraUp. (P7).XXX(,
lS4d. and particulatip. Stent beiier, dated 19 Noeember. 193UBISL (t), Vol. 21, paiai
Zi, AZ-ii.

• Wade to Goeenioent. 7 Map, ISaMTI 93 1 163.

* Covemmeac to Wade, tS April, mi.fl’) IIS : 76.

144

Sind

Singh to settle the issue finally with the Talpurians but when by 1831, the fanatic
had been liquidated, he was disappouited to find his claim on Sind seriously chall-
enged by the British, whose calculated snpineness had earlier encouraged him to
intimidate the Sindhian Amirs. However, the peremptory demand for annual tribute
made in 1825 alarmed the Sindhian Amirs, whose takth arrived at Lahore to plead
for its exemption^.

Sind Ts'as thus sandwiched between two powerful imperialistic neighbours —
the British and the Silchs. In the early twenties, however, the British did not consider
Sind of any commercial or political advantage, and Ranjit Singh exerted his influence
on the Sindhian Amirs by threats and cajolery. In 1831, he expressed his desire to
conquer Sind while in conversation with the French traveller Jacquemoat :*

TA< Maharaja : WbU eouacry »Iiould I licit tbink cf conquectag 7

Jaequemont s Tibet.

TTie Mafiata'ja I Hire jou beea to Tibet?

Jaequement : Yout Maiesty oeed only send a reSicaeot of the C'Jcbbas. But the
coontr? is to that a tbousssd eieti would fiad Dothisf to eat
tfartc.

7A« Maharaja : What would b« the |ood of taj tskias such a country 7 It if rich
countries that I want. Could 1 not take Sind s it is itid to be
very tieb. But wbat srould the British say 7

3. Qatnea’ Mission

By 1830 the British began to evince interest in Sind and the countries beyond
the Indus. Bumes’ supurious mission up the river Indus in 1830 and Bentinck's
Indus Navigation Scheme appear to be a link in the chain of events by which the
British endeavoured to bar Sikh advance towards the south. Bumes' mission was in
reality aimed at obtaining iafonnatioa about the navigability of the river Indus and
the territories of the Sindhian Amirs. It is of special irterest for it gives detailed
information on the geographical and political conditions in Sind exposing the
possibility of British inlctfctcncc in Sind as opposed to the Sikh designs.* His
report discloses that the river Indus was suitable for navigation and commerce. It
had a uniform depth and a moderate current. From the ocean to its junction with the
united streams of the Punjab, it ran exclusively within the territories of Hyderabad
and Khairpur, who were amenable to afford ail facilities of transportation of
commerce coming from eastward, as well as by the great land route from Palee to

t Murray to KetMeot Delhi, 8 Norenbri:, 1823-(P) 71 : 424.

• laequessest tlountl.p. 39.

X A CfPirapklcsl «nd Mtlilory Almsir on tXe Iniuf end 1 (> iributsry rircrr fremthl
fed to'liiAere— BISLtt}3 Aa{utt.lS3I (SctscaH) : ««c ilio W«d«to PectiDyer. 220ctobcT,
ia31-{P) 93 ; 101.

BURNES* MISSIOM 14$

Shikarpur, the great emporium of trade. He had suggeited that free navigation of
the Indus north of Sind to Auock and of the other Punjab rivers would be of general
advantage to Raajit S/ngh's doniujhns coramercJall}’.

Eornes’ Geogrophieot ond MIh'fory Jlfemofr was the basis of British policy
towards Sind. Politically, the Amirs ofSind were cunning and isolationists, though
the threat of Sikh invasion of their territories had compelled them to be agreeable
to enter into an alliance with the British Government. He reported that Murad Ali,
the Chief of Hyderabad was a prince of distrustful nature, who considered the best
means of preserving the sanctity of his possessions by the exclusion of all foreigners.
He was a self-willed and an ignorant bigot, into whose territories flowed the river
Indus for 120 miles, and he also controlled the mouth of the river, which he could
seal oil at will. H>derabad was practically defenseless against the designs of
Ranjit Singh, but, Bumes suggested, a promise to ensure its independence, and
a defensive alliance against the Sikh ruler with an annual pecuniary arrangement
would break down the barriers of Murad All’s stout resistance to the scheme of the
navigation of the Indus. Moreover, the projected marriage between the second son
of Murad Ali with a princess of Persia was dangerous ; it appeared to have been
suggested by Russian intrigue for future political mischief towards the Company’s
Indian empire.

Rustam Ali, the Chief of Xhairpur was anxious to form an alliance with the
British, and Bumes concluded, that in return he would agree to any proposed
navigation of that part of the river flowing within his territory. The third Chief,
the Mir of MIrpur, whose territory did not lie upon the Indus nor was there any
conunerciaf route through it to that river, had expressed desire to place himself under
British protection ; but being distrustful of the Mir of Hyderabad, had desired that
his proposition, if not agreed to, should be kept secret.

Bumes’ conclusions on the navigability of the Indus confirmed Will iam
Moorcrofl’s observations of a decade earlier, when he hmted that boats of consider-
able size could carry cargoes to the markets of Central Asia through that river.^
The Government took notice of Moorcroft’s report in 1819, but neither the trend of
Indian nor Central Asian politics, at that time, necessitated the imposition of British
influence on the countries beyond the Indus. However, in the early thirties, for
several reasons, British interest in the river Indus grew out of European politics and
of Ranjit Singh’s designs on Sind. Burnes’ mission had suggested a positive course
of action to the British Government. First was the ever enlarging phantom of
Russian encroachments in Persia soon after the conclusion of the disgraceful treaty

1 TraveU, H, p. 33S,

N-19

£inD

l4d

of Turkomanchi of February 1828, Vkhich made Persian foreign policy entirely
subservient to Russia. The Russo-Pcrsian threat to Khorasan and Harat was
viewed by British statesmen both in England and India as dangerous to the security
of British India. To counteract it, it was considered necessary to extend British
influence in Sind and the countries beyond the Indus.

Under these circurristances was bom the Utopian scheme of the Navigation
of the Indus envisaging the opening up of the river Indus to commercial navigation.
Treaties had to be signed with the three main participants in the scheme —the Sindhian
Amirs, the Nawab ofBahawalpur and Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The advantages
offered by the river Indus, Lord Williaa Bentinck informrd the Home Government,
were both political and military. If an occasion should ever arise for providing for
the defence of India against an invasion from the West, facilities offered by the
stream for transport of goods and navigation could be made use of.* The scheme
would kill t>vo birds with one stone t it would establish British influence in Sind, and
forestall Sikh advance in the direction of Shikarpur and further south.

About this time, Wade had pointed out to his government that the Maharaja
exercised powerfuUafluence in Sind, and that if any negotiations with the Sindhian
Amirs were necessary to gain British political objectives, the Maharaja’s co-operation
should be sought as an ally so that Anglo-Sikb interests may not come into clash
with each other.* Intelligence lud been received that Sikh forces were in occupation
of all the territories of Bahawalpur west of the river Indus, and that with the tract
between the Indus and the Sutlej In ibeir hands, the territories of Khairpur and
Sind lay open to Sikh aggression.* On 19 October, 1831. Bentinck informed the
Secret Committee of the political and military advantages of an intimate connection
with Sind. It would, he said, provide for the defence of India from an invasion from
the West and safeguard Indian frontier in that direction by connecting Sind with
British India. Ranjit Singh can then be confronted with a fait accompli.* The
Maharaja had little inkling of this double-dealing though he exhibited anxiety with
regard to British reaction against his designs oa Sind.

4. The Ruptr Meetiof

Opinions do not differ that Lord William Bcntinck’s meeting with Maharaja

Ranjit Singh in October 1831 was a camouflage to cover British negotiations with

* GoT«rnoT.Gn)(ral to Sfcirt Comisictre, 19 November. i83I.BlSL(I). Vol. 21, paras

* Wade to Prinsep. 19 October. 1S31.1P) 137 : M.

» /hi.

' Srcrei Uiur. 19 October. 1S31.B1SL(0. Vot 21.

THE aUPAR MEETJSC

the Sindhian Amin and to foretfaH the Stlh advance on Shilarpur and Sind.*
Early in the year a complimentary mission had been »cnl by the Lahore DarKr
to the Indian Cov-emor-General at Simla. The miMion condvted of FaqTr Aziz-ud*
Din. Dtwan hfoti Ram and Sardar Han* Sinfh. Lord Wilfiam Bcntincfc received
the mittion aviih convideration and mesiapea of poodwilt and preventa were
eschanped.* Soon aflerwardv. Captain Wade v»a» directed by the Governor*
General to proceed to Lahore to aveertain indirectly whether it would be agreeable
for the Silh ruler to meet the Govemor*Cencral.* Wade arrived at AJinanagar on
22 May, where the Maharaja wa» in camp. He assured the Maharaja of the
British CovemmentT desire for continued frimdvhip and perpetual alTcclion for him
and explained why the Governor-General was prevented from sending a return
goodwill mission to hii Court. He. however, hinted at Ills Lordship’s desire for a
personal meeting with the Maharaji. tacitly observing that the matter should
emanate from the latter. The Maharaja expressed sentiments of friendship and
goodwill, but did not commit himself to the suggestion.

Three months later. Aletander Dumes had travelled up the river Indus with
a present of five horses and a coach from the Ling of England for Ranjit Singh.
Wade was directed (o attend (he presentation ceremony at Lahore. It was on (his
visit to Lahore in July 1831 that Wade arranged a meeting between Ranjit Singh
and William Bentinck. During (he discussions Ranjit Singh resisted (he suggestion
put by the British emiiiary lhat the Maharaja should pay the Governor-General
the first visit : but ultimately, be conceded the point wnh great reluetance. The
meeting was scheduled to tale place at Rupvr on 26 October. 1831.

143

81ND

Various official and non-offidal accoants oF the oriental peagentry and
European ostehlatTon which attended the meeting arc extant.* A bridge of 0at-
bottdrned ferry boats had been constructed over the river Sutlej, and in the
hfaharaja's Camp on the opposite side, a silver pavilion had been raised in the
open land for parade, by the side of which were the royal tents of deep red wth
marquees of yellow silk and satin. The Maharaja’s entourage consisted of his
principal ministers, the rnlers of Jind. Ladwa and Kaithal ; the heir-apparent
Kharak Singh' and other princes ; the Dogra Rajas, the Attarls^aTa Sardars, the
Majithias. the Sindbianualas and Kallianwatas, and M. Allard and M. Court— in
all over 100 notables and grandees of the Dariar. td, 000 of his select cas-alry and
6.000 trained Infantry were in attendance. The Governor-General was accompanied
by his principal secretaries and military officials— 60 in all*— the Commander-in-
Chief, Adam, Ramsay, Prinsep, Bumes. ConoIIy, Wade and Murray. The military
escort consisted of 2 squadrons of European Lancers, a mounted band of H.M. 16
Lancere, an European rcpment, tsvo battalions of Native Infantry, eight guns of
horse artillery, and tsvo squadrons of Skinner’s Irregular Horse.*

On the morning of 25 October, the Maharaja wo'rshipped the horse and
the sv.'ord' and crossed the bridge riding a gold-caprisoaed elephant A contingent
of 3,000 ^horcharcj wearing saffron coloured silk tunics and Allard’s regiment of
dragoons had preceded him. Across the bridge. Lord Williarh Bentinck, also
mounted on an elephant awaited his arri%-al. British troops lined on either side
of the road. At the end of the line, the Maharaja stood up on his elephant and
w'cnt over to the elephant of (he Gosemor-General. “It could be said,” obsene*
the official Court Diarist picturesquely, “that a onion took place of the ta’o auspici-
ous stars in the Zodalc sign of Pisces.’** The ruler of the Punjab was then
conducted to the reception canopy, sihcre after introductions, a reciprocal
scn«'ar/ia of 1,100 gold ducates was made on either side. Presents and robes of
honour were carried on 200 trays. 5! suits of gaments, ornaments, two horses
with gold saddles, and one elephant with red vaUet trappings were then presented
to the Maharaja. Then Lord William Bentinck took Ranjit Singh by hand and led
him to his Camp where musicians and dancers entertained them. Thereafter, the
Maharaja took leave and showed his lordship his horses and crossed the river Sutlej
* in a canopied boat.

* r«rt;cutjrlT. UT, Hi Priojep (ISTO tleprinO, r. 126-135 : Fr*ier,

Afitiiar/ M(n«{rt of LtruS. Cet. Sbiamer. London. 1351, Vet I ; and Mtcftrfot. i, P.

IWf/. Fot (■oHi: trfotds on ill* tobjeci. ride. Wade and Prinwp** comipcadnee, (P)
113 : IL 83. 69 lad 137 : It. 17.21. 29, 3L and 33.

» UT. til (0. p. 90.

* PfiB»<f.r-127.

♦ UT. m to. p. 81.

» /lid. p. 92.

THE RUPAR MESnSG

On the foliowing diy. Lord Willtnm Brnlrnct ps'cf the rftum visit. lie
wav e'Corted by Prince Kharal: Singh to the Mahsrajv's Camp. Inthcroja! tent,
the S.irdar* cf the Court anJemi and mifitary otRciaiv prevented razart of Dutch
gold Kqaint and the hfaharaja prevented to the Cov-emor-Ceneral 43 pieces of
robes of honour, 7artief«of jewellery, 2 bejeweilcd Afghan svrordv, seme Persian
guns wrth golden carvings, numerous p.tshmina articles and an elephant with a
silver hinvda. He also put a pc.irl necllace around the neck of His Lordship,

During the folfowing four diys par.tdcs and reviews of troops were hefd on
either side.* Ranjit Singh made searching enquiries about British infantry manocu*
vres and formations, exhibitions of artillery practices with grape and spherical shot,
firing on a fftafar or umbrella vsilh one of the 6-pounders, and feats of horseman-
ship and dexterity were witnessed On the da) of feavc-Uking (31 October), Lord
William Bentinck presented to the Maharaji two o-pounder horse artillery guns.*
Of Ranjit Singh’s skill in military aflairs an e>c-wiiness observes: “fn every way
Runjeet proved himself to be a far superior soldier to any other native. He seemed
as if gifted with the intelligence of an English Field hfarshal and. in fact, he moved
about as if he was himself in command of the troops ”*

Both the Lahore Diarist ard the British records are silent as to what
transpired behind the apfiorrni d««pl.iy of alTabilxI)' and enierf jinment on both sides.
But Ranjit Singh was uneasy, as except for a wniien assurance of perpetual
friendship couched In general terras, no undefsi-inding ei'ulj he arrived at with regard
to Sind. “Vague accounts have reached h>m of some de'igns wi'h regard to that
country;” comment* Cunningham, “be plainly bmieJ his own schemes, and
observed the Amirs had no efTicient troops, and that they could not be well disposed
towards the Englid). as they h.xd thrown difliculties in the way of Lieut. Domes'
progress. But the Covernor-Cencral would not divulge to hrs inquiring guest and
ally the tenor of propositions already on ihcir way to the chiefs of Sind ”•

I Ir.fntttint tijf-ltthn of rh» Rap*t Me*-ine vicre Mbit'ition portae cl the

MihaTi|<‘* iCKlnd rlalvcm txt.st« tlic Aufuit [>r««>nc( ainSirf *Hidl p«il-bedrek«J brlile.

(k« Mihtiaji pointmS (Hit ib(Co<"ftiioJanr.SuW^ilr. |«it idst ird ibr CtoHsit ei
b!< <ot.}Uiful dtnceis ; ibe larriiriKi of t.lOUfold <I<acata br Kanjit bmsb atcr ibe Gortmor-
Cncral and the taveb; Lord WiSIiam Rentineb oret the bSifaaciia <UT, 111 (0. r- til and 9?)
A pioditute from ilie rciciab Camp preaented brtaeSf terocc tbt Mabaraga cUiiain( to be the
dauSbiet of Rircb (ihid. p. 93) end (be Msbntata banins tent bet to (he Vattahkbilnaat Labate ;
the eaerxnise of Brlum Samru atipini bebinJ the Wtirith Camp d»itou> of an inter-
view with the Maharaia (ilid) p.99). Danns the patade of Allird'a (seitty on the tSib, an
Akili fanatic with a drawn (wotd oiibeJ towardsibe Mahataja In an attempt to aitaiiinatc
him. He waa. bowetcr, OTerpoarered bp oiderlicaabd beaten black and blue (iSid p. 9)).

* Ptinaep, p. 131.

* Siioaer, diarp dated S&.30 Octotier.

* Cuania(bao.p.l74.

150

SIND

Consequently, although no direct discussions took place on Sind, Ranjit
Singh had tacitly desired a written assurance from the Governor-General for the
continuation of “eternal relations of friendship-*’ “Although fully aware of this
design,” Bentinck reported to the Secret Commitec, “I did not scruple to give the
desired document, omitting, however, the declaration that our friends and enemies
were to be one and the same, on the ground, that the relations between the two
Governments would scarcely warrant such a pledge- The anxiety shown by His
Highness for the introduction of this assurance and the reason assigned for it, are*
amongst the characteristic circumstances which attended the interview.”*

5. ?otl»t>geT’a Mission

With a double objective in View, Henry Potlingcr, the British Resident in
Cutch proceeded to Hyderabad In October 1831 to convince the Amirs of Sind of
political and commercial advantages of the opening up to navigation those parts of
the river Indus which ran through their territories. The Talpurians however were
neither convinced of the advantages of commerce nor of the friendly intentions of
the British in offering to protect them from the evil designs ofRanjit Singh. The
transactions of Henry Potlioger in Sind are vividly detailed by Lord William
Bentinck in his Secret Letter to the Secret Committee dated 2 July, 1832. Amir
Murad All was averse to forming any connection with the British but after pro-
tracted evasions and refusals by the Amirs and persuations and threats by Potlinger,
he was ultimately successful in brow-bealiog the Amirs into signing separate
treaties.* These infer a/fj allowed the merchants of Indi.i passage by the river,
facilities for transportations of the goods and merchandise, and the levy of just
and reasonable duties. Tlie treaties further forbade the employment of armed
vessals or boats on the Indus, or the transportation of military stores either by the
river or by road ; no English merchant could settle in Sind,*

Ranjit Singli was informed about Pollingcr’s mission in January 1932, when
Wade saw the Maharaja at Lahore. He was told that his participation in the
scheme would enhance his revenues, and that by making the Indus and Sutlej a
channel of commerce advantages would accrue to all concerned.* The Maharaja
appeared sceptical about the whole scheme and he readily agreed to participate
in it, but he wanted an assurance th.it it would not be extended to the other rivers
of the Punjab and that it would in no way interfere with his treaty of 1809 with
the British Oovcmmcnl,*

* L<iier, t9 Novcubjc. ISSUniSL (t) No 21. Foe the text of the Aisurance of
lee .X,tchii3(t,TrMf»«,E'i<J(r«n«iti«eiSaeaii. Calcutta, 1S92. Vol. IX, No.

* Coreraot-Geoecat (o SaerctCoos)inee.2 JutT, ia?2-Ell5L ((). Vo'. 22. M 132-227.

* Tor ttratiei with HfJerahadaodKIiaitpurrtie. IP?) XXXIV. 1813. No*. 3-4.

r Lord William Bentiaek to Maharais Ranieet Sinfh-BSPC(I) 13 January, 1532, C5.

* Wade to Prinjep, 3 February, 1832 (Eiclosore) ; at»o GorerDor-General to Secret
Cemmittre, 2 Jul 7 . 1832. M mrra.

rOTTINCER'S MISSION

JSl

Tf.e Maharaja** concurrence having been obtained, jleps were taken to
obtain geographical and statistical data of Ihc country' through which the riser
passed.* A TarifT Report prepared by Mr. Tres«l>an proposed a custom duly
ranging from 5% to 12J% on s.irloui articles of eommercc. A treaty was signed
with Ranjit Singh on 24 December, 1832 embodying the tariff and transit duties and
the mode of their collection by nominated olHciats of the participating states. A
British agent was appointed at Miihankot to help and supervise the flow- of
commerce.

But the Indus Navigatiott Scheme was doomed to failure. It prosed
commercially unprofitable to the traders and the participating stales found the
revenues accrued from it meagre anJ below their expectations. Various alterations
made in it failed to attract traders from Datakh, Bukhara. Kabul and Turkistan to
bring their wares Jo SinJ. Proposals to estaW/sh an entcepit on the Indus arrd
to hold annual fairs on the model of Leipng and Novogrod at Mithankot, Thatta or
Shikarpur fitaled out. The od ra/orrm duty which replaced an unvariablc fixed toll
on the average capacity of the bo.ttt. proved all the more cumbersome. Mackeson,
the nominated British Agent for the Navigation of the Indus and the Sutlej
ttati'oned at Mithankot, and another British agent po^ted at fijrike reported (he
dilficuliles oftbe supervision and collection of the tolls due to different states and
the ever*mounting disputes anamgst the participating stales concerning them

The participating states afforded half>hearled co-operation in the scheme
due to their fesn of poliiicat hterfeteiKe in their territories. None except the
Nawab ofBahawalpur had joined It willingly. The Amirs vehemently opposed the
stationing of a British agent in Smd ; they had been threatened with the use of
force and blockade of their ports unless they co-operated fully in the scheme.*
Ranjit Singh soon realised that the Indus Navigation Scheme was a cover to extend
British influence in Sind and a subtle counterpoise (o his schemes of expansion in Ihc
south. He, however, co-operated willingly in (he vain hope that ailcjst his political
grievances against the Talpurian* would be solved by British mediation; that at
any rate, they would not object to his taking possession of Shikarpur.

British commercial treaties of 1832 with the Sindhian Amirs were a prelude
to further political pressure on (hem for their ratification. Burnes, Poitinger,
Wade and Mackeson— who acted as British emissaries for about 2 years at intervals,
ultimately convinced the Amirs of Ihc danger from their northern neighbour.
The advance of Sikh power in Smd, they were told, would wipe out their exis-
tetjce as independent rulers. It must be prevented by supphnliDg Dnlish influence
in their territories.

> Macni|b«n to Wide. 19 September. 1S32-BSPC (1) I October. 1312, C 19.
t Wide to Maekeioo, 17 Auguit. ISSS^P) 102 1 50.

i52

6I^}D

Thus tiU 1834, British political objectives in Sind under the uncanny
commercial garb of the Indus Navigation Scheme had served a useful purpose.
These objectives may well be described as fundamentally unprincipled. The ob-
vious failure of the Jndus Navigation Scheme syncronized with a new supposed
crisis— the threat of Russo-Persian Intrigues towards the security of Indian posses-
sions of the £ast India Company. The Sikhs and the Sindhians were at peace;
or at least, Ranjil Singh had desisted from making any encroachments cither on
Shikarpur or Sind. In 1836, Lord Auckland decided to discard the policy of his
predecessor ; he realised that the supposed Russo-Persian threat to India’s north-
western frontiers required a new approach to the problem. To safeguard British
interests it was essential not only to prevent the extension of Ranjit Singh’s power
along the whole course of the Indus, but also to extend British influence in Sind.

e. Tbe Masari depiedationa

Meanwhile, the Silh-Sindhian relations further dctctioratcd on account of
the depredations of the Mazaris and. the Bughtis, turbulent Baluch tribes,* who
inhabited an undefined territory of about 100 kos between Kot Mithan and
Amarkot within the borders of Sind.* With Rojhan as the principal town of tbe
Mauris, its Chief Behram Khan, a daring brigand, habitually made depredatory
incursions into the Sikh territory across the border. Their disturbances and mis-
chief were reported to the Lahore Darbar.* In 1836, Behram Khan raided
Mitbankot, and the Sikh Government had reason to believe that he had been en-
couraged by the Talpurian Acnits. Troops were provided for DlwanSawan Mai, the
governor of Multan with orders to exterminate the Mazaris and annex their terri-
tory, A formidable force marched under Prince Kharak Singh and Genera!
Ventura from Multan ; it occupied Rojhan and besieged Xen, their second impor-
tant town.* Sawan Mai reported that a Siodhbn garrison had been in occupation
of the town showing strong resistance to the Sikh forces.*

The positive evidence that the Talpurians had incited the Mazaris and
helped them to ravage the territory of the Sikhs prompted Ranjil Singh to lake
drastic steps against both of them. Rojhan was occupied, and Behram Khan made

‘ T!)c Marani asl ibe Rjllitir were the orfiaised Djlucfa tunoni, wbo inhibit<d tbe
inXtc between tbe ttorjfier* ol thi Upper siad. Tbe Meuns. derided into Tant»i»

cUof betd the Uttiioti tton (be Siedbitn froatiet at far ai Aaaibct and tbe Fitok Fast. Tbe
Cugbtia bad tbelt beiJl'jartert at Srahtl and Dugblt Ocri. Balb were free-bootert

» UT. Ill (1). p, 12S.

s iSid. Ill (lit), p. 31 1 : **DeirBQ Sawan 3tal had ns troops with bsm,^ records the
OHUUll.abotc Diatitr, *'anJ dueusbance andmucbiei b; tbe Mauti tribes and ethers were
tatapact tod ipfeadini,**

* UT, III (ill), p. 33J ; Wade to Maau$btcn— 142 : 43, 53 and 70.

» Wade to blaenafbten, 13 DtccBbcr, 1S3S-(F} 142 : 102 (enelotute). i

RRITISH mediation

Is)

a tfibatafjr of the Lahore Cotefnmmt.* The Sindhian lalllt at the Court of Lahore
were put under tur^eiIlance : Sind wasdeclarcd to be a tributary of Lahore, and
the Amirs were ailed to cede Shikarpur and pay a tribute of 12,00,000 rupees to
the Maharaja. To enforce the compliance of these demands, Sikh forces under
Prince Kharak Singh were augmented to 8,000 men, 4,000 horse and 4 guns.
Rukhan, a small outpost in Khairpur nas immediately occupied.*

The Talpurtan Amirs began mobilising their resources to meet the impending
Sikh onslaught. They collected an army of 10,000 horse and 45 guns. They
insoked the help of Amir Dost Muhammad Khan of Kabul, solicited British media*
tion, and finally realising that they were incapable of offering any serious resistance
to the Sikhs, began haggling with Dewan Sawan Mai about the payment of a
nazoTOna of 2,00,000 rupees for the withdrawal of Silh troops from Rojhan.*

7. Dritlth BidUlton

The Sindhian appeal to the British for medralion in their quarrel with the
Sikhs ooked instantaneous response from Lord Auckland's government. It was
realised at Ton William that the Sikh'Talpunan dispute olTcreJ an excellent oppor*
lunity for gaining British supremacy tn Sind.* Late in Nosember 1836, Henry
Pottinger reached Hyderabad to felt the Amirs that the danger posed by the Sikhs
would lead to the extinction of their kingdoms, and that to ward it olT elfectively
they should elTect a closer union with the British Government.* The Talpurians,
who had to far refused to swallow the Otiiish bait, were assured, that the British
Government would exert its influence with the Maharaja for the abandonment
ofhis designs of aggression on Shikarpur and Sind.* In return, the Amirs should
accept the British terms ; a British force be stationed in Sind, a British Agent
should reside at Hyderabad, and in future the Sindhians should negotiate with the
Lahore Government through the British Agent.* Auckland wrote to the Home
Government on 7 October : *‘1 grudge this cnonuous boon to Sind. No State

t Covmei-Cenrist to S«tet CooiDitirc, 21 N<rT(mber, J836-OISL ft)-

* Vide. UT. Hltiii). p.8»5.353; W*J«-15 O.-tobet, 1336.1P) 1C 73:

Mtckcion— 2) October, lS3a.(P} 107 : 75 : Gorrnior Geaenl to Secret CocsmUcee, 23 Norco*
ber, 1S76, ut tuprd.

* MeckeiontoWiJc, 7 NoefDbci.lb3&-(P) 107 : 29. VVede to Maeiufbtea. 13 Sep-
tember. 1336-(P) 140 •« ; Ur, op. tit . p.M),

* MiCDitbten to Wsdc, 26 September, IS3&-(P) 107 '• IS.

S iHJ.

* /&id.. 2 October, 1S37-(P) 119:60.

* 26 September, 1836.

N-8)

154

smo

•deserved less of us and we are gratuitoudy confering on it the greatest probable
benefit, protecting it against the only enemy that it has to fear.”^

The treaties ultimately signed with the Sindhian Amirs embodied the above
tenns, but in the meantime Ranjil Singh had been persuaded to stop the immediate
advance of Sikh forces on Shikarpur. Wade proceeded to Lahore to make a
friendly remonstrance to the Maharaja that the British Government, while adhering
to its pledges and treaty obligations whh the Lahore Government had taken a
serious view of the Sikh designs on Sind ; that the Amirs of Sind had placed them-
selves under British protection, and that the British Government was prepared to
redress the real wrongs of the Lahore Government by mediation.

Thus both Shikarpur and Sind were saved from Sikh occupation, although
it was realised at Fort William that in these transactions the Sikh ruler was not
given a fair deal,* Opinions dUTcr as to why Ranjtt Singh readily acquiesced to
the arguments of British pressure in his designs on Sind. He promised to abstain
from further aggressions upon Sind, accepted the preferred British mediation in his
differcnccswiththeAmirs, allowed Alexander Butnes to proceed up the Indus to
Attock, and readily supported British proposals for the promotion of commerce
of the Indus and the Sutlej * In short, Ranjit Singh bad no desire to quarrel with
the British on the issue of Sind ; be was too sensible of the benefit of a long-standing
friendship, and acceded to British wishes though with some sulkings.*

^ To Hobbouse— Th« Punjab Papett, p. 14.

* WtUios to tbc Home GoTcrTtmcDt oaTOccobcT. K3S, Loid Aucklaad admit* that
Britiib iatcifcKSCe In Sind vas bigbljr unjustUied : *'As len2 ai it luiied out purpoie, we
miinUlned that ebe tteaty made tbe Sultcfe. even wbeo it became net|ed in the Indus, the
bet to Ranjit Siafb** pToStrss on this fide. On that account when he took tbe tetiitorics of
tbe Nawab of Bsbawalput, and chat State was net In concempUtion when ibe treat; with
Ranjit Singb, for tbe protection of tbe Sikba on tbit tide of tbe Sutlege was made. Ai« we
at Sibett; to put one centtiuctlon of the treaty at one time, and anotbet at another aa it suit*
our coDTcnlenee } If cot, we can hardly uy that we lure any ri(bt to ioterfete between
Runjeet Siegb and Sind.'* ...To HeiXotist, Broughton (BM), 3&t73. fol.9Zff. Aa a tnittet
ol isct,'Ran)\t^int^bia& cbtal\ts|cd the ri^t cd tbe Britub Government under tbe treaty oi
131^ to bold InteKourte with tbe countries vert of the lodui, or at leart, to pteveot him
from caundmt bla dominion in that direction. He claimed that Sbikatput was a dependency
of Retbawat *nd that the Amit* who held tbat place, were hi* tiibutaiies ; that Sbab Sbuja
bad ceded half of it to him in 1832 in return for a payment of 1,25.000 nipeci. Vide. IVede
la /itaenaikien,SOcto&er.;53S~i5P(/)24 0eieSer,185S. No.4.

* Auckland loHobboute(FtlTatc),70etobet.l33&— Biou|hton (DM) 33173, fel.lOl.

* r»id.

CniMiK S

TllE LAST PHASE , THE riRST AFGHAN WAR

L RuttopbabU

FROM ALL ACCOUNTS IT APPEARS that towards the close ofhis reign
the health of the Maharaja had broken down, >et the vigour and determination he
exhibited in the last of his major dealings with the British anuxed all political
observers. Clouds of Russian intrigues hovered over Cental Asia ; and the steady
Increase of Russian Influence over Persia and Afghanistan haunted British statesmen
both in India and England. Actually. Russophobia which erupted at Port William
in 1836 was the product of British foreign polky of earlier decades which had
allowed Russia to intrude unhampered into Persian territory, annex Georgia and
Armenia, and subject it to the treaty of Gulsitan in 1813, which virtually transfor-
med the Caspian into a Russian take. An Aaglo-Pcrsian treaty siped in 1814 to
aid Persia against foreign aggression proved ine^eeiive : at any rate, the British
Government fought shy of rendering assistance to the hard>pressed Fateh AK Shah
of Persia, when the Crar’s armies dklated to him the disgraceful terms of the treaty
ofTurLofflancht in I828.>

Canning’s Central Asian policy allowed Russia to gain diplomatic victories
in Persia ; and a British scheme for the establishment of a new Euphrates route to
India was Ihssartcd. In India, at the same lime. Lord William Bentinck’s Utopean
efforts to gain British political preponderance in the trans-Indus regions by the
Indus Navigation Scheme seemed to be fixrlingout. It had displeased every one.

s AvlSsrllirr i On the iubjrct. it* pitilcoUrlr. Lord rdmctilnn Pa pen en (be attitude
ot Ruasia ia Prnia and Afshsniacas— OrmigVrex Faptfi IQiltlih Muacum), Vet. XIV, /el.
27^32. AuektanJ'a ptirate papcri, parrieulatlr bit eoirtipc^deDCC with Sit Jebn Hobhouae—
iStoiirkleii Pnperi (AM) MS. 3M73, diacloaet bow tbe Ruiio-Penita ibteat (fleeted the
Goremment of India ; and ibe tneaturcf toeojoteraet it which wete adopted bj it, can be read
In the fubutiueot voliine (MS.3^7t>. TbelUu* [Soota et Fapcil reUtiosto ArsbaDiiean—
(PP) XL, 1839 ; XXXVIltdl. 03}. <I7), XXV(30X I3t3 and XXV (7). 1859 contain in aub-
ttanee tbe eoinpondtncc et Dlia and Mae Neill (roB Tcbran, of (be Home Govemnent, and of
tbe CerenuBeBC of India. For futtbet printed aeurea, dtaetallp are, Rawlinion. Enjland and
EMiriain'lte Edit 03753: UoulSer. England and Rutrld (n Cenirdl Aild, 2Voli.. 1379!
Matnln. TXe Ruiiionr at iVa Camef Ndrdl.l33S: Ka/e, Hiiuryof Warin AfsboniJidn,
2 Vola . 1874 ; Srket. A Hfiicrp af Aft\anlitan,2VtA*^ 19(0 ; Durand, Tkt Pint Afgkan War
anj it! Cam ft, 2 Volt., 1891 : Ftrrier. Mtrarpa/ (le A/gAd'ir, 2353; and Attchiron, Treallft,
Enfagementi tic. (Voluraea dealing wlib Peraia tod AfthaDiitan).

156 THE LAST PHASE ; THE FIRST AFGHAN WAR

Ranjit Singh felt sore, objecting half-heartedly to the embargo placed on his
advance on Sind and Shtkarpur. The Sindhian Amirs cajoled and angry atPottinger’s
tactics to browbeat them into joining the Indus Navigation Scheme, sulkily signed
the obnoxious treaty. 'Dost Muhammad Khan, the Amir of Kabul, had plentiful
grouses against the Indian Government. He held it responsible for encouraging
the pretender Shah Shuja in a bid to recover his lost throne in 1834. His frantic
appeals to Lord William Dentinck for protection against Sikh aggression on Afghan
possessions in India had evoked no positive response.

It is evident that the Government of India had realised in 1835, if not earlier,
the possiblity of the Russian advance to the Indus, and that Afghanistan could serve
as a buffer between India and Persia. Lord William Bentinck was largely influenced
by the danger posed by Russia from the numerous reports-of Ellis. Mac Neill, Wade,
Masson, Burnes and others. Wade was of the view that Shah Muhammad of Persia
was completely under Russian influence and aimed at the conquest of Herat. To
counteract it, the British Government should by supporting Dost Muhammad Khan
extend Its influence in Afghanistan by whatever instrument it could.* To placate
the Afghan Amir, an attempt should be made to settle the Sikh-Afghan dispute.*
Dost Muhammad should be recognised as the only lawful sovereign of Afghanistan,
and the Maharaja should be tactfully asked to settle his differences with the
Afghans.

Ellis, the Ambassador in Persia, wrote that irrespective of his warnings, the
Persian Government was bent upon extensive schemes of conquests towards
Afghanistan, Herat, Kandahar, and Balauchistan. and that any progress towards the
proposed aggression would tantamount to the advancement ofRussian armies to the
very gates of the British Empire in India ’ Bumes supported this view and regarded
it as the first stage in the invasion of India.*

Lord William Bentinck in his Minute of 13 March. 1835 to the Home
Government pointed out the growing Russian influence over Persia. Herat was the
key to Kabul, and a combined Russo-Persian campaign against it a possibility, and
in that event the bufTer state of Afghanistan would make virtue out of necessity by
joining Russia, receiving in reward for its co-operation, the promise of restoration of
Afghan provinces wrested from it by the Sikhs. Bentinck visualised the “encroaching
spititofavastautocracy," he believed that if Herat fell, from that point Russia

» (PP) XL. 1S39-Wb*. 13 Febroary. 1339 ; alio (P) 141 : 9.

* UT.UKUl, p.545jg.

* Ein»’ deijotcties to Lcrd Palracntos. dared 13 NorcDber and 24 December.

IS35— (PP) 1859, XXV(7), Nos, 11 and 12. Secalao BtavShten Papett (BM). Vol, XlV.feJ.

279 f.

‘ (PP). or. fii. Buraes.20October.lS37.

AUCKLANI«V[EW

15T

w-oold proclaim a cfnadf ap.i5n« India, ami in all probability, a Russian force
20.000 strong could reach the IndojA

2. Atickl«Bd‘« view

McanwhiJe both Mac Kelli and tlUitftom Tehran had warned the Horae
Gosemment of the growing Russian influence in Persia and Dost Muhammad Khan's
oserlorcs to the Shah for aid whkb »auid affonl him protection from the Silhr.
Early in 1836, when the new Covemor-Cenerat Lord Auckland arrised in India, he
found the Central Asian politics nosing under European diplomaiie pressures in a
hare of confusion, lie had gauged correclK Lord Palmenion’s actise mistrust of the
eastern policy of Russia. He. therefore, adopted a policy which aimed at cultis-ating
allbnces all round. Auckland did not accept Ellis' suggestions that the Dritish
detachment in Persia should be withdrawn ; he considered him unduly apprehensive
ofaPenian invasion of Herat. arsJ of the weight of increasing Russian influence
in that quarter.* He suggested an alliance with Dost Muhammad Khan of
Afghanistan to neulrafise the supposed threat. Outiininf his policy to the Home
Government, he ssfote in a private despatch - “Hxliese Herat to be stronger than
it was, and with the Turcom.tfts to be more ihanamatcli for Persian aggression,

I trust that the position of Mac Neilt is improsed. though unless Muhammad Shah
learns to think a little rDnreofhome and a little less of foreign conquest all ihe
money and pains, which we hascetpeodtd upon him will be wasted. To Dost
Muhammad of Kabul 1 can only speak of words of friendship and olTer facilities of
eommercial intercourse and readiness to mediate if contending parties ask for
mediation. In his pressing need, he lias courted Russia, and he has courted us. but
it would be madness in us. though wc may wish to see his independence assured, to
quarrel with the Sikhs for him. An errani, self-csmstituied Afghan Amb.isv»dor is
now at Calcutta sent to us by Eflii. I mi'lruvl him But we treat him kindly."*

3. CurDe*' MIoloa

Thus the spectre of Russian advance to the river Indus in Ihe wake of
Persian aggreaion on Herat, the Silh-Afghan enmitj. and Dost Muhaniinad’s
overtures towards Russia prompted Lord Auckland to initiate an uncertain policy,
the first step of which was the despatch of Alexander Burnes to Afghanistan on an
apparently commercial mission in 1837. The main purpose orDurnes' mission was
to convince Dost Muhammad Klian of the advantages to Afghanistan from Ihe
Indus Kavigatioft Scheme, and to dissuade him from getting involved in any
alliance with either Russia or Persia, ile should come to an agreement with Ranjit

1 C««<inor-G(ncnV( 13 bhicli. 1939-tcpieductd in Poulstr, p. 174 t.

* AuciUnd toHotbDO»*(Pr»»»i«)23M»y, 1835— Dreujhton (OM) 36173. /ct. 54.

S nid. 9 April, 1337.0P. <ll , f«t.l33f.

153 THE LAST PHASEs TH5 FlSSf AFGHAN WAR

Sin^ for which an arrangement could be made through British mediation. To these
propositions Dost Muhammad seemed amenable; but he complained that the war
with the Sihhs was a great impediment to his country’s co-operation in the Indus
■Navigation commcrciaV -ventTire. He admitted that recent hosUUtles with Ranjit Singh
had sorely depleted his resources and dissipated his finances, and that the Afghan
strength as compared to that of Ranjit Singh approximated 1/lOth at the lime.* He
also ashed for British intervention for the restoration of Peshawar to the Afghans,
on the analogy of the restitution of Shikarpur to the Sindhian Amirs. The British
emissary denied that he had any authority' to meddle in political affairs, arguing
disinterestedly that Shikarpur belonged to the Amirs of Sind, while Peshawar had
been conquered by the Sikhs by sword, and was in their lawful possession. Consequ-
ently, the British Government could not compel Ranjit Singh to hand it over to the
Afghans.* From further talks it became apparent to Bumes that Dost Muhammad
was even willing to accept the gift of Peshawar as a tributary of Ranjit Singh.® He
did not accept Barnes’ suggestion that Peshawar could be restored to his Birakzai
brother Sultan Muhammad Khan, which he characterised would be the same thing
as being uoder Ranjit Siugh.

Barnes' Report on the political state of Kabul* at this time is of considerable
import in shaping British policy towards the Sikhs and the Afghans. Dost
Muhammad TChan, the Amir of Kabul, he repotted, was a man of considerable power
but limited meaos. His territory e.xtended from Bumeau to the mountains of
Khybcr. The eastern portion of the kingdom— Jalalabad was apportioned to his
various sons. Kandahar was ruled by one of the Barakzai brothers. Herat was in
the possession of the Saddozai Kamnin, whose enmity towards the Amir of Kabul
was too well known.

Commenting upon the resources of Dost Muhammad Khan, he described him
a much worried man. He had 45 serviceable guns and a force of 2,500 infantry,
and 12,000 horse, out of which only 3,000 received regular pay. With adequate
financial resources he could increase his military power, but these he had none.
Increase in duties and taxes, resumption of/Jgira, loans, exactions and fines were the
only recourse through which he generally increased his power and finaucial resources.
But these methods were extremely uupopular. Politically, reported Bumes, Dost
Muhammad Khan was loo weak to play any vital role in Central Asian politics. At
home his increasing power had brought him cares and anixeties. He had to assuage
the natural jealousies and inveterate hatreds of the tribal Chiefs including members

» Bunirt CO \Vt4«, 5 Ocot>cr. 1SJ7-(P) ICS : 29.

* /Hi

* Hid.

* Duract to Mtcusbtra. 3 Dtensber, 1337.(P> 1&3 : 59,

WadM SOGfifiSrtO.VS

155

of the Daratui faiiiily by dividing hispowixr, but In foreign policy Kandahar and
Herat followed an independent course. One common Afghan focal point was a
combination of all tribal elements against the Sikhs who had taken possession of
the rich Afghan Indian provinces, but the impossibility of wresting (hem from Ranjit
Singh, who possessed superior military power, precluded any chance of cohesion of
all Afghan forces. Dost Muhammad Kban, therefore, in desperation had turned
to solicit British aid in recovering Peshawar ; and at the same time, turned towards
Russia and Persia with the same objective in view.

Burnes found Dost Muhammad Khan an individual with a sense of forbear*
ance, equity and justice ; but extremely cautious and suspicious amounting almost
to infirmity. Burnes' conclusions were that if the limited resources of the Amir of
Kabul were somehow enhanced, he would gain more popularity and his somewhat
consolidated territories could be saved from dismemberment.

. 4 . W« J«*« SoMMt/ao*

On 19 November, 1837. a Russian envoy Captain Vikowitch arrived at
Kabul bearing letters from the Czar of Russia and the Shah of Persia to Dost
Muhammad Khan, promising him pecuniary assistance against the Sikhs.' Burnes
had advised the Government of India to sustain Dost Muhammad Khan by olTering
him substantial pecuniary aid, resolving his dilTcrences with Ranjit Smgh through
British mediation, and persuading Ranjit Smgh (0 agree to the restitution of
Peshawar to the Afghans. Wade commented freely on Burnes* despatches to the
Government of India which had to be submitted through the N. W. Frontier Agency
at Ludhiana, He advised Lord Auckland not to bolster up the weak Darakzai
Amir of Kabul with pecuniary assistance, who in his dire need was courting Russia
against British interests. Any attempt to consolidate his weak government, Wade
observed, would annoy both the Sindhians and the Sikhs and would loosen the solid
foundations of British relations of amity and friendship on the frontiers of the Sutlej
and the Indus. Should Persia occupy Herat with Russian aid, Kabul and Kandahar
would toe the line with British enemies, and British Central Asian policy would
meet with a disaster. The Sikhs, and to a certain exCent, the Sindhians were British
allies and friends, and a British alliance with the Afghans on equal terms would
be politically unpalatable to them. It would suflice to convince Dost Muhammad
that the British Government could engage to use its good offices with Ranjit Singh
to settle the Sikh'Afghan dispute on a format pledge by the Amir to relinquish all
connection with the powers westward (Russia and Persia). The price of Afghan
acquiescence should be the offer of British mediation to settle their dispute with the
Sikhs.*

> Wide toGoTetaoeat, 13 Jinuti7.1$3&.(P) l4Sl 20.

* }hii.

i&J THE LAST PHASE: THE FIR^ AFGHAN WAll

5. Fort WnU«ia*i Teaetion

The Government of India considered these diametrically opposite views of
its principal functionaries so well qualified to speat on the subject. It was in a
quandar>' as the political mess thickened, awaiting events with crossed fingers. It
beleivrti that the fall of Herat w ould ensure the Russian domination of Persia and
Afghanistan. The failure of the Shah's expedition to Herat would, on the other
hand, increase further Russian influence at Tehran. The increase of Russophobia
at Fort William was phenomenal. Ellis continued to harp on the Russian advance
westwards. Mac Neill's endeavours to interpose between Persia and Herat had
fizzled out. Rumours about the infiltration of Russian secret agents into India gained
currency. The Bombay Government reported that Armenian priesthood in India
was operating on behalf of Russia, and the Persian Gulf Residency recommended
measures regarding their selection and ordination in India,^ With the arrival of the
Czarist agents at Kabul and Tehran, it was strongly rumoured that they were on
way to Lahore. Ranjil Singh entered into the spirit by prohibiting the entry of the
imaginar}’ Russian emissary into his dominions. Russian influence, it was believed,
was gradually creeping closer to the Company's frontiers on the Sutlej.

The cumulative effect of these roooars heightened by the despatches of
Ellis, Mae NelU and others on the minds of Brilisb oSclals In India increased
their balTlemeni. On 13 January'. 1S3S, Lord Auckland wTote in a private despatch
to the President of the Board : *^e mess is at present thickest and we must wait
for events. The fall ofHerat would bring western influence nearer to us than
would be desired, and on the other hand, the failure of the expedition will very
much weaken the Shah's position in bis own cooatry, and of the two results this
is the cne which I would fear very much the least. 1 have written at length
to Mac Neill remarking the untowardness of cur diplomatic relations with powers
that lie between him and me. Wth Runjwt Singh with whom we must continue
our friendship and alliance, whilst we lestrain his active spirit; with Dost
Muhammad whose very nature is that of ambition and intrigue, and on whom we
should impress the necessity of humility and peace; with weak and

cajoling with all parties ; with Herat in danger of falling, and if it should not fall,
prepared to attack every neighbour; and wiihPersia whom we should see strong
in every direction and weak towards East, and which is jet led by Russia to
hazard all her resources is the direction wfaidi must be inyulous eitlat to us ot to
herself. Upon all that is passing, we can indeed have but imperfect influence, and
whtnwecanbaveany, a few- weeks will show, and in the meantime, you will see
that 1 have thought myself obliged lo check Burces’ loo active imprudence.''*

* On Btav:Th»t;is »t Fort Willwo, m tfesenUj. Bjnn to hlxeatjhtts, 8 De:e=ji>«.
ISjr-lP) IW ; fcS : M»ca*ibten la W.dc. 27 I33S.(P> 12i ; 27 (Eaeltaare) ; Aociliai to

Ksbisuw. 3 Miy.SJtiae, ti38'Bccn:thtoa (BM). <9 ot. fth 2Hb tnd 2Sa.

» A8cU*aiioHrf:l:oo»etPtiT.s«y.UJ«iu«rr.XS3S-BrwJitoo{BM)3M73. fd,tS5ff,

RANJIT StS'GH’S SUSPICIONS

161

6. Ftilartal Daritn* iniMleo

Burnes* mission to Kabul was a complete fiilure. His endeavour to counter-
act Russo-Persian influence at Kabul by a promise to Dost Muhammad Khan of
the restoration of Peshanar to him at a no distance dale, also had no effect. He
recommended to the Cosemment of India that Peshassar must be ceded to Dost
Muhammad, ssho if freed from the fear of the Sikhs, Mould be able to consolidate
his position in Afghanistan. The kingdom of the Punjab, he asserted, would soon
crumble to pieces after the death of the ailing Maharaja. The Afghans, be claimed,
would be the natural successors to his northern domains. The British Gosemment
should consolidate Dost Muhammad's power in Afghanistan ; and if properly
subsidised, he could be detached from the baneful Russo-Persian influence. At all
costs, he should be protected from Sikh attacks and Peshawar should be restored
to him.t

7. Raniil Sietb'e latpiclon*

It would be of interest to recapitulate here as to how the pressure of Sikh
power had compelled Dost Muhammad Khan to seek alliances all round— Russia,
Persia and the British Covernaienl. In the spring of 1835. Ronjit Singh's armies
swarmed around Peshawar to stop the Darakaai advance on iL No battle look place,
but both the Maharaja and the Amir met on II May at the mouth of the Khyber to
settle the issue peacefully. The Sikhs however worsted the Afghans in the negoti-
ations, and the Afghan delegation prudently retired after (he defection of the Amir’s
brother Sultan Muhammad Khan, who came over to the Sikh side with his entire
force.' If the pressure of Sikh power compelled Dost Muhammad Khan to make
further overtures for a British mediation in bis dispute with the Lahore Govern-
ment, the British Agent at the Sutlej was even at this lime convinced that Ranjit
Singh would not give up Peshawar so easily. As intelligence began to come in that
the Lahore Government was fortifying its northern provinces— a large force of
80,000 men having been stationed in (he Peshawar area, Wade predicted in July
1836, (hat within a year the Sikhs would be at the gates of Ghazni.* Auckland
wrote to the Horae Government of his impressions of the Sikh-Afgban dispute :
"Runjeet Singh talks to us as if be wished for a universal peace and that some
people about him would goad him on to a universal war. His army is still looking
on the bills of Afghanistan. He assured Wade that this shall not be, but I will
not pledge myself that it will not be.”*

I Putn<« CO Macniibttn. 3 D(C(iBb(r.l837-(P) 108:53.

S Wt<3c (o M<eoi|t)f<n, l9 M4r.l»3S.(P) 141: 41.

S JUd. 13 July. 1836.(p) 112 : 46.

* AuckUed to Hokkouic (Frifsit) 26Mtr, I817-B(0ufbton (BM), ep. elt. fel. lUffi

N-21

•ttie last PrtASfi I Tjis rtsSr AKcriAN War

Burnes’ mission to Kabul bad aroused the suspicions of Ranjlt Singh.
Wade was sent to Lahore to assure the Maharaja of the commercial character of
the mission, and that the British Gos'emment was prepared to mediate his differences
with Dost Muhammad Khan. Ranjit Singh fell dissatisfied. He observed that if
the British mission was strictly a commercial one, why did Bumes linger on at the
Amir’s Court ? These suspicions were further augmented by Wade’s continued
hints that the Maharaja should abondoh his hostile designs against the Afghans,*
and that he should give up Peshawar as it was not worth retaining at such an
enormous cost in men and money.*

8 The Sikha theAUbana

Ranjit Singh was, therefore, highly suspicious of British intentions, parti-
cularly of the teal objective of Bumes* transactions at Kabul, which had been
concealed from him. During his talks with Wade, hotvever, he remained taciturn
and behaved well. “Indian measures,” admitted Auckland, “might have influence
Upon European politics, and particularly my relations with Runjeet Singh, over
whose head, I have bad to deal with Dost Muhammad, and who has .always
smothered the distrust with which be has viewed my endeavours to establish peace
between him and (be Afghans. I know there are those who had me press him to
let loose bis dogs of war, and who believe that from Cabul, he could have influenced
the fate of Herat. But I doubt so; Runjeet Singh would ill afford to leave his
turbulent provinces.”*

Bumes* failure at Kabul and Dost Muhammad’s leanings towards Russia
and Persia convinced the Government of India that it was essential to organise
resistance to Persia east of Afghanistan. “Dost Muhammad is a Kapilbash
westwards,” Auckland commented, “and his objectives eastwards from which he
will not depart, are such as cannot be supported by us, except by placing ourselves
in direct hostility to Runjeet Singh-’’*

It must, however, be not forgotten that the British decision to retain Ranjit
Singh as an ally and to destroy Dost Muhammad Khan through the medium of the
Sikhs was arrived at due to the conviction that the Sikhs possessed a superior military
power than the Afghans, Burnes was allowed to linger on at Kabul, in the hope,
that he mrghl at feast secure the ncutraffty of Saddozai Kandahar and other tribal ele-
ments opposed to Dost Muhammad Khan. It was surmised that the Sikhs could easily
overrun the hills of Afghanistan, and that they might even capture Kabul ; although

‘ W«d» to Micnitbten, 9 JoJt. 1837-(P) lO • 26.

» UT.UUUD.P.4.

» AuekUnd to Hobbout* (Privete) 3 hUj. t8j8. cp. eil. fe! 243lj

* fet.262 ff.

SCHEME TO RESTORE SHAH SHUJA 163

Its permanent retention, as in the case of Peshaw'ar, might prove too costly for them.
Conversely, Kabul could be held far more easily by them than PcshaMr. From the
Afghan capital they could eliminate all hostile encouragement to their interests
towards Peshawor, which the Khybcris and the Yuufzais babituaiiy obtained from
Afghanistan. Once Kabul was reduced, Peshawar area would become safe for the
Sikhs and the tribal people subside Into peaceful subjects of the Lahore GovemmenL
But the Afghans, it was argued further, were equally brave and far more fanatical
than the Sikhs. It was unlikely that they would endure Sikh rule and its religious
intolerence without the permanent stationing of o large Sikh army in Afghanistan to
keep them down.’

With these wishful confabulations at Fort William, it appears clear, that the
Government of India was drifting into a war with Afghanistan. Ranjit Singh bad
no serious designs of annexing Kabul to his dominions. He was ailing, and it Is
doubtful that he could have been persuaded to invade Afghanistan. Schemes for the
subversion of the power of Dost Muhammad Khan, however, continued to be
weighed and assessed at Calcutta. It was soon realised that Sihh military interveo*
tion in Afghanistan would be equivalent to the establishment of Sikh power at Kabul ;
and with the victorious Sikh armies intenening between the Sutlej and the Khyber
Past. British intluenee in Afghanistan would be subservient to Sikh political aims.
The direct employment of the Sikhs in the destruction of Dost Muhammad Khaa,
though the best means of doing so. had the hazard of making the Sikhs masters of
that country. The plan ofestablishingthe Peshawar BaraksI, Sultan Muhammad
Khan, a brother of Dost Muhammad Khan, on the throne of Kabul was considered
equally unsound, as he was a Lahore tributary and possessed neither any influence
in Afghanistan nor the capacity to act except as an instrument of Sikh ambition.'

9, Scheme to miere Shmh Sbu}*

Ultimate choice of the Covernraml of India fell on Shah Shuja, the exiled
monarch of Afghanistan then residing as a British stipendary at Ludhiana. The
suggestion that Shah Shuja, the Ludhiana pensioner should replace Amir Dost
Muhammad Khan at the mamad at Kabul had originated with Oaude Wade, the
Ludhiana Poiiticaf Assistant ia 1836.* Wade had suggested the establisiimcnf of
a confederacy of states on the Indus to counteract any threat ofhostilitics from the
West. He was of the opinion that Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s determination to
obliterate all Afghan authority in the tranS'Indus region and his quarrel with Dost

s Thii brief anilrii of BfitUb policy if bated upon AuekUad't Eaelosurei la bii pneatc
letteti to (be Home Goeemmeot duiiBf ib« year KS8. Mt. tbe presear vrirei't Tii f iin/oi
PaptH, Kotbierpur, 1970-(<ix, p. 24.25).

* Ihid.p.iS.

s Wade to MteoefbteD, 7 June, XS36.(P) 142 : 36.

IM THE LAST PHASE: THE HRST AFGHAN WAR

Muhammad Khan would soon enable him to reach Ghazni and knock at the gates
of Kabul, thus enabling him to fulfil the prophecy of the Gurus and the recovery
of the sandal-wood portals of the temple of Somnath.' The British Government,
he suggested, should, as a matter of policy, consider the restoration of Shah Shuja
to the throne of Kabul wth Ranjit Singh’s help. In this way, the sphere of British
influence would extend to Afghanistan and enable it to counteract any hostile designs
of either Russia or Persia. .

Sir 'Wniiam Macnaghten, Secretary to Government at Fort William, im-
proved upon Wade’s idea in a scheme of his own. This envisaged the subversion
of Dost Muhammad’s power and the restoration of Shah Shuja to the throne of
Afghanistan as “a subsidized monarch” with the miHtary strength of Ranjit Singh,
the outstandingSikb'Afghan dispute regarding Peshawar, Kashmir, and Sind being
settled through British mediation. Macnaghten’s proposals aimed at the revival
of the secret and defunct Sikh-Afghan Agreement of 1833, which was to be the
sheet-anchor of British policy in Afghancstan.

Bufoes supported the suggestion of the restoration of Shah Shuja and
dethronement of Dost Muhammad Khan by direct British military action in concert
with the Sikhs playing a subsidiary role.* The Sikh-Afghan enmity, he pointed out,
would seriously hamper the endeavours of the e.x-king to enter Afghanistan with
the help of Sikh forces. The Maharaja’s military help to Shah Shuja should be
limited to the provision of a subsidiary force which have no Sikh in its ranks. From
Peshawf, Burnes obsened, with the co-operation of the British and the Sikhs, the
Shah would have only to appeal to the Khyberies and tribesmen of Afghanistan,
and with a little distribution of ready money, he would find himself the real king of
Afghanistan within a couple of months.*

10. MiCBt^htea’s MUsion

On these various suggestions, the Govemraent of India based ita final decision
to resuscitate Shah Shuja with the help of RanjU Singh, which ultimately culminated
in the British disaster in the first Afghan War. In pursuance of these aims, in
May 1838, Lord Auckland decided to send a British mission to Lahore to inform
Ranjit Singh of the possible advance of the Russian forces to the Indus and the
invasioa ttC Kandahac by tba pRCslaav 'pjw.’A'i o'lt,

the British Government might be forced to take up measures, the first of which
would be the advance of a military force to the Indus. The restoration of Shah
Shuja was to be left open to discussions.*

> i»U.UJuly.lS56.(D142t4$.

* P«xTf tRM) »47S-Au«H*Bd to Heblious* (Privtf »> 17 Jwne. 1837, fcl 2«b.

* mi. M. 265*.

* ft.i/»L553..

A MUDDLED BXtEns'G

163

The British Mission to the Court of Ranjit Singh ssas headed by Sir William
hfacnaghten. It included Captain Cbude Wade, Political Agent at Ludhiana ;
Captain W. O. Osborne, Military Secretary to the Governor-General ; Captain O.
Maegregof, Aid-de-Camp to the Cosernor-CeneraJ and Dr, Drummond, Surgeon to
the Gosernor-Gencral.t The British mission arrived at Adinanagar, the summer
resort of the Maharaja, on 30 May, |83S. Its movement from Simla and the lavish
reception accorded to it en route at Rupar, Kolgarh. lioshiarpur, Mukerian and at
the hfaharaja** Camp, is fully covered by Macnagbten’s despatches and Osborne’s
Journal.* On 31 May, a prclimioary meeting took place The Maharaja asked for
news of Herat and the Afghan-Persian alliance and its connection with Russia and
whether a Russian invasion of India was feasible-*

11. A muddled brieflaf

The correspondence relating to Macnaghten's mission exposes fully the
confused thinking at Fort William which resulted from Russophobia, a wish to
annihilate Dost Muhammad, and to exeitc Ranjit Singk't ambition to intrude into
the affairs of Afghanistan. Maenaghten was instructed to explain to the Maharaja,
the modified character of Burncs* mission, pointing out to him the recalcitrance of
Dost Muhammad to accept the lender of British good ofTiees for the settlement
of Sikh-Afghan d/spule, except on terms pre;udioal to the Lahore Oovernmenl. The
British offer of mediation never countenanced any terms to the Afghans, which were
detrimental to the interests of the Sikhs.* With the Persian siege of Herat, Russian
agents were seeking alliances with Kandahar and Kabul. The Indian Government
had resolved not to tolerate any Persian or Russian interrcrcnee in the differences
between the Sikh Government and the Kabul ruler

Two alternative proposals were to be offered to Ranjil Singh The first,
envisaged a British recognition of the now defunct treaty of 1833 between Ranjit
Singh and Shah Shuja. The proposal allowed the advance of Sikh forces to Kabul,
and also the occupation of Shikarpur by the Shah with a levy of mercenaries and
arms purchased with British money and accompanied by a division of the British
army. An opportunity would thus be provided to secure for the Maharaja, his
customary tributes from the Sindhian Amirs. A general defensive alliance on these
terms could be entered into between the English and the Sikhs.

X Tbf JofeJeiDJ dfltil* tJtbt Mjuvsafbtni's Miision aaj the Tripiicite Tteaty in
lubtCtnee hsTebeca (umiDtriicd liuts ihr tuvwx wrtcet'* rsp*r '■ PoUiieoi Mimens tg

Coure tf Ranjit Singh, Pu>ij«4 Untrnsilr Rtitarth BalUtm (Am), XXX 111 iJ962).

s M«CDarli(ca to Totrcni, 17 and 27 May. 133S-1SP (1) 17 October, 1933. Not. 8S aad 90.
Tfie Court and Camp ef Ranjit Singh (CaL 1952). p.a-35.

s MacDitbtea to Toiiesa, 3 1 May. 1S3$-1SP (Q 17 October, 1833. No. 99.

< Toiftm to Maentshten, 5 May. 1833-(F) 122 s 2. pacit 2..t.

166

THE LAST PHASE s THE mST AFGHAN WAR

The second proposal allowed a free hand to Ranjit Singh to take independent
action against Dost Muhammad ; but In that event, it was to be pomted out that the
Sikhs might court defeat by the combined armies of Persia and Afghanistan. The
British Government, in any case, would not allow Shah Shuja to be used as an
instrument in the occupation of Kabul by the Sikhs.*

It is, however, clear that the Government of India had no clear perception
of the matter. It had no clear idea of the manner in which Shah Shuja was to be
restored to the throne of Afghanistan, The bombastic justification by the Govemor-
Generalin his otherwise well-drafted manifesto issued in the autumn of 1838, and
his report to the Secret Committee on 13 August, 1838, were both the result of an
after-thought. As a matter of fact, Bumes* failure at Kabul had so much shaken
Auckland's confidence in the utility of “commercial missions'* of his predecessor,
that the political one now being sent to Lahore carried two vaguely ludicrous pro-
posals. That the Maharaja would accept one of them was considered certain, but
no one could foretell which one it would be 1 For the last few years, Ranjit Singh
had watched the trend of British diplomacy in the south. It was sow encroaching
in the north to achieve something far more substantial than in Sind. In 1838, he
realised that his relations with the English were merely one-sided as the Sikhs bad
always to yield to political pressure exerted by the Government of India. To allay
these suspicians, Macnaghten was particutarly directed to impress the Maharaja
in this ridiculous manner: “You may remark that the Governor-General had no
appetite for war and conquest, that the boundaries of the East Indian Empire have

seemed to him amply extensive and that he would rather conquer the jungle with
the plough, plant villages where tigers have possessions, and spread commerce and
navigation upon waters which hitherto have been barren, than take an inch of
territory from his neighbours or sanction the march of armies for the acquisition of
kingdoms !”*

12. DiscomIori at Adisiioagat

On 3 June, Macnaghten delivered the Governor-Generars letter and began
discussions in the inner chamber of the Maharaja’s court, where the principal Lahore
Darb5r ministers were also present. Besides the British envoy. Osborne, Wade.
Maegregor attended the conference.* Surveying the main events connected with
Bornes* mission to Kabul, Macnaghten assured the Maharaja that the former's recall
by the Govemor-Cenera! was, due to the fact, that in exchange for abandoning his
connection with Russia and Persb. the Amir bad demanded Peshawar, which be-

• * Hid. rsrt 5.

* IHJ. r*t» 9.

* M«cn»(ht«a (o Tortea*, » jaB«, 1813-XSP(0 17 Oetebtr, 133S. No. 9? : UT. HI.
p. 5J0f .

biSCUsSlfe^ A^’ AOlNAMACiAft Ml

longed to the Lahore Government.* To substantiate the truth of this statement,
he offered to produce the correspondence between the Governor-General and Dost
Muhammad for the inspection of the Maharaja. He then unfolded both the pro-
posals for the restoration of Shah Shuja with their intricate details.

The Maharaja and his Council agreed at once to accept the proposals for
the restoration of Shah Shuja, with the observation that the British recognition of
the treaty of 1833 would be “like adding sugar to milk.” Enquiries were, however,
made as to how many British officers would be lent to the Shah, and what forces
the British Government would be able to send towards the Indus. The alternative
proposal, suggesting an independent course of action, evinced no response from
Ranjit Singh, He seemed quite willing to co-operate in a combined plan of opera-
tions, but refused to march on Kabul alone.

Early neat morning, two of the royal ministers conveyed to the envoy, the
Maharaja’s doubts as to the success of the proposals. His own troops, he feared,
might sustain a reverse when faced with the united forces of the Russians, the
Persians, and the Afghans. The British forces w-ould be too distant to come to his
support. Macnaghten endeavoured to assure him that the Shah's levies would be
trained by British officers, and that, defeat was out of the question * The Sikh
forces would move cautiously under the advice of British officers. The Russian
troops, he said, were not likely to be used in Afghanistan. But the reply failed to

s M(ceaShr«a that Wtei* tb« coof«c«sc« beSto, tbe Mabtrtja Quictlj aikti

hiiDS “WbatUtb* dt{lct<n<« brtxen PcnUaod Eosland?'* The eoaor {«!( ■ bit csbar-
laaaad but asawcfcd aa bettaa h« could. (MacoafbtCD to Teti<nt,30 JuQt, 1833, op.cit}.
Oibofse'a clournst under ljunc. 1333 tccotda tb« Mabaraja’i cnquiiiea in tbc (ollovias
nunnci :

*'How isaa j ttoOpa hare ^ou got in tbia counU; alto{eibe[ t"

“About two bundled tbouiand "

' “So 1 bare b;nt cold : but you could not biiol ibaC oumbtr into tbe Retd at once, ot
at any tat* at one place."

“Cettainly net : it la unneceasaty. Twenty, or at tbe mot t thirty tboUMod Ecitiah
troopa could inaicb from one end of India to the oibct. and no power in the country could atop
them.”

‘‘You at* fine fcllowa ; bow many Fiencbmen can an EngUibman beat I”

“At fcbool in England, the boy* ate taufbt to coniidet tbtnuclrea equal to cbt«*
Frenehraen.”

“And bow many Ruuiaoi r*

‘‘The French beat tbc Rua>Lans and we beat tbe Frencb.”

“If tbe Ruff'iana cm* thelndua wbat force could you bring efainst them 7”

‘‘Quite enough to drive Cfaem back eiilb Your Higbncis a* our ally.”

“JPsk / Wo\ I to we will”

S /»id. 5 June, 1833.1SF (I) 17 October, lUS. No. 105.

16^ YkE LAST PkASk; THE tlRSTATdHAiiWAfe

convince the Maharaja, \^ho desired active British military participation in the
operations. In short, in refusing to act alone, Ranjit Singh had a better appreci-
ation of the situation and military difficulties than Macnaghten.

13. Sikh Deraaods

UTiile the members of the British mission were trying to convince the Lahore
ministers of the benefits Vihich the Sikhs would derive from the revival of their ruler s

formal alliance ivith Shah Shuja, on the terms now suggested, on 8 June the wily

Maharaja sent to Macnaghten a paper containing his views in the event of bis agree-
ing to help in the restoration of the Shah.* He now desired to be paid for his
services. Among other things, he required a British guarantee of the Shah’s conduct
after his restoration to the throne ; an adequate share in the proposed levy of
20,00,000 rupees from the Sindhian Amirs, and a reward for services in a fixed and
perpetual manner in the kingdom of Kabul, rlz., the cession of the district of
Jalalabad with its dependencies to the Sikhs.*

Auckland fully approved of Macnaghten’s reply to the Maharaja.* On the
first point, he was told that a clause to tnis effect would be included in the treaty.
The second demand was made a natter of referent to the Governof'.General, and
Macnaghten recommended, that if conceded, the amount might be set against the
expenses of Lahore forces in the contemplated expedition. The envoy felt annoyed
at the third demand. He reported that Raojit Stogb over-estimated the value of
services to be rendered by his troops.* To the Maharaja he sent a ctirt answer that
the intention of the British Government in the proposed scheme was limited to the
advance of Lahore troops merely as a demonstration against Dost Muhammad
and not that they should attempt to conquer Kabul.* On the cession of Jalalabad
to the Sikhf , he obsen ed, that without giving offence, be had endeavoured to convey
to the Maharaja that such a proposition could never be L'steoed to by the British
Government.* On further insistence by the Maharaja on this point, be had to be
more explicit He informed him that such a proposition seemed to be at variance

* Iuije,lS3S,«'.c»i..No.lll.

* IK(J. Atmexiire, {‘an* 1-lQ. The cenioaof JtlaLi'bid U demandid la ikii r:twi*r s
“As is the ictfance ci a fee hene vko esakea a fate bouad, tij tidai eacouTtfes Wm by
rittint hi* neck with th« kssdf ef aSaeiien— tke bone acquirinf courate by tb* caresMS of bu
rider, redoublet bij eierttoai. is tbUisanott frootbe pouecioa of Jalatabid. tbe Kbllaiji
»m b« hiiUjr rUat«d._aad the whole Sikb Bationberh fat and near wiU rejotee at the fulSl-
nent of the ptofbety of the SaJSani*.~

* Torreaa to Mienasbtaa. tS June. ia3S-lSF<t) 17 Ortobei, 13J3. No. 115,

* Maenaibteato Torreai, 31 June, 1838, w aaefa.

* fWi. 13 Jane, 1333, (Anaeiutt),para 4, cn. cfr.

* 11 Jana. 1339, at. ivrra.

DISCUSSIONS AT AMNANAGaA

with the objects contemplated by the allies. Tie British Government could never
agree to it.*

Meanwhile, the summer heal had become unbearable at Adinanagar and
the Maharaja returned to Lahore, where negotiations were resumed by Mackeson
on 20 June. At this stage Burnes joined the mission, and an attempt was made by
the Lahore ministers to secnre his mediation over the head of the envoy, in the
hope, that the Maharaja might obtain what he desired. The Government dis-
approved of these proceedings and Burnes was directed not to listen to any such
overtures.' In his numerous interviews with the Maharaja and his Council, Mackeson
showed consumate skill. He was told by the ministers that the Maharaja was
highly sceptical of the advantages which would be secured to him by the confirma-
tion of treaty with the exiled Afghan King that as a gesture of goodwill, the British
Government should agree to the surrender of both Jalalabad and Shikarpur to him.'

To these proposals neither Mackeson nor Macnaghten could agree. The
envoy endeavoured to impress upon the Maharaja's mind the benefits be would
derive from the treaty and that tbe British Government sought neither territorial
aot moRetaTy advantages out oT the entire scheme. Rasj;t Singh seemed to yield
a little, but he pretended that tbe Stub had offered him in 1833, an annual tribute
of 500,000 rupees as price of his restoration. If be was not allowed to take posses-
sion of Jalalabad, at least, he should be permitted to exact this tribute from the
Shah after his restoration to Kabul.* Further, the envoy was informed that Sultan
Mubacunad Khan, the Peshawar Barakzai, bad agreed to put the Lahore forces in

s In 1342, bo«tT<r, LeiJ Ellenboieufh'* Govensment made • pcopoial lot the dcUrcr;
of Jablabad to tbe Sikbi on Ita evacuation by General Pollock. Tbe necessity had arisen to
secuie Sikb co-operation in the Ebybei Pass and also to ensure tbe dieeision ol Urje Lahore
armies Covards AfghaniiCao from the Cbioesc Tibet, wbete they were employed in afecessive
virt. fiber Singb agreed to accept the fort and tbe district of Jalalabad after tbe British
avacuation ol Aigbaaistao, but it appeared doubltut whether be could retain it without
pensanemly garrlsoninl tbe place with Sikb troops He, therefore, procrastinated ; solicited
a specific British enjaSetDeDt toald bins with aen and Done;. Tbe whole aSair. boirever,
ended in a fiasco due to tbe incosipcteocy of SbccSingb. He mored a force of 5,000 Sikh
loldiets through tbe Khyber, and encamped near Jalalabad, but General PoUsek did not lereiee
ciders to band it over to Sikbs ; be dneioyed tbe fortificatioos of Jalalabad and retired. Thus
partly by misadeenture and partly by tbe incapacity of Shet Siogb, tbe Sikhs lost tbeit only
opportunity of fulfilling the ptopbccy of the Goina.

* Tctrroa to Macnaghten. 28 June. WSS-ISPd) 17 October, 1833. No. 126.

* Msenaghton to Totrecs, 20 June. ]a3S-lSP(l} U October, 1333. No. 124.

' Mackeion’a Memorandum (Enelocnrc in) Macnaghten to Torrens, 23 June, 1833-ISP(I)
17 October. 1838. No. 127.

* Macnaghten to Torrens, 23 June. 183& ■< supra.

N-23

-176

THSlAST phase ;‘rMEFtRST AfciIaN wAR

possession of Kabul for a sum of 100,000 rupees and 10,000 horse.^ Mackeson
shrewdly hinted that although the stipnlation for annual tribute would give mercenary
character to the treaty, the wishes of the Lahore Government would be conveyed
to the Governor-General. Osborne cryptically observes in his Journal for the 19
June : “The old lion had turned sulky, and refuses to sign the treaty, wishing to
stipulate all sorts of concessions which cannot be granted, and thus reference to
headquarters is rendered necessary.*^
li. Tribute or ‘'subtidy"

The question which had to be answered was whether the Shah's pajment to
the Sikhs was to be regarded as a tribute or subsidy. A compromise was arri\ed
at by hfacnaghtea, with aa arginncot, that the payment could be regarded as a
subsidy only if the military aid rendered by the Sikhs was on a reciprocal basis.’
Ranjit Singh was, therefore, told that if a Muhammadan (not S ikh) force of not less
than 5,000 strong could be maintained at Peshawar, the Shah could be persuaded
to pay him an annnal tribute of 2,00,000 rupees, for the punctual payment of which,
the British Government would bold Itself responsible.* The Maharaja observed
that the reciprocity of obligation was tidieuloosly nominal, and Macnaghfeo agreed
that it was so. It was also pointed out to the envoy that to maintain 5,000 troops
at such a nominal payment was a hard obUgation.> Macnaghten also realised the
unreasonableness of the amount in proportion to the aid to be given to the Shah.
A suggestion was, therefore, made that the sum of 2,00,000 rupees annually should
be paid by the Shah irrespective of the consideration whether the latter required
military aid or not. Further, the Shah’s requisition for Lahore troops could be
subjected to a prior British approval. It was realised that such a price for the
surrender of Ranjit Singh’s claims on Jalalabad and Shika/pur was too cheap both
for the British Government and the Shah.*

In subjecting the revenues of Afghanistan to a pwrpetual subsidy of 2,00,000
rupees, to be paid annually to the Sikhs, no one thought of the Afghan pride.
Auckland merely considered ihs proposition as of immediate piecuniary advantage
to the Maharaja— Wghly pleasing to the Sikhs and displeasing to the Afghans.*
Later, however, he repotted to the Secret Committee, that it was inconsistent with
the dignity of the Shah, but that it could be regarded as an anneal subsidy in ex-
cban.K Cot Ranjit Sln ^’ % aid at any tinw tht Shah require.*

' Aid. pan 3.

* Tk« Ccvft and Camp ef 5in<k, p. 55.

* Mjccsfbtra toTorrrar, 23jBa<v 133^ •( rkPra.

* J&id. CRoulh dntt el tbe tttaty ; ait. 14).

■ IKJ.26 Jtme. 1835-ISP(I) lyOaobet, 1533. No.132.

* Ihli. 23 Jose. 1533, »l f^pra.

* Totiiaito 3U£iutbten,2 It>tr.lS».ISPa) 17 O.-tober. 1333. No. 131.

* Covrtaot^Sractslte Scetet Coaiaht*. 13 Aoitiit, ie35.BlSL(«. Vol.'s).

THE Tk IPARTirs TREATY

X7l

The Shah, when Informed of it by MacnajJiten on 15 July at Ludhiana,
ob«n'ed that it would be derogatory to hit reputation as Amir of Afghanistan to
pay a tribute totheSiLhs ; that it would tantith the fair name of the British Gotern-
ment along with his own.‘ The rcsenucs of Afghanisan, he pointed out, were
meagre ; the “subsidy," therefore, sitould be made conditional and proportionate
to the occasion when he actually made use of the SiVb troops. Macnaghlen tried
to convince him that the "subsidy" was. in fact, “a remuneration for services," and
could not be considered at pajmeni of tribute ; that the Shah's honour and prestige
could not be involsed in the arrangement ; and above all, that was the only possible
way of saving Jalalabad and Shibarpur front Ranjit Singh and “the ambition and
prejudices ofhis bigoted people and soldiers." The Shah had no choice in the
matter. He murmured about the reduced resources of Kabul, hoped for British
support in this respect, and consented “tocontent himself with what now remained
of the disjointed kingdom of Afghanistan.*

IS. Tbe Ttliwrlli* Ttnty

After a Jot of haggling, the Maharaja signed the treaty on 26 June. J838.
Apart from its vagueness and curiously ambiguous wordings, it had the lone dis-
tinction ofbelng a document executed in the annals of British rule in India where
the second party (Shah Shuja) had no knowledge of its contents. It was designated
as a treaty of alliance and friendship between Maharaja Ranjit Singh and Shah
Shaja*ul*MuiL', svith the approbation of, and in concert with the British Government.
It envisaged the restoration of Shah Shuja to Kabul and Kandahar without specify-
ing in what manner it would be accomplished. The Shah disclaimed all titles ort
the part of himself and his heirs and successors to the former Afghan possessions
then in occupation of the Sikhs. Each party would address the other on terms of
equality, and would exchange annually presents and gifts in token of friendship. Both
the parties would assist each other with troops in time of need; the Shah would
pay to the Maharaja a sum of 2,00.000 rupees from the date on which the Sikh
troops may be despatched for the purpose of reinstating him in Kabul, the British
Government holding itself responsible for the punctual payment of the above sum
annually. Shah Shuja agreed to relinquish all claims on Shikarpur in consideration
of payment to him of a determined amount, out of which 15,00,000 rupees would
be made over by him to Maharaja Ranjit Singh. And lastly, the Shah when restored
to bis throne would bind himself to refrain from entering into negotiations with any
foreign power without the consent of the British and Sikh Governments.

I Msenathunto Torteoi (EncUfatc Memo of intecriew «itb Shmh Shuj«), 17)alf.
J83J.1SP(J> J7 October, IftiS. So.lii. “Ja »bl» irofM," tb»St>»b cb>er»ed ruelulJ/. "i
ntne Jci<rr<atob« priced: tb>tb«H<lo*{ with the pMstislon of t f sod nim« «*> becicr
iben obundiace without i(," (ibid, pirs 10).

* JiiJ.ptrnlO.J3

172

THE LAST PHASE s THE FIRST AFGHAN WAR

16. Ez'Shab's TesctJotts

The treaty having been signed by Ranjit Singh, Macnaghten’s work at
Lahore was completed. He was now directed to proceed to Ludhiana to “exhibit
the draft of the treaty to the ex-king and discuss with him the measures, which
would be founded upon it.' The Shah’s concurrence to the fait accompli was taken
for granted. The mission reached Ludhiana on 15 July and Macnaghten had an
interview with the Shah the same evening. Osborne’s account of the appearance
of the Shah is too graphic to be omitted. “The envoys seem to have been struck,’
he observes, ‘Vith the majestic appearance of the old pretender, especially with the
flowing honours of a black beard descending to his waist, always the most cherished
appendage of oriental dignity. He bad lived for twenty years in undisturbed seclu-
sion, consoling himself for the loss of his kingdom in a domestic circle of sit
hundred wives, but always ‘sighing his soul’ towards the mountains and the vallej'S
of Afghanistan, and patiently awaiting his ktsrrct or fate, which was to restore him
to his thome.”*

Macnaghten told the Shah that the British Government had decided to
restore him to his throne. A plan, based on the Sikh-Afghan treaty of 1833, had
been concerted with the Maharaja and needed his concurrence. Shah Shuja’s
reaction to the treaty of 1833 was sharp, and he refused to consent to the stipulated
surrender of Afghan territory to the Maharaja. He exhibited surprise at the men-
tion of Peshaw'ar and Shlkarpur In the treaty, and wondered, bow the Amirs of
Sind would consent to the sum of money required from them. He further failed
to understand article 13 cf the treaty which pertained to the subsidized troops.*

Eventually, he agreed to everything but not before submitting on 17 July,
a paper containing 8 points, on which he desired satisfaction. Briefly, he demanded
an assurance of non-interference with his authority in Afghanistan ; no htnderance
in the consolidation and extension of his kingdom to its proper limits— Balkh.
Scistan, Baluchistan and the dependencies of Kabul and Kandahar ; and the abrog-
ation of the clause requiring monetary' payments to Ranjit Singh, which would be
construed by his neighbours as a payment of tribute by the Afghans to the Sikhs.
Finally, he demanded the restitution of Shlkarpur to Kabul. Macnaghten assured
him that with the exception of the last two, his wishes would be scrupulously!
attended to by the British Government.*

* Tontns to Mienajhtca, 2 July, 1S38>1SP(I) 17 Octeber. 1S33. Ko. 131.

* •ItfUftioJ. r. 75 f.

» M«Miitbt«ntoToiinii,15Joly,lS38(&dosure)-lSP (I).ep. «J|,

« m<i.l7July.lS33.1SF(l)170ctob«,M38,No.l4t.

OMf R VATfONS ON POLICY

In Tnaling these demands, the old Shah A'af evidently ufcgnardlng his own
prestige in the eyes of his own people. The Afghan tribes, he argued, if they
found out that he was a mere puppet of the British and no longer a source of power
and reward, would soon desert him and return to their homes. The Afghans,
he said, as a people hated foreign interference of any kind. In this csiimalion
of his own people, the Gosernment of India was to find out later, the Shah was
correct.

17. OhKrtvrioof oa poller

Auckland’s policy both towards the Sikhs and Afghans, and in particular,
his attempt to resuscitate Saddoiai power in Afghanistan with Sikh help, has been
subjected to scs'ere strictures.* His measure of an unnatural Sikh-Afghan rapproche-
ment has often been described as '‘sufTicicntly moderate if not sufficiently unjust.”
It appeared to Auckland, observes Kaye, to be most expedient to construct an
alliance between Ranjit Singh and Shah Shuja for the recovery of the dominions
of the latter; England was to remain in the background Jingling the money bag.*
Colvin cryptically observes : "that the beak of appetite of Ranjit Singh was once
again tempted by the fruit of eoncjueitandlhebcmefofravanche."* Both these
observations arc. however, grossly inaccurate. In the first place, as it was soon
discovered, the Sikh ruler was too shrewd to to act as a British stooge in the restora-
lionoflheihrone ofKabul ; he had neither the will nor the military resources
to embark upon the conquest of Afghanistan. The Tripartite treaty was no
doubt "morally unjust" and "politically inctpcdient”— "the first stage in the course
of a high-handed robbery pursued under pretests apparently false."* yet it is ex-
tremely doubtful that the Indian Government desired to make "the paralytic Ranjit
Singh as the sheet-anchor of British policy.”* It must, however, be not forgotten
that Auckland realised the power of the Sikhs in thn runjab, and It is highly ques-
tionable that the Indian Cosemment would have proceeded to restore Shah Shuja
to the throne of Afghanistan without the concurrence of Ran il Singh. The
Maharaja, undoubtedly, assented to the modification of the Sikh-Afghan treaty
of 1833 under political pressure, yet he could foresee its benefits.

At the same time, w ith a Judicious sense of guilt in debarring Ranjit Singh's
advance on Sind, Auckland placated the Maharaja to the fullest limit possible. He
wasaverse to anySith participatioDinany military operations ia Afghanistan ,• it

« Onibetubiect. «« Ksse.p. 318 M. ; Coittn-p. I03P.: Ttotter-p. ;

dykM-t, ere.

* Hliiorj' ef War in Afthanlitan., i. p. I8.20.

S Str AueiJand Colrin, p. 108.

♦ Tfoti*t,p.59.

i Sjltr, 1. 397.

174

THE tAST PHASE : THE FIRST AFGHAN WAR

would be an extremely dangerous procedure, as any reovement of Sikh forces
beyond the Khyber would have been prejudicial to the interests of Shah Shaja.
At any rate, he never intended to allow them to move their armies beyond the
Khyber. ‘'Yet I must confess, I should lament," he wrote to Hobhouse imme-
diately after the momentous decision, “if the Seik forces were too conspicuously
employed in his restoration, for, the less the Seiks and the Afghans were mixed
together, I think better for both the parties

IB- VagaxSe* aad •natnilies

Yet the inconsistencies of the Gosemment of India which driAed it into
the disaster of the first Anglo-Afgban War cannot be explained. Auckland’s Minute

of 12 May, 1833 bemoans the failure of Barnes’ mission and the aggravated menace

from the west and hints at undertaking a bold venture to sweep away the protago-
nists of tnrmoil in Afghanistan.* It emphasises the value of acting in close harmony
with Ranjit Singh, who might venture to aid Shah Shuja in regaining his throne
with British help. It envisages the organisation of resistance to Persia in the east
of Afghanistao with Sikh help. On 22 May, Auckland informed the Secret Com*
mittee that the emergenej- of affairs might compel him to act,* in what jnancer he
could not specify and hinted vaguely ; "the future events are m the womb of time.’
It was after he had signed the treaty with Ranjit Singh and Shah Shuja that he in*
formed the Home Gosemment on 13 August, 1838 that he had determined to give
direct and powerful assistance to Shah Sbuja in his enterprise.*

Auckland’s October Manifesto,* obviously an after-thought, was half-fact
and half-fiction. It is full of pious platitudes for British policy towards Afghanistan.
Dost Muhammad Khan, tbs Barakzai usurper, who from internal disunion and
unpopularity, was ill-fitted to be a useful ally to the British Gosamment in warding
off the danger to national defence. He was embroiled in foreign intrigue which was
highly prejudicial to British interests. Imbecile and weak to resist the pressure of Sikh
power in the north, he had been blowing hot and cold, and playing fast and loose,
ready to crouch to Russia and Persia or cringe to the Brirtsh Government whoso-
escr was willing to sustain his poution in Afghanistan. To subvert his power in
Afghanistan had, therefore, become an essential part of British- Indian foreign policy.
The claims of Shah Sbuja'-ul-MuIk, ‘‘whose popularity in Afghanistan has been

> Esetosuru ia letters Uosi AccVlaad to Hohbeute ia the year ISBS-BrooihtcatBM)
3«ZJ, Eitrsct N». £oL 37S».

* (BP) XI. 1839.

» Gtxreratrt.Ceaerat to Seexet CosBitec. 23 May. 133a.BlSL(J).

* AuekUail to Hobboosc (Prirtte) 3 May, ISSS-Brasbtoa (BM>. cf. cit.

* GoTetBot-Geoeral to Setiet CaaBince. 13 AaCait, ISSS-BISLH)

* IPCKD 30 Jiataty. 1339. C 10,

175

proved'* are obvious. If restored to Af^n throne, he would resist aggression,
establish tranquillity, and would not range himself and the Afghan nation in sub-
servience to hostile foreign powers.

However, the Sikh role in the restoration of the Shah was mentioned in the
Manifesto in a cautious and half-hearted manner with a casual reference that Ranjit
Singh would become a party to the contemplated operations. It contained the
ludicrous assertion that the Campaign would promote commerce, gain the British
due dignity in Central Asia, restoretranquillity on the most important frontier of
India, and raise a lasting barrier against hostile intrigue and encroachment.

19. Duplicstj and hash-btuh

Secrecy and hush-hush was maintained by the Government of India towards
its allies and friends in the entire preliminary confused arrangements. Ranjit Singh
was designedly kept in ignorance of Burnes' haggling with Dost Muhammad Khan
at Kabul ; Shah Shuja had no inkling of the British schemes for his restoration
until Raujit Singh had signed the treaty ; and the Home Government was kept
guessing the ultimate policy of the Government of India UU August 183S as to what
part it was going to play in (he Afghan venture. The most amazing aspect of the
whole affair was the entire change in the scheme of operations soon alter the signing
of the treaty with Ranjit Singh. Drift and indecision marred the entire procedure
till it was decided not to employ Sikh forces beyond the Khyber as is evidenced
from Auckland's private enclosures' as well as bis instructions to Wade at
Peshawar.*

20. Sikh giios

Notwithstanding his failing beallb. Ranjit Singh had exhibited c.Ttraordinajy
vigour in the conduct of negotiations. He had no reason to be dissatisfied with
the final outcome. With simple Jat commonsense, he bad realised the immediate
advantages to be gained by agreeing to a proposition, in which his liabilty was
limited. He had refused to act alone, for the reason, that be had neither any
intention nor the means to conquer Kabul. He clearly perceived that even if the
Indian Government avoided the respODsibility, it would ultimately come forward
to claim the credit. As a measure of solviug the Sikh-Afghan problem, the replace-
ment of the irksome Barakzai at Kabul by the former victim of his high-handedness,
the Saddozai weakling, was hi^y agreeable to him. The events following the
Shah's restoration, and the calamity of the first Afghan War, has engendered so
much anger and excitement against Auckland’s policy, that one is liable to over-

» BrffBSliren Paper* (BM) 36173, f«l. 37S» *e-

* I8P(I)17July,1839. No.38.

1?6 tHELASTPriASB: THE #IRSt AFGHAN \V Aft

look as to what political advantages the Sikhs would have acquired, should the fate
had allowed Ranjit Singh to live, say for a decade more.

In the settlement of the long-standing Sikb-Afghan dispute, the British
Government guaranteed the terms of the treaty. It confirmed to the Sikh Kingdom
in perpetuity, the former Afghan possessions of Kashmir, Attock and Hazara; the
lerritorities lying on the either bank of the Indus; Peshawar and the Yusafzai
dependencies up to the Khybsr ; Banou, Tank, Kalabagh and other dependent
Wazici dUtcicts ; the Decajat and the rich province of Multan. The Afghans agreed
to consider these territories as forming part of the State of Lahore.* For relinquish-
ing its claim on Shikarpur, the Lahore Government was to receive a sum of 15,00,000
rupees.* Finally, both the British and Sikh Governments would jointly control
the foreign relations of Afghanistan.* For all this and a further payment of 2,00,000
rupees annually to it by the Afghans, the Lahore Government was merely required
to maintain a Muhammadan auxiliary force of not less than 5,000 men for the
Shah’s aid after his restoration, whenes'er the British Government deemed that aid
necessary.*

The treaty having been signed, Auckland informed the Secret Committee of
his achievement on 13 August, 183S : “When I resolved upon entering into negoti-
ations with Maharaja Ranjeet Singh, based upon the design of restoring Shah Shooja
ool Molk,” be wrote w'ith a sense of self-gratification, “the state of relations with
other powers was anything but satisfactory. To westward, there was every
appearance of an extensive and formidable combination against our Rule. It
was doubtful whether we should not be forced into a war both with Ara and
Hepal..., In short, in almost esery direction, we seemed to be surrounded by
undisguised foes and doubtful friends.”* The British alliance with Ranjit Singh, he
further obsersTd, would damp the spirit of disalfccUoD all over India, frustrate the

views of their enemies, bring favourable results with Nepal and wonld arrest the
progress of Russian and Persian intrigues. The treaty, he added, would give the
British Government much greater influence over the affairs of the Punjab. Some
of the terms appeared objectionable;* but these were not likely to endure, for,

1 Fottreitj, fee Mfciugbtca toT»tTnu.261uDe, 13J3.ISP (I) 17 October. 183S.No.
132 (Art.l.).

* tbfd. Art. 4 and 16.

* lild. Art. 14

‘ mi.AR.15.

* CoTenat-Geseral to Secret Committee. 13 Adfuit. tS33-BlSL (n VcL L No. l3.
petal 43.59.

* AueVlini «a» peibira refcriiDi to the propoaed levy of SO.aj.COO rupeet oa the
SraihUat. out of whuh 15,OO.aX) were to be paid to Ranjit Sinjh. He defended the impofUioa
cl the “vr «> Sind. It oai. he aaid, aeithet hatib noi najuft ; ••There had been no ofutpa-

on more 8a(rast than that of Shikirput bpStnde, anl it «u not oateaianable that we ahould

DISTRUST OF SIKHS IT?

the Maharaja was weak and dying, and if was improbable that on his death any
single individual w-ould succeed to the undisputed and entire possession of power
which the genius had raised up.”*

21, Diatrast of Sikbs

All was now set for Shah Shuja’s enterprise into Afghanistan. ‘The faggots
arc laid,” wrote the Shah's friends beyond the Khyber, “it requires but the torch
of the British Government to light them.”* The treaty had not provided for the
presence of large foreign armies in the Punjab, nor had it envisaged the transforma-
tion of the State of Lahore into a common highway for the movement of British
troops and supplies towards the Khyber. Practical impediments in the way of
direct Sikh participation against the Afghans were abundant. The foremost among
these was their intense hatred of each other. Then there was the British mistrust
of the Sikhs as doubtful allies in any combined military operations, supplemented by
the weakness of the British military strength on the Sutlej. Compared to the Sikh
army of 70 regiments with 700 pieces of artillery, the British had two or three
regiments, scarcely mustering 500 men each.* It was also feared that the Sikhs
might take upon themselves to advance in support of the Shah ; and should they
force the Khyber, they would ensure that their own objects were achieved and
see those of the British defeated. The Sikb-Afghan enmity appeared irreconcilable.
Auckland decided that without giving any umbarge to Ranjit Singh, Shah Shuja
must not be allowed to become an instrument of Sikh ambition.*

For these reasons, the Government of India's entire plan had to undergo
a complete transformation, ft was decided to give direct and powerful assistance
to Shah Shuja's enterprise, to keep the Sikh armies on this side of the Khyber, to
march the main army— called the Army of the Indus, under Sir John Keane to
Kandahar via Shlkarpur.* The alteration of the route of Shah Shuja’s march
elinimated the danger ofcoliision with Che Sikhs, within whose territory, it was
considered, that the British Govemment would not be able to render direct aid
with freedom. Diversionary to the main operations, a subsidiary force raised by

mike om (uirantee to the Amin conditioned apoaiome luidictioa siren hj them to those
who •tterteeUim totbe uiutped dutiicti.** Auckland to Hobheuse, FFebniat;, 1339-
Bcoatbioo (BM) 36473, fej. 224b.

1 GoremoT-GcDeial to Secret Committee, 13 Ati(ust, 1533, nl lupra, pita* 52-53.

* AueiUod to Hohbouae, 17 June. ja33IPri*aie) -Bimahton jBM) 34473, fal. 264a.

* Hid. 9 December, 1333, ep. ctU, fol, 363b.

t /Kd. 23 Juse, 1633. ep. c/I. 279a.

» Torteni to Wade, 29 Deecbmet, 1S}S-1S8(U 30 hlarcb. 1833. No. 79.

N-23

173

THE LAST PHASE t THE FIRST AFGHAN WAR

British money and nominally under Shah Shnja’s eldest son but really commanded
by Wade, was to proceed towards the Khyber through the Punjab.^

"XL The Ferozepor Meetiog

When these arrangements were complete, towards the end of November

1838, Lord Auckland thought it necessary to meet Ranjit Singh mainly to ensure the

Maharaja’s concurrence to the passage of British troops through the Punjab to
Afghanistan. The meeting took place at Ferozepur on 29 No\-ember. This was
the last public appearance of the ailing Maharaja, Oriental splendour and Eastern
hospitality exhibited by Ranjit Singh was equally matched by the magnificient dis-
play of British power. Compliments of amity and friendship in profusion were
paid, and presents of great value exchanged. Ranjit Singh held a parade of 20.000
troops in honour of the foreign dignitary, and he res'Iewed the British Army of
Indus amounting to 13,000 troops assembled on the other side of the river. The old
and ailling Maharaja stumbled and fell over some of the spherical cases piled up
svhile inspectingthe British gifts of batteries and howitzers, which was considered
by the royal astrologers as a bad omen. Again at Lahore whither the >faharaja
had Invited his distinguished guests, while entertaming them to a drinking party,
he bad a stroke of apoplexy which showed his bodily inBrmities.* .

In the discussion of political matters, however, the Governor-General found
U difficult to keep on friendly terms both with the Sikhs and the Afghans. Yet, a
plan for the Sikh army in the ensuing campaign which would avoid a collision with
the Afghans, was arrived at. It was a delicate matter to insist that the Sikhs should
not cross the Khyber and that nothing should be done by a Sikh soldier except
with the advice of British Political Agent. On this point the Maharaja’s professions
appeared rational to the Governor-General, but he commented ; “I shall be little
anxious upon them, when his thirty or forty battalions shall be in array."* Auckland
suggested to the Maharaja the necessity of the return of the British army from
Kabul through the Punjab, which aroused the suspicions of the Sikh ruler. Passages
were read out to the Governor-General showing that the British Government was
bound not to interfere on the Sikh side of the Sutlej. Auckland listened to the
recital with good humour, and the matter was settled amicably on the condition that
the free passage of troops would not form a precedent for the future.* Auckland

r Auckland— op- c<t , fot. 4l3b.

* Murt«jU».P-150w-l. St«bh.eh (p.mf.). Oibocne (p.l89F.) <nd other* b**e
fumiihcdndet.iUd description of the Feiorrpue Meetin*. AuckUnd-f pertonel .ccountof
the Bwetini U »i*en iath* Droulhiffn Papers (BM) 36473, fek S61i f.

* AnckUnd'*'Brouihtos(BM)»teuora,

* Ih«d.2J*n<»»i7.1839,cp.

A BI2ARRE SITUATION

179

also visited the Golden Temple, and had a glimpse of the royal treasure in the
vaults of the fortress of Govindgarh estimated at £ 12,000.000 Sterling.^

Auckland gises clearance to Ranjit Singh. His friendly feelings for the
British and sentiments of goodwill impressed him, as also the vigour of his con-
stitution which tad survived, the paralytic stroke. But the life of the Maharaja
was drawing to a close, and although he had lost the power of speech, his other
faculties were in tact. Ranjit Singh's illness during the last days of Auckland’s
visit had thrown a langour, but he left the old man with a strong impression of his
sagacity -and shrewdness. “All that was asked.” he wrote, “was cheerfully
acquiesced in. and if well adhered to, it will be of great importance."*

23. Mircb to Peshawar

Early in January 1839, a contingent of Shah Shuja's army, commanded by his
son Shahzada Taimur, and accompanied by Wadeand other British olhcers, arrived
at Lahore on its march (o Peshawar. Wade's depotatiog to Peshawar placed upon
him the duty of supervising all military operations for the Shah ia that direction.*
Shahzada Taimur's contingent consisted of 4,000 ill-equipped levies raised with the
help of an initial British grant of 10.000 rupees ; bis owa subsistence allowance,
supplemented by ziafatt or presents of money, was Esed at Rs. 500 a month.*
Lord who had preceded the contingent to Peshawar, with the concurrence of the
Lahore DarbSr to win over the Khyberis, bad kept Wade informed of the tribal
reactions. On 31 January, he wrote that Dost Muhammad was inciting the tribes
Xoijtkid (religiouswar) against the English and the Sikhs. Sultan Muhammad
Khan, the Peshawar Barakzai was also persuading them to eschew the cause of Shah
Shuja. He suggested that the Khyberis might be induced to renounce their
allegiance to Dost Muhammad through “pecuniary advances."*

Zl AbiztrretUaatian

At Peshawar Wade found that the Afghans and the Khyberis were acutely
suspicious of the Sikh participation in the Shah's restoration. He reported that
unless the Sikhs were restrained from any ofTciuivc action, the Afghan national
feelings would be aroused. To the tribal Chiefs he had to give an assurance that
the Sikhs would not cross their boundary, as according to the treaty, they were not
required to do so. If they did, it would be resented both by the British Government

I jiid.
s nid.

* Torteo* to W»ae. 29 Veetabri, 1333— I5P (H 20 M»ich. 1539. No. 79.
« ;Wd .31 J.i>iiarT.ie39-lSP{l)21 AroI.1839.No. 19.

5 WsdetoTottenji 6 Januirj, 1539— ISP (I)23Ja{w, 1839. Noi.82-.83.

180 THE LAST PHASE 5 THE riRST AFGHAN WAR

and the Shah.' Wade’s task at Peshawar was therefore quite unenviable. He
demanded urgent help from the Sikhs, denying to the tribal Chiefs of having done so.
He had to please both the Sikhs and the Afghans, and it required an effort to keep
at a low ebb their mutual hafered of each other. Sikh-Afghan enmity limited
his endeavours, and operations m the Peshawar area had to be conducted with
great caution.*

Lieutenant William Barr, who commanded an artillery detachment at
Peshawar, has analysed Wade’s predicament in a very objective manner. The
Shahrada’s contingent, he observes, wascomposed of Afghan mercenaries of unccf-
tain loyalties. The Shahzada \vas himself marching against the Afghans supported
by foreigners and aided by the Sikhs. Ko one could, therefore, predict what his
levies would do in case off a reverse or when they were within the tribal area. There
were no doubts of the co-operation of the Sikhs, but their hatred of the Afghans was
tearald greater than tbeie awrsten tc the British. H’adc to march upon Kabul
with 2,000 Afghan riff-raff, a handful of Brhi^ sepoys and Indian regulars, against
the numerous Khyberis and Afridis amounting to more than 25,000.’

Meanwhile, the ailing Maharaja at Lahore was making all efforts to co-
operate and help the British at Peshawar. Preparations for the conduct of operations
assigned to him had been set in motion as early as October, 1838.* The Maharaja
had ordered Kanwar Kharak Singh. Ra^ Dhian Singh and JamadSr Khushal Singh

to join Colonel Wade at Peshawar.* Tej Singh had marched with his troops and a

train of artillery northwards, and RajS Golab Singh was under orders 'to proceed
thither on arrival from Jammu. Fateh-ud-Din Khan of Kasur was also directed to
join his forces with that of the Shahzada. “The Maharaja,” the Lahore AfifbUt
reported, "is sending his armies to the assistance of Colonel Wade, for, the Khybct
Afghans arc daily swarming in numbers.*'* A Muslim contingent of 6,146 men
with 16 guns and 140 pieces of artillery, commanded by Colonel Sheikh Bassawan,
arrived at Peshawar on 7 May, in time to join in the celebrations at the news of the
fall of Kandahar.*
as. Brlttih complaiots

British complaints and resentment against the delay and evasiveness of the
Lahore Darblr in fulfilling the terms of the treaty ssere not only exaggerated but

» IWJ.3 April. lS39-lSP(I>3Julj.l839.No.?9.

* Aock!»odfoHoMjsu»e(PriTitr).l April. J8S9— Broughton CBM)?&t73. fol.-iSObf.

* ttournsl ef March ftem Delhi to PoiXawor and tJienc* to Kabul Ole., p. 319 »e.

* W»d« to Macna{h(cn (Enclosure {ron Kaoitt Smth) 3 October, 13JS-1SP (R tO Aprit.

1839. No. 10.

* Lahttrt AkVbar. 16 March. 1S39 Breuthton (BMl 36473, fol. 310b.

* rHilOMarch, or. <it../eZ.460b.

* V/tde to Ma<!doclE,13May, 1839-(P)143: 93.

BRITISH COMPLAINTS

181

aljo unreasonable.' Wade found the poshion critical at Peshawar. He had to
restrain himself from accepting too much from Jhc Sikhs, and too I/ttJe from the
Afghans. Open readiness to accept Sikh help would alienate the Khyberis and the
Yusafrais and create suspicion amongst she Afghan elements »)-mpathetic to the
Shah’s cause across the Khybcr. Thus he grew nervous as a Sikh array commanded
by Kanwar Naunihal Singh, the Maharaja's grandson, advanced to help the
Shahzada at Peshawar. Wade had sent a frantic demand that it should not proceed
beyond Attock,*

Yet, amidst the profusion of complaints it was evident that without Sikh help
the miserable and ill equipped contingent of the Shahzada would not be able to
sustain itself at Peshawar much Icssforcc the Khjber Pass. As the clamour of
Dritisii resentment grew, the Sikh Government increased its co.operation. Funds
were advanced, and the local officials at Peshawar helped in creating disaftection
among (he (rtbei by the despatch of emmis-irier to incite them against Dost
Muhammad Khan.* The Sikh army had been hiited at Attock, and prince
Kauniftal Singh exhibited real in the procurement of intcliigenec and the establish-
ment of communication with Mackeson and Maenaghtrn. Proclamations were
issued forbidding Lahore subjects to correspond with the enemy ; Lahore officials
helped Wade in making plans for the attack on Ali MasjiJ and reconnoitring the
area.' The Yusafzais had tendered offers of help ; the Kh>beris and the Mohmands,
the only IrJbes capable of resisting ibe Shjhzada's advance had been placated by
General Avilabile, the Governor of Peshawar and the Peshawar Darakaais had
taken a pledge of loyalty to the Lahore Government.* Jt is certain that without the
active cooperation and help of the Sikhs, the Shahzada's expeditionary force would
have failed to achieve its objectives.

hfeanwhile. reports arrived from Lahore that the life of the a'liing Maharaja
was drawing to an end.

t Poittcript to Auckland to Hebbouae, 1 Aptit. 1839.BiouSbloo (BM) 36173, fot. 4S0 f.

* Wade fo MadJock. 3 April. J839-KP (I) 3 July. 1339. No. 19.

* iitJ.13 MaT.1839-{P) J47:92.

* JUd. 21 April, 1M9-ISP (I) 27 July, 1839- No. 35.

» Ibid. 26 Match. 1839.I5F (1) 26 June. 1839. No. 110.

« tiU. 5 April. 13391SP (D 3 July. M39. N*. 2tA.

Craptjb 9

death of RANJIT SINGH

1. Ailiuents

DESPITE his frail frame Raojit Singh possessed a remarkable constitution.
He was fond of manly exercises — riding, bunting, and a daily constitutional even in
illness.^ It is the general opinion of contemporary observers that excessive hard
work, and constant physical exposure to the rigour of endless campaigns sapped the
energetic vitality of his constitution. To these may be added his drunkenness,
addiction to opium, resort to highly potent but harmful medications to sustain bun
in his debaucheries.* These excesses and fatigues of war and pleasure aged him
before his time. In his late forties, he is described a worn out, broken domi,
old man.*

Ranjit Singh’s first recorded Illness was in 1806. On his return from a holy
dip in the lank of Katas, he was seized with a loathsome disease, “brought on by bis
own indiscretion, which obliged him to reinain at the village of Meanee, on the bank
of the Jehlum until he recovered.’** We have no idea of the ailment of the Maharaja.
Barring minor ailments which are dutifully recorded by the Lahore Diarist, Rai^j'!
Singh fell seriously ill in 1826. Paral}-sis had struck him, and at his requestor.
Murray of the Native Infantry was sent lo Lahore for his treatment. Murray found
it rather difficult during hisStnonihs’ stay to persuade the Maharaja to accept
his treatment.*

The Maharaja is also described as a hypochondraic by some of the foreign
phjsicians who visited him. One of bis habits was a marked dislike for the use of
medicine, except when prescribed by his favourite physician Faqir Aziz-ud-Din. He
had much respect for European doctors* sent to attend on him, but he would
persistently ignore their advice and refuse to be treated by them. “He invariably
consults every medical man, he meets with,” observes Osborne, “and almost iflva-

* Miegrejor. 5,p. 222 ; Prioiep.p. 143 etc.

* GtiSo, p. M.

> ;hj.

* M»eetetot, 5, p. 157.

* For Dr. Mum;'* <te*pstcbcs (rcoo Laticre BPCdl RtQ{c IS. Vol*. 15.21.

* H«t>t«rTedt«.Df,M*c|te«ar,tsI8M: *Tbe Eojlub ilectors. would I UUrre brinf

Teorte b»ck ftomtbc L p.277.

GALVANIC TREATMENT

riably neglect! their advice. Their medicine i* a1»a)» given to some of the Sardars.
v.ho are forced to swallow it in hh presence, and arc then shut up that he may be
able to judge its efTects.*'*

2. Tbc Kceitd Mtxore

In 1834, Ranjit Singh had another paral>lic seizure. Dr. Maegregor was
c.iHed in from Ludhiana for treatment He found him with a ruined constitution
as the effect of a temporary state of illness.* He became hesitant in speech, his eye
became listless os if the sight was quite gone, and he could hardly mount a horse.
Dr. Maegregor forbade him the use of liquor, and at his suggestion, the Maharaja
agreed to be treated by electricity and galvanism.* Amongst Ranjit Singh's numer*
ous ailments was his premature impotence noticed by Dr. Murray in 1825, and
confirmed by Victor Jacquemonl in 1831 aRerhehad discussed the s>mptoms with
Dr, Murray, brought on by excessive debaucheries. This, observes Jacquemont, had
deprived him of all pleasures, a loss to whkh he was by no means resigned :
“Modesty males him complain of his stomach only, but I and everyone else knew
w-hat he meant by that.’’* Lspert madical opinion was that the Maharaja’s "stomach
ailment" was due to his escessive use of spirits taken in ruinous draughts ; “his
stomach can no longer stand spirits ; he can barely take a little opium, and (he
impossibility of getting drunk without being ill."*

3. Galnale Irrdacet

Dr. Maegregor gives a detailed account of the treatment of the Maharaja by
electricity and galvanism. A few years earlier, Dr. Harlan, the adventurer in the
employ of the Maharaja, had suggested a similar cure demanding from him 1,00,000
rupees as the price of treatment. Harlan’s effrontery had so much displeased
Ranjit Singh that he ordered him to be stripped of the governorship of Wazirabad
and driven away from his Kingdom.* Acting, however, on Harlan's suggestion, Ranjit
Singh had expressed a wish to the British Government that the sen ices of a British
doctor competent in the application of galvanism to his emaciated body should
be placed at his disposal. Dr. Maegregor was deputed to the Court towards the
end of 1836 for this purpose, along with the electrical appratus supplied by the Agra
depot. On the appointed day, the Maharaja seemed disinclined to undergo the treat-
ment fearing that the shock might have fatal consequences. The Maharaja’s ministers

1 Jeutyiai under date 3 Juac. 1S3S.

* Hutet. Travel*. p.»7,

» Mteftttot, 1, p 274.

4 JitquemODt— Veumat of Trettli inN. India end Kashmir, p. 41.

» 7>>d-; »«*el*oHu<et, p. 237.4

• Giej-Evrcwan Adrenwreri A’erlker* Mia. Lshoie. 1939. p. 2W.

134

Math of ranjit singh

including raja Dhian Singh, Jntnadar Khushal Singh and others received the expen
mental shocks to assure him. He remained under the treatment of electric shocks to
stimulate his feeble frame for a few daj's, but the treatment was given up due to the
sceptical attitude of the Maharaja regarding itscfRcacy.'

4. Third itroke

On 21 December, 1838 during Lord Auckland’s visit to Lahore, Ranjit Singh
had another stroke due to excessive drinking while entertaining his august guest.
Murray describes the incident : “Runjcct insisted that his lordship should take his
part in drinking, requesting each time that he should drain the cup of fiery liquid he
presented to the dregs. The excess commilled by the Maharaja on this occasion,
he had been prevailed upon by his English medical attendant to live abstemiously,-*
produced a severe fit of apoplexy, and when Lord Auckland took leave of him, he
was lying on his couch, scarcely able to articulate.”*

The paralytic seizure of December 1838 almost killed the Maharaja.

days he struggled with death, his power of speech totally gone, his eyesight diotmed,

though he extraordinarily retained his other faculties. “A curious and intcrcstins
sight it was now,” observes Lawrence, “to behold the fast decaying ntonarch, his
mind still alive, by signs giving orders ; still receiving reports, and assisted by
the faithful Uzeez-ud-deen, almost as usual, attending to affairs of state. By_ ®
slight turn of his hand to the south, he would inquire the news of the British
frontier ; by a similar turn to the west, he would demand tidings from the invadmS
army ; and most anxious was he for Intelligence from Afghanistan

5. Hit U»t d«ss

Though the Maharaja rallied from the illness for a short while, yet it was
evident to every one that his life was dravring to an end. In May 1839, George
Russell Clerk found him feeble and nearly speechless, but full of animation and
friendship. To the Government he reported confidentially, that although the
Maharaja was not as ill as it had been represented, others had begun to rule in his
name, and that procedure had started to effect the efficiency of his government.*

On 22 June, 1839 he had another stroke attended by dropsy and fever. A
British physician Dr. Steele was rushed from Ludhiana to attend on him. Immedi-

S Micgrrfor, i, p. 276,

* Murf*y,ii.p. 158-59,

> Cdtcutia Rttiev, No. 2, p. 476.

‘ Cletk to Middock, 13 M,y, )839-(P) lOt : S6 ;
25 May, ISM-Btouihton (B.st) 36474, frf. 96.

Auckland to Kobbonw (PriT»t*)»

Am tC5 OP SH£R SIS’CH

Ids

ately after the tcizurc, Ranjii Singh fell jcowicss and ihc royal physicians saw
the approaching end. The gates of the fort and Hazuribagh were ordered to be i
closed : the custodians of the fortress of Gobindgarh, sshere the royal treasures
and Jewels were stored, were alerted to be sigilant, and a bier costing 10.00,000
rupees was ordered to be got ready.

At dawn of Sunday. 23 June, the Maharaja revived and hopes of all grew
high that he would Ihc. Saiiikalpt were pefformed and charities to the tunc
20,00,000 rupees were distributed on the foliowuig two days. Cows with gilded
horns, elephants with gold and silver Aowdahi. horses with satin trappings, jewels,
ornaments, money and clothes were given to the poor and Brahmans. Conscious of
the approaching end, threedayscjrlicr, RanjitSingli had ordered all his ministers
and Court nobles to assemble in his presence, and caused them all to take oath of
allegiance to the heir-apparent Kharak $ingh.‘ The same day a proclamation to
that elTect was issued, and Kharak Singh inspected the morning parade and took
nasart from ministers and tlie commandants of the troops.* R3j5 Dhian Singh was
appointed the principal minister and nai(htit‘io!ionat (deputy in the kingdom).
Out although all seemed well, drowsiness and restlessness still overpowered the
Maharaja, and towards noon the same day (33 June), he woke up and took some
medicine. He remained awake the whole night, but on 24 June he had a second
attack.*

6. Aatter of 5hvr SMsli

The night of 24 June was p.vs$cd in extreme anxiety. The Maharaja was
surrounded during the last three days by all of his favourite ministers and coun-
sellors— the OhSTs, Ram Singh, Gurmukh Singh and Gobind Ram ; raj3 Dhian
Singh and ilira Singh, Misscr Beli Rom. Faqir Aziz-ud-Din, raja Dina Nath,
Jamadar Khushal Singh, and of course by Kanwar Kharak Singh. Kanwar
Naunihal Singh, rap Gulab Singh and other eminent Sardars were at Peshawar in
connection with the British expedition to Afghanistan. Kanwar Sher Singh was
reportedly at Batala, but on hearing the news of llw illness of the Maharaja, he
had secretly hastened to Amritsar with Ihc ostensible objective of taking possession
of the fortress of Gobindgath and the royal treasures it contained.* Finding the
treasure well-guarded and fort wcH-garrisoned, he immediately returned to Batala.

s Steio^*cii, p. 15.

* PunjaS Aitifcor, 22 Aujujt, lSW-S«ct« Cousulutioni (1) I July, 1839 : Tranilition of
ivlleri (teieriiitij tail heuri tf /JunJver 5<iieb.

* Jl.tif.:»UoUT,lU(T).p.l53ff.

* W»a« to Msddock. 2 July. 1S33-(P) 147 IH ; 116

N-24

136

death of RANJtT SINGH

On 24 Jane, Kharak Singh wrote to Sher Singh to repair to Lahore, but
the latter was afraid that he would be seiad by the heir-apparent and the minister
Dhian Singh, and required security from Faqir Aziz-ud-Din and Bha’i Gohind
Ram.* He did not come to see his dying father and fear of life kept him away
from Lahore even to join the last funeral rites of the Maharaja. He ultimately
arrived at Lahore on 9 July, 1839, after making a vain bid for support from the
British.*

The Maharaja awoke from torpor around 2 p.m. on 24 June, when some
nourishment was given to him, but soon after he full into coma. Vapours over-
powered him and the royal physicians watched in utter dismay the struggle for life
and death going on in the frail body of the old man. During the short interval of
consciousness, the Maharaja .entrusted the reins of full government to prince
Kharak Singh.’

All shops and city gates were shut up ; officers at the ghats were issued
orders to keep boats on the western bank of the Sutlej. Ten battalions of troops
stationed at Lahore guarded the city and the fort. Another battalion was detached
to Amritsar to guard the city, the treasure and the fort of Gobindgarh.’

7. Keh-UNCr Mqiktip-ed

The Maiiaraja remained in coma till the early morning of 26 June, when he
regained consciousness. He refused to take anymore medicine, made a satpkalp of
8,00,000 rupees, and ordered that the famous diamond Xch-LNOrbe sent to the tem*
pleof Jagannath.’ This last wish of the dying Maharaja was never carried out. The
Lahore Diarist Sohan Lai reports bow the matter was evaded : “By a sign the Sarksr
pointed out that soon its (the diamond’s) sanJealp should be made and it should
be sent over to Shri Jagannath ji. BhaT Gobind Ram further said that the Sarkar
had ordered Raja Dhian Singh to do so ; but Raja Dhian Singh stated that Kanwar
Kharak Singh be ordered to do that. Thereupon the order had been issued to
Kanwar Kharak Singh, who staled that it was wiUi Misser Beli Ram. After that
Jamadar Khushal Singh spoke to Misser Beli Ram for Us presentation ; but he began

* 26 June, 1339, r?. eit^ C IS Au|ust.

* Torrtn* to a*ik**2Iulj. 1339.tP) 123 11:63: Clerk to Tcrteri. 34 Juty.lS39-(?)
101 : 119. Dutinf tU tbU time. Sber Siasb had been tnakioS leeret enJeaTOun to seek British
adeiec tad suppott to bia cUim tothc throne. He howe»e: found little to encourage him.
HUtooTementtweteeloselr watched by the Lahore Darbar— P hu/jJ jUJiiar, SJuly, 1S39.

* Ur.lU(e).p. 153f.

* pMsiiab .msar, 27 June. 1839 cp. ell. ; •tw OT, ep, ell.

» iHd.UT,IU(i).iii wra.

LAST CHAEITSS

187

to put forward excuses and replied that it was in Amritsar.”* A discussion between
the Chiefs arose about it within the hearing of the dying Maharaja, who produced
wrinkles on his forehead on hearing Jamadar Khushal Singh's remarks that all the
wealth and property of the State belonged to Kanwar Kharak Singh.

While the lamp of life flickered in the bed chamber of the ^fusamanburj, the
royal household was in gloom ; the rams had not touched food for three days, an
the ministers, court nobles. Sardars and officials sat in anguish and consternation
awaiting the final hour.* On the evening of 26 June, all mighty and lowly being
anxious for the corttinued enjoyment of their fiefs and estates held a council. SiUing
in the presence of the dying Maharaja they made mutual concord. “DixvSn Dma
Nath observed,” reports the Pwyah of 26 June, ‘ that all t e ar ars s ou

now have their respective possessions granted by the Maharaja confirme y nw^
Kharak Singh. A document was drawn up by Faqir Aziz-ud-Dm to be authen ica e
by Kanwar Kharak Singh.”

8. Last ebaritle*

Dunns >he thr« Jays, pious sift!, aim,, cba.ilta and rdisious

ments made by the Maharaja on an extensive scale, arc compute o over , ,
mp«s. •■JaBirss.nrnassiEnndtoKmpks-l obsarvas Murray bis tlrpbants, oven
hi! btlovtd horse!, were parted with ; steeds with jewelled saddles, cows with stided
horns, solden chairs and solden bedsteads, were sent

hi! pearls, even the jewels which had recently been presennd to h.m ‘J' 't' 2'"”
tative of the British nation, were bartered for ‘ ‘

nroments.- continued ro be perfomed and *,n. bestowed throughon

the day of27 lone, when the Maharaja had a succession of faintms .

bed stood Kanwar Kharak Singh, raja Dhian Singh, Jamadar Khushal ^

Sachet Singh, rjja Hira Singh, Santar Ajit Singh Sindh, Snmla, Diwln Dma Na
the Bha'is Fauir Arit-nd-nin and others. A totat of 45,00.000 rupees in cash, gold

^strihured in charity on his last day. I. the
pulse became faiat, the solitary eye lost its gleam, and .1 “

hadeome. That list.esshody ™ “'Jr^e^dta .eTcimto^

the holy water of the Gaoges and cord, and he was dressed rn ^^^

las, journey. Ranjit Singh D.arisl, “he hade

passed three quarters and three hours, record ..niv.rse “s

farewell to this mortal world and got ttansfetred to the e.erlastmg on, verse.

* lUd.

* JlftL

S Ptinjai AMiar, 26 Jun*. 1S39, «r. <*«•

» ii, p. 164.

S UT. ni (v), p. 153 f.

THE DEATH OF RANJIT SIKGH

Thus died in peace and attended by his principal Chiefs, who had loved him
and served him to the last moment, ihc great Maharaja of the Punjab. The gales
of the fort ■were ordered by raja Dhian Sin^ to be closed, and the new's of the death
not made public till arrangements for the funeral obsequies were made. Ml’an Labh
Singh kept the vigil besides the dead body. The Brahmans kept chanting the mantras
from the holy books, and the BhaTs remained busy reciting the Granlh through-
out the night.^

Late at night, the Sardars held a meeting and were unanimous that bo confi-
dence could be placed in Kanwar Kharak Singh with regard to the continuance of
the jSgIrj granted to them by the late Maharaja. It was decided to propose a draft
of a confirmatory deed that the estates granted to them by the late Maharaja should
remain in tact. Should the Kanwar refuse, they should act in concert,*

Raja Dhian Singh, who had stood aloof from these resolutions, surprised
cs-ery one the next morning. He declared that he would bum himself alive with his
departed master. Katiwar Kharak Singh arid the Sardars threw their turbans at his
feet to dissuade him, bemoaning that without him the affairs of the State would be
deranged. It was not until after some hours passed in thus beseeching him that they
could prevail upon him to abandon his resolution.*

9. The Last Jooraey

Early on the morning of 28 June, the Sardars and the ministers approached
the new Maharaja and all of them swore by the Crantk loyalty to him, who with
t 3^ Dhtan Singh standing by his side swore that the grants conferred upon them by
his father would be continued to them.'

hfeanwhile, preparations for the funeral obsequies of the late Maharaja had
been completed. The body of Ranjll Singh was bathed with fragrant waters and
enclothed with rich ornaments. A decorated sandal-wood bier, wrought with gold
and silver, in the form of a ship with sails of embroidered silk was prepared overnight
to cany the mortal remains on his last journey. Four of the principal wives— rsni
Kundan called Gudan, rani Hardevi, rsnl Raj Kanwar, and rSnl Banali, along wi>h
Severn slave-girls, had resolved to bum themseUes on the funeral pjxe.

We have a few eye-witness accounts of the funeral obsequies of Ranjit Singh.
Dr. Martin Honigberger and LieuL Colonel Steinbach both attended the royal

* IHd.

* IJtvt Tt'.aliti ta tX* Cntt 5 Punjai June, 1S39, cp. <{».

» f’'>";aiA«iar.23jone. is39.cp.eii.

» nuu

STEINBAOTS ACCOUNT

1S3

funeral and cremation. Honigberget‘s description is vivid ! "The four ranees came
out of the 2 enar,a on foot and umeiled for the first time of their lives. They d.stnbu-
ted their ornaments and jewels while accompanying the funeral train m open pa a

nfoot. The bier was constructed m the

quins, their seven slave-girls followed them '

shape ofaship; the sails and Bags of the vessel were made of r, eh golden and^k
stnir. The costly ornatnents of richly decorated bier were given to the nob me
Brahmans chanted their mantras from the Vedas: the f J P™*

Granlh and the Muhammadans saying Ya Allah. laAllah... ... ep f
about an hour. Then the royal bod, was respeetfolly placed m the »["“

pile. After that the ranees ascended the fatal ladder, one by one. acco ,

rant, the slaves followed, and the minister showed ‘“‘f “d

them assistance. The ranees placed rhemselves a, the to

the slaves close to its feet, mere they crowded.

the fatal moment, when a thict matof reeds >>™S l‘„”ded

was covered. Oil was then pouted over the mat, the mm.slrr and
and th, pile was lighted at each comer. In a few raoment , the deplorable vtcttmt
of an abominable and fantastic ceremony had ceased to exit.

10. Dhi«nSiDgli'tbrpo<ri<r

BoU. Honigherger. and the I-""'' brw”whhSbTto
Singh attempted font "“'S to i«mp into the btimmg P I .

multitude. There are different views regarding Jrt of self-

immolation in the funeral pyre. Sleinbach c Carmichael Smyth

devotion without any motive of h- obUrves "if any. who were

doubts its sincerity. "Very

acquainted with the character of Raj5 Deh ch. *v,t fullv intended to

this act, and it indeed far from being .he general J any

bnm himself with the body of Ronjeet. H.s mot.v. to playmg th.s farce, w
thing but misunderstood, by all those who knew im.

It. Steiabacb'smeeount

Slembach's account of the

of a double line of infantry '„d within the precincts of the

pace to its destination, only a quartet of in ,’,Mn a snlendid gilt car, cons-

palace. The corpse of the late p nim (according to native

trneted in the form of ship, with mils ofg.lt cloth to waft him

. p;.;aA»ila,.23Jw...l»39.m_oW „„..ApwUl.. P- •

190

DEATH OF RANJIT SINGH

superstition) into paradise, was borne upon the shoulders of soldiers, preceded
by native musicians, playing their wild and melancholy airs. His four queens,
dressed in the most sumptuous apparel, then followed, each in a separate gilt chair,
borne upon the shoulders of their attendants ; the female slaves following on foot.
Before each of the queen was carried a large mirror, and gilt parasol, the embfems
of their rank. After them came the successor to the throne, the Maharaja Kunuck
Singh, attended by the whole of the Sikh Sardars, bare-footed, and clothed in white ,
none but persons of noble rank being permitted to join the procession. To th«
last moment of this terrible sacrifice, the queens exhibited the most perfect equani-
mity; far from evincing any dread of the terrible death which awaited them, they
appeared in a high state of excitement, and ascended the funeral pile with alacrity.
The slaves appeared perfectly resigned, but less enthusiastic. The body of the
Maharaja having been placed upon the pile, the queens seated themselves around
it, when the whole were covered with a canopy of the most costly Kashmir Shawls.
The Maharaja Kurruck Singh then taking a lifted torch, pronounced a short prayer,
set fire to the pile, and In an instant the whole mass, being composed of very >sn>*
tible material, was in flames. The noise from the /pm rrm5 (drums) and the shouts
of the spectators immediately drowned any e-xclamation from the wretched victims.
It was with some difficulty that the R3j3 Dh3ran Singh (Runjeet's minister), under
strong excitement, was prevented from throwing himself into the Dames. Consider-
able doubt has been thrown over the sincerity of this Intended act of self-devotion ;
but the general opinion was that he fully intended it from the apparent absence of
any motive for hypocrisy. The ashes of the founder of the Sikh dynasty wcf*
afterwards collected together and thrown into the Ganges in conformity with the
religious custom of the country.”*

12. Other ▼eriions

The accounts furnished by the Lahore Diarist and the news-writer from
Lahore arc substantially similar : “The four Ranees clad in their richest apparel and
jewels, worth many lakhs of rupees, accompanied the procession bestowing now and
then some portion of the jewels and ornaments to the singers and Brahmans. Having
arrived at the funeral pile made of sandal-wood, the corpse was placed on it ; Ranee
Koondun sat down by its side and placed the head of the deceased on her lap, while
the other Ranees with seven slavc-girls seated themselves around with every mark of
satisfaction on their countenances. At 10 o’clock, the time fixed by the Brahmans,
Koonwur Kurruk Singh set fire to the pile, and the Ruler of the Punjab, with four
Ranees and seven slave-girls was reduced to ashes.”*

The official Lahore Diarist ends with a rueful note : “A small cloud ap-
peared in the sky oscr the burning pile, and having shed a few tears, cleared a^wy.”

* Tie ri«»/8S, London. iSA5,p. 17.19.

* 1839.*r.ci|.

CHAfTlS 10

Tnc MAIIARAjA OF THE SICItS

!• rhjdftl ip^virinc*

TRO.Xf ALL accounW it it deaf that Ranjit Singh*# physiVal appearance
v>as not prepotitwirg.* He v,a\ *hofl lUturcd.' of iwarihy complexion : hl$ face nas
pocl-marLeJ. ant] the lots of one eye gaxc him an appearance of ungainliness at first
)et h(i countenance H<th flowing beard wax full ofanimaCton and a genial
expression, llewas possesses! cf great bodily vigour anJ aclisity, his constitution
toughened by the exercise cfridmgand hts fondness for sportly actisities. He was
roAitantly on horsebacL inspecnng his trssops. Macgfccor gisvs a fine descr/ptioB of
the physical appearance of the Maharap . "To look at the man, little of the hero can
be discovered ; h: U small in stature . and his face, disfigured with smalbpox, vnd
‘J^prived of the left eye from (he ume cause, it is not much in<itbie>i to nature for
its externa! beauty. His rem.xining eye is very large ; and there Is fire and brilliancy
about il, when he becomes animated, which at once discover the energetic mind and
discriminatingcharacterofitiowner. Ids smile Is pleasing, and thsmanner ofadd*
ress easy and unembarrassed on all occasions : he never appears at a loss for words
to express his ideas, which are <{uicUy formed on any subject. When discoursing, he

S \V« tiSTt nuOIIAII ■<!
bits f»t

uncomracn tni<lliel ind aeuuni
1 tibiruft (icxir. (lid

>uot< of iboM «bo(av bio it eloit'q<iatteri ; Oibornc (p. 33)
•i|b( ; <b« miUi* «ao<l«riAi of hli iiniU fict; ry» tipttiiei
1. U«diJ no(po»r>i (Iw utlnci* o{ • Jit Sikb ot ib« Punjsb,
weslc AnJinfinnia IrSi, but vhea bf would raount

would b« itinifotmeJ inJ sit lnfito»iil«» »»d;iW. Biron Ctiarlei HuSel (p. 239}
to till ficiXfnf »nd •wioaiv *pr«Mnc«- H< ft detetibeJ t$ pailtirelr »««* ugh tad
tvpuUIvc. till h««d Is sluits «nd ts««e torehesd tvnitksblr broid, tbousli bii «tmi snd

iuDdsvet* quite shniofc. "SVb»i» beseewbtmseH to « common EnSlisti sfiD.<h4if, wirb hie
detdownunderblm.” he observes, "rbe posiiton Is psMieulstIp ualsvoutsbU to him .but »i
soon SI he mounts ■ boiss with hll bUtk ehietJ er bis beck, puts bio on bis mettle, hii whole
lormseroi enlmeteJ bj ibe spirit within him. end eisutnei e certain Ct.ee of which no body
could believe It useepiiWe." (rtid. p.3»>-J). Jeequeooot (Ueurust. p. 36) derctibes him
B thin little man with sn espreisioo which showed •'nobitity or thou|ht, ihrewdaeia end
penettatlcn.*'

Kiiihorcsr

,Bd Infirm tegs jnrevented him even in hii youth to i, dee horse by
hiossll wVchour the belpofen arcendsnt.wbo would help him mount on hi. shoulders, end
thence be vrould put his right root into the Kiftups »od would climb on the horse by puttiag
bis leil toot over the bead of tha attendant.

152

the MAHAfeAJA OF THE SIKHS
V

atonce grasped the whole bearings of the subject, and his reasoning powers and dis-
criminating acumen are of the highest order. In his youth, Runjeet was remarkably
acti\ e, an excellent horseman, and well skilled m every thing connected with military
feats. He was ever foremost in battle, and the last to retreat ; there is no instance of
his being even embarrassed, or evincing anything like fear, on record. His whole life
has been spent in warfare, and he even now prefers a tent, or any temporary residence,
to the gilded palace.”^

2. Edncatioo

Ranjit Singh was the product of his own times. Bora in the time of rude
and warlike Sikh confederacies, when forma! education and refinement in the
upbringing of a princeling was at a discount, he was brought up totally illiterate.
Those were the days of chivalry add Hcenciousness, of despotism and rule by force,
and love for manly sports, and warlike qualities were considered adequate attain*
ments for a prince. Ranjit Singh possessed all these qualities. From his childhood
he learnt the essentials of horse-riding, swimming, hunting, swordsmanship and
musketry practice, and he grew up a fine soldier and bis energies were directed
towards war and conquest. Although imencumbered by formal edocatioa, he
respected learned men and their knowledge endeavouring to acquire as much as
could in his own way. His destiny had denied him a formal education; but his
illiteracy was countetbaianced by a sharp inquisitive mind and a subtle genius and
intuition with which he mastered statecraft and conducted official business. He
would listen to a paper or document read out to him, eemprehend it with dexterity,
and issue immediate Verbatum ordersfor a draft of reply. With amazing acuteness,
his ministers and secretaries understood him well. A final draft presented to him
was soon after corrected and altered by him orally.

So sharp was his intellect and so prodigiously retentive his lively and imagi*
nathe mind, that at times he appeared alnjost a freak. His quick comprehension
stored everything worth storing in its minutest details. He would personally audit
the accounts of numerous da/lars, would brush aside the complicated revenue
statements labouriously prepared by his oQicials, and by subtle and rough calcula-
tions arrive at nearly correct estimates. Hk prodigious mind registered everything ;
his one eye was blatantly quick and searching, and nothing of importance escaped
his royal notice. In his annual circuits through the country, observes Murray,
Ranjit Singh kept in his mind a register of what he had seen. His disposition, at the
same time was watchful, and his eye quick and searching, so that nothing escaped bis
observation ; while the perspicacity displayed in his observation of character.

HittfTf ef 5iHi».Loiii£eo,lS46.l.p. 2X5-16.

ANNUAL ClRCintS

Md fn imcins the molhi! of other.' action, Ja" I’™/' coenmand and inOoencc over
oil ttho approached him, which wat Inilrumental to hi* rapid rise.

L Annnit circuit*

hwa, charactr,ivlicorRani.tSinshlolrrp hterirarll irforncdofntat

vva, happrnins in hi. Kinsdom. Tot that P">"“

Kincdom to place, all over the coantn- “Ihc annual circmt. that the Mahantja
male, thtouph the countrj give hint the opportunitr of KC.ng ataoit every V dla^.
obvervc! Laweenee,’ "and hi. evlraoejinaty memory leep. a regi.ler of what he ha.
«en ; ,o that when a, led for grant, of land, he pi.e. with ht. e,e.
thee of granter. u.ually are. lie dete.l. eomplainu. and u.oally "'P"'*'”
farmer. L none are to reach hi. ear t )«. a. he freqaently travel., '
some poor wrcicli or other frequently attract* hi* jJOticc, an^ e
Ranjit's e>c i*, therefore, now and then opened

o what is going on.

4. A e

rceudoiliy

The unlettered .o.eeeign of the Silh. 1”"“'^' [?'
Information and instruclion from all those who came into con a
wa, latere., ed in cerythias and anythiag-m horw.

llceneioutness, in polities and treachery, and in goodness a • . .

viiitor. and leaveller. he wa. partleaUtly commonieattve and u„i,|ou.

European adventoree. who eametOKet foetooe a, hi. Coutt.hewa. .uspiclou.,
terse, exacting and generous.

Major Uweenee naeeate. .hi. chaeaeteei.tie of ''^'P

Bclla.i, .eeting .eryiee wa. .ummoned .0 the P"*'- 1“' ^"^^"“Xred h"m
enquirie. a. to hi. antecedent., birth, parcnlag. an ag , wanted all in one

whh the queroa. what he knew, what he could do, and what J

breath. Vn Beiia.i. eephed that

nothing, the Maharaja asked : Can )0U build Can vou mead ray watch,

disease? Can you cast a gun? Can you shoe a horse 7 Can you men y
which has stopped ?"*

To hi, foreign visitor, and European Emf

taja wa, wont to talk about armim j , he armed .trength of the

pean. He paraded before them h« p> 8 ^ ^ couple of hours

Khalra army and puUhem „1 J.iequemonr. “eonverslng with

on several occeisions,” observes the Frcn

* nid.i.p.2of.

N-23

i 54 tttE maharaja op the SIIiHS

Ranjit de omni re scibili et ^ibusdam alih. His conversation is a nightmare. He
is almost the first inquisitive Indian I have seen, but his curiosity makes up for
apathy for bis tvhoJe nation. He asked me a hundred thousand questions about
India, the English, Europe, Bonaparte, this world in general and the other one, hell
and paradise, the soul, God, the devil, and a thousand things besides.”^

Fane, Osborne and Huge! testify to this instrinctive curiosity of the Maha-
raja. Fane observes that during the visit of the British Conimandcr-in-Chief the
Maharaja never ceased asking questions from the moment he entered. He enquired
about the strcngih of the Indian army, the relative power of Persia and Russia, and
many other questions, put with the greatest acuteness, and many of them difficult
to answer.*

Even while inspecting troops, Ranjit Singh continued to put Baron Von
Hugel an endless stream of questions about the military resources of Austria, France
and England, and the number of disposable troops kcept up by the different states
of Europe. He questioned him about the objects of his travels, wished to know
what experiences he had gained in his journeys, whether he carried any life-preserving
medicine to protect him from dangers, and what was the surest means of being
victorious over an arm'y.* He asked HugeVs opinion regarding his numerous
battalions on parade : “Tell me what you think of them ? What do you think of
my troops compared with those of the East India Company ? Do you believe that
my troops could stand against a body of Russians Vigoe was harassed with the
extraordinary question : “Do you understand how to restore a country which is much
impoverished 1 Do you understand how to govern a country ? What would you
do in Kashmir to make it more prosperous 7”*

Osborne complains that most of his lime at Lahore was principally occupied
in answering Ranjit Singh’s innumerable questions, but without satisfying his
insatiable curiosity. It was hardly possible to give an idea of the ceaseless rapidity
with which the questions flowed, or the infinite variety of subjects which they em~
braced : “Do you drink wine 7 How much’? Did you taste the wine I sent you
yesterday 7 Docs Lord Auckland drink wine 7 Doss he drink in the morning ?
How many glasses 7* The following dialogue exhibits the naive curiosity and
political shrewdness of the Maharaja :

* Utteti from Indta, i82?-IS32. London. 1834. p. 230 ff. ; «ee ilso his Journal, p. 4Ml
wharein Jscqutmoot enumeuta Tsiious dtalosun he had with the Maharaja cn diyrtie
auhjccts.

* f»»* y<ar» in India, London, 1843, i,p. 80.

* Tr«»</r(J<rTi*' translation). London. 1845. (Reprint, 1970, Patiala) p. 290.

* IMd. p« 332.

» «td.p.327.

* Jeuma). under date 4 Ius«.}S39.

A NAIVE CURIOSITY

195

M«iar*ls t lfo« Bi»rij trotr* loa {« (n ibti ecuRft? tltoittfier?

Othrnt t About two butiditJ ibotiunif.

^{c^artfa : Sa I bite W*a toU ; tut ccuIJ hoc btfnl ihit bunbet into ifie

WJ St cnee, or «» tnr cne tUea 1

OAarnei Cttttlnir net SttUaentteuart. Twetitf, et tt fbe tno»t fhirtir tbao/anJ
riitiib tteor* coulJ Dstrh troei on* «tt<l ol laJis ta <b* otbte. tnJ no fe>att In tht
couBtrj eouli itop then.

Tk» At*^***}* : Yin tt* (tn* Mtov* : ba* lasay ftmehnes <sn *n Ealllibasn

fc*»t T

At ttboot <n CntUnti. tb* boy* itc tlwty* taufbe to (onti<Ier tbrmicrTes
lOutl to thfet F/titfheiea.

Til Maiarajj • No* aisf Jtanlsn* ?

Oj^*ni*i Tbs Frrnrb t*it «b» Bustitni^ anj »* bssttb* Fmeh,

TkaMahtfafjt U tb* Sumi**!* etjti tb* t/ijjt. wbn taree eeo}J jeu bring Mtaintt
ibttn T

Oitofns • Quite ino-j(b to <!ti«* tb«tn bsck. vitb ycur tlithae** (oc tn lUy.

n« .rra^sssjs : iv**b l if t Sa VC trilL

About the Rustisn sireniiib af^tnti which Macnaihten's Mission

fca J conic to lolicit Silh aiJ. the MaJurajt pul the Querrie * : “What numbet of
troops the Cmperor of Ruitu keep in ht* pay ? Are they good soIJieri ? Can the
Engf/jh beat them 7 NSTiat number of men could they bring across the Indus?
What would you do if they were actually to attempt oninvation ? Do you wish
them to come? Have they much money? Then there would be nothing but
lighting : no plunder. Perhaps it would be better if they do not come at oil"*

Referring to his Amarons or the Zenamj platoons which he always proudly
exhibited before his foreign guests, the Maharaja made his oA-rcpcalcd banter that
they gate him more trouble than alt the rest of his army pul together. He then
asked :

The ^U\ara^e i H«» io yru S9*n*f* ibeio »f booj* 7
Oiiene t tV« bar* notblei ft (b* »a>t vlib u*.

The hSaheraja ! 1 hop* ifatt t.o(J AiKbUad will think then [n (ooJ order. «nd 1
truit that h* vould lih* lo*ecth«it>.

Oihorn* : No doubt.

The MaUraie t I h*»* •»?« WtKiful wenilt. Iroi

viti h»»e it perfect be/o« bl* rJert; hue ther tt
Auckland married 7
Otietn* : No.

Tht Maharaia i What t he b»» no •!»»• « •« T
Ortom# : Non*.

Tht Maharaia i Why dott't b* ta.rry t
Ojherne '• I don't know.

TJi# Maharaja i Why don't yoo BCfiy f
Oiiarnt . I e.n't tffotd ft. ^ ^ ^ ,

TJ.e/f.hafOf*t Why not 7 A«Eo<Jul. vire. eery e
Oiiarn* : Ye* l »«r-

I Je«rnar.utidetd»«2S;un«I839.

195

THE MAHARAIA OF THE SIKHS

7he Maharaja ’ I Tranted one OTielf some tiia« iSo, and wrote to tbe Joremcaent
about it, but they did net tend me one AB 1 1 often wi*li for one I*

5. Steam-boat

For his pleasure trips on the Ravi, Ihe Maharaja ordered General Ventura
and Colonel Gardner to construct a steam-boat. The Maharaja, observes Gardner,
was under the impression that a foreigner could do almost anjlhing. A poorly
constructed paddle-boat at a cost of 40,000 rupees, with fore and aft cabins and
port-holes for s\viYel-guns was accordingly constructed and launched in the Ravi.
It moved up the river without sails or oars. The Maharaja used it for picnics and
held drinking parties with cabins full of his nHutch girls.*

6. Pastimes sod pleasures

Like all overstressed Oriental monarchs, Ranjit Singh relaxed in various
•ways when he had time. He was quite fond of hunting and occasionally went out
quail-hunting and duck-shooting, in royal style on elephants, followed by magnifici-
ently dressed horsemen and Sikh regulars beating drums and horns to start the game-
He was quite fond of drinking and a jolly liver. His drinking parties and ttSuteh
girls have been commented upon by the foreign visitors to bis Court though rather
adsersely. Faqlr Aziz-nd-Diu furnished a recipe of the brandy which was specially
brewed for the Maharaja. In this were the strongest sauces compounded from
all kinds of animal flesh, pearls and jewels, musk, opium, plants and herbs of various
kinds, all intermingled to form spirits— “a devil’s drink.”* The Maharaja partook
of this brandy copiously; pressed large potions of this ruinous concoction on his
guests at his drinking parties. Another kind of wine termed as ‘‘liquid fire” or the
• Bffrii-f-juyyfl/, extracted from raisins, mixed with a quantity of pearls ground to
powder, was sers-cd at his drinking bouts, where the only food allowed was fat
quails stufled with all sorts of spices.*

A favourite topic of Ranjit Singh, observes Fmily Eden, was constant praise
of drinkang. He said he understood that there were books which contained object-
ion to drunkenness, and he thought it better that there should be no books at all,
than they should contain such foolish notions.’’* Ranjit Singh treated his foreign
guests with hospitality, good humour and genial high spirits ; he generally invited
them to his drinking parties so well enlivened byhisnOutch girls. The favourite

» rb(i..uDdet<iiteil8Julr,lS3S.

* MtviorWt of Alexander Gardner^ p. y,

* Ha|el, TraviU. p. 293.

* Oibcrne, cp. <li., p,7l,

» l.'P«*«CeKn|r7,LOTiea,18«,p.2oa.

PASTIMESANDPUASURES

drinloriht Mahst>ji«i>i Ihcn imtdio them, tl »a> n

»hich Hooted many « bmi-c louli. Oabonie.»ho had btooEht caici ofport. clatel.
hocl and champanfo for the Mahataja from Lord Aitclland, fonnd that onl) ohirly
«ai arrmed by him, theotherahe found alfeminalai Iledc.mbca lha fun at
Ranjil SioEh'l dtinlinf partict : •'Doiil.t Ihc polionr. he ptmerally oldera the at en-
danceofallhi. daneins pitl., « horn he forcer to driaV uine.and
them rutneiemly ereited. uteailhi. pouertoret them by ‘‘’J

Uhiehlrateneral ae, ion. in the courro of .hkh they tear “

piece,. They pull one another', nore and ear-rioE, by mam
men more rerL. aeeident. occur : L

greatest anJ CTcliirning to ni» pK«*.

(good fun)."*

u';r.s “ « 'r ’s;;

confined to htm«tf and bti fa>oori»et. t u^ttirals itvied them a» his body-

eortume. and armed ^*^arf uete the mott troublemme portion

puard. thedaneinE pirlr.ere

Of his troops* At the MaharaJi b«wwed upon them nil the money

introduced in jcilow dre«. * . on the cceaiion.* “When emptojed

s^hichludbecn ’’ obsenes. “Runjeet. it is said, sometimes

in dancing and singing, h P liqwrs until they ha>e drank to excess,

amuses himscirhy ‘"m-., ^nd tear each other’s hair, much to his delight,

when they in his powr. and showers rupees without

lie encourages the spo 7 occasions, the Maharaja was perfectly

L^^^^XgoUheSrs of the state and gas. hnnself entirely to festivity."*

„«nrdingtosPincobscrscR.and when in the enjoyment of
In his youth. »« * favourites used to indulge in winc-drinking

good health, Ranjit mf occasions became rare as his health broke down by a
excessively, although s j fatigues of his early life.* In his moral

stroke of raral>sis and excesses

I Oiboroe, <

.cr...p. w.

* HuSel. Tff* *• P ^ J.p.225. See also Hujet, p 29S ; jsequemont, .tfrtirnat, p. 54 «tc.
I M*c<fxS»r. work, the txpoiute ol nume-

S MetSteS®*' P‘ ' . ,o4 debeuebetyaged bin before bn time. »ftd left him »* fil'7
E. eomp.il«. p. 80.

arbtn.out bto»«n '

THZ MAHAEAIA. OF THE SEHS

failings, too, Ranjit Slngb, kept above the conunonplace ethical traditions of the
time. He had the unnsual share of •weaknesses and sices common to all oriental
potentates, but his greatness cannot be diminished or effected by their evaluation
from modem standards.

7. A biioase despot

Almost all foreign travellers to the hfaharaja's Court obseive an inherent
quality of kindness in the despotic nilhlcssness of Ranjil Singh. Maceregor, as
for instance, describes him extremely humane and kind. In his hours of leisure, tie
htaharaja found time to feed tame pigeons and domestic fowls mth his ©"wn hands.
He was also fond of children.^ “He was an exception to Oriental xnonarebs,** be
observes, “and ne%cr wantonly inflicted either capital punishment or mutHatioo.
His determined character often prompted him to lake snch decish'e measures, ns
the urgency of the case demanded, but imprisonment, with confiscation of property,
was the usual means he employed, when he wished to bring any of his refratory
subjects to a proper sense of their duty, as well as obtain any other object be had
in view.”*

Baron Charles Hogel, the Oerman traveller, who risited the Punjab in 1835,
comments on this chief characteristic of Rnnjlt Singh. Though extremely despotic
and ruthless, he obsenes, the Maharaja was not wanton ; he was always unwilling
to inllirt the punishment of death and knew not how to reconcile taildness with
the just reward due to crime.* He always treated his fallen foes with deliberate
kindness, and seldom wanloaly imbrued his hands in blood : “Neser perhaps was
so large an empire founded by one man with so little criminality.’** Edward Fane,
who accompanied the British Commander-in-Chief, Sir Henry Fane to Lahore in
1837, highlights Ranjil Singh’s humane character and his generosity, his Jdndness to
children, and the fact that during bis whole life be had never put a man to death
for esen the most heinous crime. “His exceeding kindness and good nature,”
he observ es, “throughout our entire visit, makes us belies’e that such is bis real
character. At all events, it is certain, that without the punishment of death, this
Chief jet manages to keep his wild people in perfect subjection, substituting an
occasional cutting off of noses and cars, and more often a sound bestinadoing t
by which means his country is kept in perfect order, his revenue is paid, and he
himseJf is supposed to have collected sn enormous treasure.”*

» HJrWfsef iV<SiiAj,Loadt,a,154S^i.p.;32,

* na.

* Trawiit, OtTT-j'TtJniUtioaL Lccdoe. 1315. 317.

‘ Aiip 3S2.

VIRTUES AND VICES

8. V!rtuM*a<! Vko

Jacqucmonfs obscnallons that allhough the Oriental? are debauched, they

have some Jhame about it; but that Ranjit Singh’s escesses were shameless, Kern
to have little truth in them. He refers to the idle prattle that Ranjii Singh publicly
consorted with the women of bazar, whose patron and protector, he alleges, he ws. .
The fact that his grey beard had a number of catamites, he adds, was nothing
shocking to his country. RanjH Singh got infatuated with one of the courtesans
(Mowran) that the inhabitants of Lahore saw him a hundred limes in those days
sitting with her on an elephant, and toying with her as though in the rrMM. and
that too in broad daylight, surrounded by a large escort, and talking and laughing
with them alt the time.» Ranj.t Singh did get infatuated with a Muhammadan
prostitute of Amritsar in IS02. but he married her.* But the bazar gossip concern-
ing the romance or at the most a folly of youth picked up after almost 3 djmadcs
by llugel. Carmichael Smyth, Osborne and Jacquemont is grotesquely incredible.

s™il„l,.lhc or .he daocins girl Lolor. oarralrd
relish by Osborti.,' ictmi nolhlng b»t itMginary bthud-lhe-rctne tcandals >
roatlng el^ul ,o ori.mni Co.rr Loror. »« = Ireo""™ " 7‘‘

irrbol. from K.rhmlr in U3« end Ih. Mabnrnja fcll ..olrnll, m lov. », h her .nd
fmciedlhalbliairrolionwai at violenriy rrrurned. One evening ™

dancing before the Maharaja he obsened to Monaieor Vcntnra

or rhe girl .0 bin.. The Iralian, however, appearrd ineredalcoe at the old iion a

poweta or altraction which made Ranjit Singh highly indicant, H'
loaedaeeher.lfheeoold. The ctollenge waa aecepred by ''-n'«ra who aid aa.de
Ihe impropriely of a.rempring to rival bia aoaxreign. Oaborna nar area Ihe end of
.he rale in bia mimi.able a,yl. : -Scaree had elgh.-and foriy hoar.

hoary old Lion of Lahore waaarooaed from hia happy dreams of

ion by, he inlelligeneerharhlagnard were fairldea., hia har™

aeir deserted, and .ha, .he lovely Lonla had, no.blng lo.h, b«a '

her royal Imer’a garden to .be Iralian-. where she was .he. blooming ,» all her

native beauty.”

The dart inainua.iona of forniea.ion •"<*

foreign obaerveraagaina. Ranjit Singh nuy nlso be regarded a. fr.voloaa

atj ba:tt {ossiP pkkerJ up ilmott after

three decadea, ‘Vbis had eoeh toflueoca o»»t W
.nd b. ...a .,.U,.ah....li.Wl- ««d.«,r".l«M>*r"
made ia Lahore’' liMd. p. 55).

: eutrafeoui exhibition he bai

6oo We MaiIaraJa of -ntE sicHS

malicious tissues of lies. Lawrence hints that both Dhian Singh and Jamadar
Khushal Singh who had joined the Maharaja’s service as handsome and youthful
lads obtained the highest confidence of the Maharaja not by the most respectful
road. “I believe,” he observes, “that there is little doubt that it was as ministers
of Runjeet Singh’s debaucheries that they both first obtained favour.”* Both
Carmichael Smyth and W. G. Osborne makes veiled hints with regard to Ran^it
Singh’s affection for Hira Singh. Hira Singh, observes Smyth, was effeminate,
an over-petted and light-headed youth, a great favourite of the Maharaja. He was
brought up as a lap-dog of Runjeet and his dissolute associates.* Osborne is
astonished to find the youthful Hira Singh a great favourite with Ranjit Singh.
Hira Singh, he observes, was a strikingly handsome, though rather effeminate m
appearance. He was magnificently dressed, and almost entirely covered from
waist upwards with strings of pearls, diamonds, emeralds and rubies. He was the
only individual who ever ventured to address Ranjit Singh without being spoken
to and whilst his father stood behind his master’s chair, and never presumed to
answer him with unclasped hands, the boy did not hesitate to interrupt
contradict him in the rudest manner : “His influence over Ranjit is extraordinary j
and though acquired in a manner which in any other country would render him
infamous for ever, here he is universally looked up to and respected."* All such
■ insinuations are, of course, nonsense.

9. TutaJan/, tarpialpi aad ehsritUt

Though often described a broadminded sceptic, the Maharaja kept his peace
with God. He listened to the holy <7ron/A for two hours each day, and sought his
salvation by generous grants of money and lands to religious shrines. Sikh, Hindu,
and Muslim. The Official Lahore Diarist records his regular munificient gifts of
money to all Sikh shrines— ^rl Darbar Sahib, the Akal Bunga, the ^ahld Bungs,
the Dera Sahib, Taran Taran Ssbib. Damdama Sahib, Fatehgarh Sahib, Muktsar
Sahib, Khadnr Sahib, Kartarpur ^bib, Thamb Sahib, Ba’oll Govindwal, Anandpur
Sahib and others.* On the Sankrantl day ewry month, the Maharaja visited
Amritsar and offered ardas in thanksgiving at the Darbar Sahib. Then a
luladan was performed, and money, gold, silver, elephants, cows, horses, and
buffalos were given in charity.* A tutOdan also took place on every amavaJ
day. when the Maharaja was weighed against different kinds of grains, followed
by distribution of charities to the Brahmans. On the Baisakh SankrSnIi day
and other national festivals saHikaJps were performed and horses, elephants

r Aivtnturci ef an Ogietr in Pniijab. London, 1H6. p. 33,

* A Hittory ef £e{|*in j Family af London, 1847, p. 262 ff.

* Journal, under d»ie 29 Mar. i833.

« UT, lIKU). p. 19S.

* Rid.

OF HORSES AND ELEPHANTS

told bingles. told and silver pilcbers, cows and bulTaloes and many other
thincs were given to the needy and the poord On the DiwstI ay, a grca
ta/aJan was held »hen the Maharaja was tveigbed in gold, vshieh tvas drstri-
bated among the needy and the deserving.’ On the ftrsrrro* day, the Maharaja
Viorshipped the sword and horse,* Uie Sardars present^ -mi

gold saddles, large sums of money and gold ducats, and he ts n u e
silver coins in charily.

The Maharaja took regular annual trips for a holy dip
sacred temples of Jassalaji and KSngraji were the objects of S* i

veneration, Daron Von Ilagel, who visited the ;f”i’ ' •“■“’was' dediealed to

1835, obiervi that originally the lemple of eternal • . . , ,

Baddhist vnrship, hot daring yj ™„r of ^ the large aad

worship of both the Hindus and the Sikhs. . j i,. .nmirir* “and were the

small buildings are most laslerally and p , „hom he

gifls of Ranjit Singh in lestrmony of his gralitode to me g ^
ascribed his recovery from a dangtrous dliiess twelve years ago.

^ dbf> »he active list of Ranjit Singh’s religious

The teiople of Sri *’‘uhore Diarisl records that in August 1835

grants aad olden umbrellas ihe royal pnacesand

Ihe Maharaja ' "f.llaess of the Maharaja. prayegoJ wtre performed

Court noblesvisited It, in time . , During his last illness, the Maharaja

In the temple for bis ,o proceed to JawSlajl and KSngraji “to male

ordered Kanwar Naumhal Sing „

prostrations there in a very pa. perform the /lom. the Shanll-prayoga and

health and disposition of the Tartar, a. y

the rajila.'’’

10. 0£hor»e*

. .. 1 observes Von Hugel. “that he had 101 elephants.

“The Maharaja o Governor-General whenever he travels ; J.OOO

the same number tlut a e infantry , for troops in armour 15,000 ;

saddle horses for his own “ jj,a, | mi^t not have fully understood him,

for the cavalry 27,000 ; app

• Ibid III (id. ?•
s It.ft. lU {'»>• P- ®-

4 rrflRrl*. p-
» uT.in(i.)-p-^-
6 WJ.IIU’)-**'®”-

I j!.fd.ni<»)-p-‘°’’

N-2«

502

the maharaja Ot THE SlKHS

iewent over his story again, which 1 learnt afterwards Vi’as strictly correct.
Describing a parade of the elephants, he writes ; “Thirty elephants, gaily dressed
out, now passed by. The largest, an animal of immense size now passed by, and
named Sirdarji, had been lately sent by the King of Nepal, and was ornamented
witha splended gilt kemdah and crimson velvet cushions. Red velvet housings
fell as low as his knees, trimmed with a golden border and fringe. The long tusks

were cut at the end, as is the case with all tame elephants ; but this deficiency was

supplied by tops of silver gilt, united by a golden chain. Round his ankles were
heavy gold bangles, such as the Hindus wear, curiously wrought. Price of this
elephant’s ornaments, according to the Maharaja’s account was 1,30,000 florins.’**

Ranjit Singh’s love for horses was proverbial. His provincial satraps,
feudatories sent him horses as tributes and token of goodwill ; foreign governments
sent him gifts of horses. William Moorcroft, who saw the Maharaja’s stud m
1823 was quite impressed by it. They were well exercised, had rich bridles,
saddles and housing. Amongst them were horses from Persia and Bokhara, and
the Maharaja requested him to purchase for bimsome horses at Bokhara.”

IL Plica oI • ktee^om

Stud was his favourite theme of conversation with the foreign visitors. He
displayed to them his fine gold and siUct capr'isoned horses.* The favourite horses of
the Maharaja ahvays stood ready neat bis camp. Their saddles were covered with
velvet cnshioQS, inset with emeralds and gems, bridles overlaid with gold strings
of jewels round their neck, a plume of heron’s feathers at the top of the heads,

pommels rich and housings of rich Kasbmirshawls, they presented a magnificent

appearance.

Many stories are corrent about the famous steed Leili, for the acquisition
of which Ranjit Singh sent an anny (o Peshawar and was prepared to squander 3
fortune.* Leili was a horse renowned for its breed and clegence throughout the

1 TnnU UerrU «»a». reptio^ l970), p. 3t5.

* niJ.£t3.t»0.

» Trarelf. p.60. The ASS^Sraf-i-Decr^n ifakarO/a SanjTi Si»li (NAD, fot the je»f

1S25 (/cl. 6) detiil a very tntete«inS*wry about lie purchase o! 220 hcfie* of TotVUh breed

»h«eb iterrsdcr* frcoKiluJ hid broosbi to Uhore. The .Mabaraj* haggled with the trader*

about the price, cfsered them a imaller amount, aadoa their refusil they were giren a seeere

beatitif and forced to pan with the bones at the price oSeted to then !

* £teiaha:h {Tkt Punjab, p.l7> obserrea :''5oos idea of the east projeny accusmlared
by Runjeet Singh oay be lomtS fitrm efce cimrottiace cfnolesstban thirfeen fcoodred
▼ttioui Viodt of bridles. tBessiecly omanieated with Cold and sUrer. losje olthea erea with
dUsonds. being fevad la the royal trcasuiy.*'

» Sea geaetally, bUegrtgor, ii.P. l92;Cti2iB. p. 102 // ; Marray. u, p. 83 aad otters.

TREATMENT OF FOREIGN VISITORS

ro3

Punjab. Ii was owned by Yar Muhammad Khan Barakzai, the governor of
Peihawar. In 1826, a demand for its surrender was made by the hfaharaj’a. and on
his refusal a Sikh army under CcMrat Dudh Singh SIndhi3nv3}J marched to
Peshawar to take i>osscssion of il and also to quell the^fARd raised by the fanatic
Sayjed Ahmad in the Valley. It was reported that the horse had died and Budh
Singh after defeating Sayjed Ahmad returned to Lahore. Another expedition under
Prince Kharak Singh and General Ventura was sent in 1829 with orders to seize the
horse and depose Yar Muhammad Khan ifhe still refused to make a present of the
horse to the Maharaja. Yar Muhammad iled to the hills ard joining bands with
Sayyed Ahmad returned to Peshawar, and drove away the new Sikh governor,
Sultan Muhammad Khan, whom the Prince had installed In the battle that follow-
ed Yar Muhammad was killed in action ; Sayyed Ahmad was again driven away
from Peshawar and Sultan Mohammad, who was reinstalled as governor, failed to
comply with the royal order for the surrender of LeiJi, Ventura arrested him,
andinthisway, the Darakzai Chief patted with the horse. Hugel was told by the
Maharaja that Leiii had cost him 60.00,000 rupees and 12,000 soldiers.* He
describes the horse : '‘It is the finest horse belonging to the Maharaja and I could
not help mounting a steed which had cost six million ftorias. The bridle and
saddle was splendid and round his knees be had gold bangles : he is dark grey, with
black legs, thirteen years old and full sinteen hands high. I have beard that at Rupar
Ranjit Singh showed a brown horse as Leili, but General Ventura assured me
that this was the true Leiii."*

12. Trcaltncat o! (orcisn vlfitot*

Ranjit Singh treated all foreign visitors to his Court with civility, cordi-
ality and hospitality. We have the accounts of Moorcroft, Wade, Hugel, Mohan
Lai. Jacquemont, ShaJunat Afi, Fane and others fo testify it. On arrival they
were met by the reception officers specially appointed, IheJr lodgings were fixed
according to their position, and funds both in cash and kind provided for their
maintenance. The oiTicial Uhore Diarist gives a fulsome account of these visits.

kVhen in March 1831, Victor Jacquemont arrived at Lahore: "a royal order was

issued to alt the dancing girls of Lahore Jo put on male garments, hold swords and

bows in their hands, and be dcorated with other arms as well and then to present

themselves at the of Maharaja on elephants and horses in perfect

smartness and with grace, before the arrival of Jacquemont On the

arrival of the visitor, the Maharaja embraced hmi and showed him the parade of

1 Tr<iver<, p. J3J.

s /i/j. p. aw-

B felt wy ple.wd »t

ptaom...... UT,

the tijit of ihe b«w!tchiai

2M THE MAHARAJA OP THE SIKHS

his platoons and horsemen. He further ordered the Bha’i Sahibs to engage him in
discussion on the relative cannons of Greek medicine with the English one.'

Von Hugel observes that daring his stay the Maharaja made his residence
as agreeable as possible. Faqlr Aziz-ud-Dio, the minister for foreign affairs an
confidential secretary, came from the Maharaja to welcome him : “fifty bearers made
their appearance with presents of fruit and sweetmeats, a bottle of hts own wine, an
a bag with 7CM) rupees.”* Hugel stayed at General Ventura’s palatial residence and
an allowance of 6,000 rupees per month was fixed as his maintenance.* William
Moorcroft, Osborne, Mohan Lai, Shahamat AH and others who visited the Court,
are full of praises of the Maharaja for the treatment they received. So with the
smaller fry ; but the full force of Sikh Darbar’s splendour and hospitality was app-
arent from the Maharaja’s reception of Lord William Bentinck at Rupar, of Lord
Auckland at Ferozepur, and on Sir Henry Fane’s visit to Lahore on the occasion of
the marriage of Kanwar Naunihal Singh.

13. Willi»ia Mooteroft'j viiit (1820)

William Moorcroft, a veterinary officer of the East India Company, set off
on his travels to Ladakh and Kashmir in 1819. He arrived at Lahore in May of that
year. Hts main objective was to secure facilities for his journey to Ladakh and
Tibet and to propose to the Maharaja for the establishment of fixed scales of duties
for the admission of Dritish merchandise into his territories. Ranjit Singh showed
him every consideration, provided him facilities for travel to Kashmir and Ladakh,
but postponed the consideration of the proposals of fixed duties on British merchan-
dise to some other time.

Moorcrofl’s account of his visit is quite interesting and provides us contem-
porary information on the state of affairs in the Punjab and Kashmir.* He had
several injerv feu's with the \taharaja and discussed with him without rcsen'e a variety
of topics. He mentions Ranjit Singh’s passion for horses,* the Multan campaign,
and Ranjit Singh's visit in disguise to Lord Lake's Camp at the time of Holkar's
intrusion in the Punjab. He describes the city of Lahore as being surrounded by a
brick wall, about 30 feet high, extending for about 7 miles. The Maharaja, he

‘ 7HJ. p 17.

» Hut.l, P.S9.60.

* /hi. p.n33.

* TrartU in tic Htmataran ProviKce$ of HinJeitan and tie «e. 2 VoU. Lonion,

IMl.

* Wm EJ.) -'Oncofhu faeourite theme «» hU »tui3. H* teli me
Bjot? et hU horiei were pntente from hU ttibutariea and zataiodan, »Dd that be o« unite-

quentls requited the doner of a npexiot aaiBUlwitb ■ viUi|e ct a )a(ir..._Riojit ptopc»«d
ta o» tbroufb Mil l»»« UUab to pptebste (osie hortes for him at Bckh»r».*'

VISIT OF DR. MURRAY (1326-27) **

..d. wi,hi„.h=ro..,

many stones. Several of the old bui -ji,e great square and buildings

repaired and altered without good feeling a * exercise for

of the principal mosque, he noticed, had been converted into a place

the infantry.

,, V •» iRTOwas about 12 itoi. It was a populous
He circmT.f=r.n.c <.^lor. boMine of ="y

city with narrow streets and bazars. ,*.«■ ftbsen ations of interest are the

except the mosque of Wazir I^an. “ f of inferior

manufacture of shawls at Bulhara. He gives a

quality, the wool of which was account of Kangra and Europeans

description ofSikh mligious «*=**’ '^ ^d”of ihc hill territories under Uhorc-the.r
in the service of Raja Sansar Chan . frequency of the tue of sail

products, habits and superstitions of the people and ireq

prevalent there. », j ^

There is no **''

up and sisned, in lie of communiealiun from lie Mp w

RJjSof LadaUi. •"'''’“S'’ I" ", ri-i.-c. to the Btilith Goterntnenl.'

hit oun goumntenl ""^''Itb^ Mdlltunl

He died of feter uitle journeying from BaUlh

14. VtiUo(Df.MarT«T(‘M«7) .

,g«. Dr. Murray a "r^ttl^lSe Pt^ruBered

deputedbythe * months' stay at Uhore, Murray found it

attrole of paralytic ..ith highly hlpoehondrical lenJtne.rs to

dilfieuU to perinade the Mah ' d™3tchc> to the Ludhiana Agency ptoide

accept hit ireatruertl. but hit M.tutaja.

intttetting ‘'"'"'’'“"‘’"ffoSorMl yl,„el oBicet. and the frueetta Cun-D'.

Ho found Ranjit Singh 'ety foitd"”’^ „,h.„j, .at tety ttpu let

"'nfotnte, he pe-t«;“!^Vip" '■

in the intpection of h.t troop

THE MAHABAJA OF THE STKHS

S)6

army : “The dragoons trained by Ventora a young looting man apparently
about 33 years of age, very neat in person and dress, and gentlemanly in his conver-
sation and manners were drawn up. They were well-mounted and had a martial
appearance. The Maharaja told me that these cavalry corps could also perform
the functions of infantry-men in additon, that he paid each man 26 rupees a month,
and that they provided themselves with' everything and the State made an extra
recompense if their horses were killed.”* He also found that the Maharaja mixed
up men in his regiments to prevent mutinies, but generally, the troops were not paid
regularly : “Within the last day-s two or three months' pay had been issued to the
Raja's troops, but they are still five months in arrears and great dissatisfaction
prevails.”* During his conversations, the Maharaja made numerous enquiries
about the Barraclpur mutiny, the composition of a British European regiment and
the siege of Bharatpur.® During the later part of Dr. Murray's visit, Ranjit Singh
showed signs of uneasiness at Lord Amherst’s visit to the Northern Provinces and
evinced a desire to meet the Governor-General. Murray advised him to send a
goodwill mission to Lord Amherst at Simla. Consequently a Sikh mission led by
Di»an Moti Ram arrived at Simla in April 1827, and among the presents sent by
the Maharaja ^-as a handsome tent made of shawls for King George IV,*

Dr Murray describes Ranjit Singh a man with an extraordinary vigorous
mind and of regular habits ,vsho was most assiduous in attending to all State busi-
ness in its minutest details personally : “Even when ill, Ranjit Singh always
invariably took an airing. He had a roomy tonjaun panelled on all sides and
glazed. After his morning airing or ride, he would hold his Darbar usually
bcmecn9and 10 o'clock and transacted Sute business till I p. m.”*

Murray s description of the Maharaja’s Zenana Corpj is most iUustrath'C ;
VShile the Battalions were manoeuvriog. there arrived about one hundred and fifty
dancing girls on elephants, belcngiag to the Raja, and dismouoting at a little
distance, came forvi-ard and sat down in a semt-circle in front of the Raja on a
carpel spread fer the purpose. They all were richly dressed, and wore very expen-
sive gold and silver ornaments. They were also armed, most of them with bows
and arrows, and a fewwith spears, swords, and shields of a diminutive size. Two
of the leaders went up and made norarr to ihe Raja of a few rupees which he took-
The whole presented a striking and novel appearance. The Raja with a look

* lUi. 16 1837-BFC (I) 16 M.tcb, 1327. No. 13.

* * l«nu»rj. I327.BPC (I) 23 r.fcttarr. ISZ7. .So. 23.

* /iti.

‘ V/.ie 1 Aoiuij. 13S-BrC(n 12 Octohtt. 1127. C3.

» ‘*'t‘*«*JtoW^4e.l5F«ttl;»t7.l827-BPC^0^3^•i*«h.l£27. Na.23.

thEmamaraJa ^

«pr«,h. of ercot saftf^flion di,o«.d my at.cn.ion ''’™

and 1 Sisnified to him how much pmlihtd I «a. by Iba novelly of Ihe slKCtacIc.

RANJIT SINGH AND HIS TIMCS

IS. Viiit o( JtcqaemoDt (1831)

Of all the foreign % iiitori to the Court of Uhorc. comra^

Moorcroft. the name of Vidor Jacquemont. the French natura

rtioned by the French Natural llrtlory scientist and

and geology of Indb in 1829, stands out untque includ-d in

a w.Lr, and hi, U,Um from MM,, .era » pope a, , ha.

Iherarrieula oflchool, in Franec. While in India he hep. a e

included hi. imprcion, of vUi. .o Ihe Punjab and ' „„ „ ,„„u

aceoun. of the Punjab and Kashmir under Ranji.^fi mon.hs and his Jcunrat

ob»rver, and he remained In .he Kingdom for abou. 10 m^^nlhs,

provide, fresh informa.ion on man, aspe... „i,h .be

Singh and .he men around him. He held many a.traclive face, though

Maharaja whom he describes .“lie is a. bin ime mo

he has lost one eye from small pox. H»$ t ♦> his teeth excellent. He

hi* nose is f.ne\nd slightly turned long thin

Clears slight moustaches which he W‘s$« J . nobility of thought,

svhite beard svhlch falls to his chest. His ...

shrewdness and pene.raliua a.d .hese .adica.inu, are eorrec.

16. The M.h.r.1. Kashmir

Raajit Siugh. Jaequemon ■ ,„d a loag tunic like

.issue, a lillle turban of while UUU shoulders. He wore large

French tidinguiloak wilb a htll braceict, bidden under

round pearl eat-tiags set mg . ^ enerosled wilb diamonds and

hi, sleeves. He always h„ govern-

emetalds.! G'V'»S’ him a Jat by descent who bad taken no other
ment and the people, 5 o

4(yv7 m ^U^c^ 1827. Ko. 63.

1 nid l2Jan«*rTl327.«-.

X 2VoU..teoioa.l^^ pubU.h.d under the title-

Tie PunjaS A Hu"o

t JeurntUV-^-
I lili. P-37'

5o5

trt£ MAHARAJA Of THE SIKHS

title and was content with his own name but would allow no one else to bear «t
in his kingdom ! Like all upstarts, he adds, Ranjit Singh disliked the old aristocracy
of the Punjab ; he had clipped the wings of the old Sardars by hea\-y taxation and
created his own courtiers, generals and rajas. Avarice was his ruling passion and
he had amassed a treasure worth 8,00,00,000 rupees.' His government had no
rules : he ruled as he willed.

Of the persona! habits of the Maharaja, Jacquemont observes, that he was a
hea \7 drinker, and a moderate opium-eater (his small ration of opium in the after-
noon was 3-4 grains), a lively hunter — bunting a tiger either from an elephant of
horseback. His passion for horses mostly presented his Sardars keeping good
ones — he promptly took them without any payment.* Cupidity and avarice were
the chief adverse characteristics of the Maharaja. He was extremely averse to
disburse his hoard, and he only drew money from his treasury to pay his troops and
to make presents. The irregular and uncertain payments which his courtiers received
were made by Jagtrj or by royal bonds on the state debtors, cither defaulters or
criminals who had been fined. Ranjit Singh seldom paid his troops regularly : “Bo*
the whole army gets ten month’s pay a year and that is very irregularly paid. Pay
always four, five or six months in arrears, sometimes a year or fourteen months,
particularly in the case of cavalry. The result is that the Utter are very nmeh
in debt.”*

The Maharaja, comments Jacquemont, was more or less a sceptic and
extremely superstitious. At the same time, he exhibited great religious devotion to
the faith of Nanak, He visited Amritsar twice a year to bathe in the sacred pool
and made pilgrimages to the tombs of celebrated Muhammadan saints. He would
often sit in the Darbar listening but distracted as if communing with his spirit. H®
hated the idea of death ; the word was never menUoned in his presence.*

His excesses in debauchery were shameless. He consorted publicly with the
women of the bazar. At great festivals there were hundreds of them at Lahore
and Amritsar, whom he made dress up as Amazons in the most ridiculous way, ride

•nit mASGt osnzzu

OD bortcj, and foJJw him ; or inch occatwni ih^y/brmftJ hit bodyguard. Ooeot
hUpattimf* whrn hf had noihmg better lo do nai to watch Ihcjr flirtationt with
the joung roenofhh Court,’ An Utotyrvracy of Ranjil Singh watto demand
nedicinet and elUtrt from hit foreign \i«itort. He look none of them himielf, but
Wat in the habit ofamutlng himtcif by nuking hit concubinet. friend! and tert-ants
lake them.*

facquemor.t't eommentt on ific character, habit! and religion of Ranjil
Singh exhibit a quality ofketn obtertation, tcepticion and outright frankness. Ife
refer* to the sites and tirtues of the great Maharaja- He describe! hint a thin iitllc
man whoie eipreiiioa ihoweJ nobibtyof thooght, ihre^Jntst anJ ptnelrjlion*
Tbit model Atialicking, he observe!, was no wint He cared nothing for Jaw or
good faith, unlet! it was to bis interest to be Just or faithful ; but he ssas not cruel.
Noses and ears or hands of great criminal! were ordered to be cut off, but be ncser
took life. His passion for horses amounted almost to a mania ; ond he had waged
oattfy and bloody ssart for teino* a horse. Ife ssas estremcly brave, a quality
rather nre among eastern princes. He had always been succestful in his military
C3m{viign! either by treaties or cunning negoilitions— m this manner he had made
himself Busier of the Punjab. He was better obeyed by his subjects than the Mughal
efllfcrors were at the height of their posi-er.<

It is clear from Jacquemont's aecouni that Ranjil bad become impotent at
Ihe early age of <47. “‘Ukeatl persons of quality in the Dsl," he confides good
humouredly, “he is a loiajMafre, and since he has a large band of the love*

liest girls of Kashmir, and sufTicicnl means lo pay for a better dinner than anybody
else, he fs practically annoyed at not being able to drink like a fish without gelling
drunk, orcat like an elephant without choking. Women no longer gisc him any
more pJeaiure than the fliOien in hi» f3rd:n.at>d for good mtom, and that h the
most cruel of bis ills. He had the decency lo refer to those functions ofsibose
weakneu he complains as his digestion. Dut ! know wlut the word stomach signi-
fied in the mouth of the King of Lahore, and we disetused his malady exhaustively,
though in veiled terms.”*
i7. Tbe flranfl oliitert

Jacquemont found the position of the tufopean olTieers ia the sen ice of
the Lahore Government not much enviable. Although they enjoyed greater

* liii. p. 54-55.
s liii. p.45.

* p 35 «, «,

« Ltiun fr«w f konioo, JSS5. p. J73-|4.

> mit.p.171.

N-^7

210

THE MAHARAJA OF THE SIKHS

pecnniary advantages and lived in coxnparatise luxury, they had the disadN’antage
of living in an atmosphere of jealousy and suspicion at the Court ; they could not
leave at will, and their salaries were in the same condition of arrears as the rest
of the army. In his Letters from Jitdia, his description of Allard gives the same
impression : ‘'M. Allard is quite the Sulimao Bey of Ranjit Singh. He goes from

time to time to visit the British officers at Ludhiana ; be is well paid at 1,00,000

francs a year, but he is half a prisoner of Ranjit Singh who takes care to make him
spend the whole of his income every year in order to destroy any desire to leave
him. He pursues the same policy with all European officers. Allard has literary
knowledge and taste. The officers often excite Ranjit Singh’s suspicions, and arc
compelled to be very circumspect in order to keep bis confidence.”*

13. Cities, towns sod people

Jacquemont gives a description of the cities in the -Sikh territory in the
Doab which he observes as “the most fertile and best cultisnled in the north of
India.” AVheat and other necessities of life and labour in this region were perhaps
cheaper than anywhere else in India. A man could subsist on one pice a day, a
labourer’s wages being 4-5 pice a day. The Sikh Chiefs paid their infantrymen
a salary of 21 rupees a month, and a mmshl or clerk got 5-6 rupees a mooth.
Taxation was light— 2/Sth of the gross produce of the soil. The Maharaja possessed

territories on the left bank of the Sutlej with a revenue of 3,00,000 rupees, but a

village, seseral villages or part of a village or of several villages was somelimw
the property of a town. Each of the proprietors of that sort of common property
took the title of Sardar and held tenaciously on to his fraction of saddle or horse,
and unwilling to surrender bis sovereignty over the space covered by the shade
of a tree,*

Of the social abuses, the cusCont of bad been absolutely abolished iu
the Doab ; marriages took place at an early age of eight or nine, and widow
remarriage was less frequent among the Hindus than the Muslims. He observes
about the Sikbs : •'The Sikhs have also retained a large number of Hindu super-
stitions. Like the Hindus, they regard cattle as sacred, and the Muhammadans
ore forbidden to slaughter them. They retain the customs of the caste from which
they taste pre^i.’dxse-ssr-c as smeoff them as among the

less so than in the rest of India, but certainly more so than in the Himalayas,”*

t Op.eit. il,p. 64.
* t/nnul, p. 6.

I n>&p.9.

DIALOGUES WTHITHB MAHARAJA

211

19. LodlittM toJ AntllMf

The =i.y of Si, hind i, dn»iW .s sn.n

■■lhc»ncicnlMohn™Tnndancitr'h™E'>‘“”“''*'”^ „„ for the

nndBaVhirn had been ruin, J due to an«chy^,ch r „„chmts

la« two deeode,. .a, atiil K.ah„ir, Anoeb.

»ho had buiine« **’”’‘*' ^ had a population of 20,000.

reaha,,,. K.b.l and lie, at. , elided i, .he ^ 3 ,„„ „

Udhiana mannraeto,ri Ihe tni.eller. *e,e p,o.ti-

nearly half the female popu’al'o" oft regiments

,a,e.-.h.ei„had .he "rVlul [tTm . a .h.i.ins basine..-Ii..le Ei-la
Stationed there. Traffic m gtt » rupees and resold after a few

or 6 o, 7 ,ea,. o^t, eone^

j ea,. 10 Indian, or »m< L„ jhi„,, Ranji. Slash had

foniOedandsaniwn.dlhelowhof ™ ^ ^ Maharaja subfi.ted. He

Jacquemont felt .he diiTerence Punjab, rich and afDuenl. Rod. .all,

deKTibe.Am,ilurUie la, sell „poned lo India. "Tie religion of

timber, and !ha»l.»e,e Hie mam _ Obrene. Jacqoemonl. “llindos and

Nanak admin no rival, at j, p„c„eally all the

Muhammadan, are leoeommo m noorirhlns oppearanoe.

bniine.., to .he 'f Smiri. and Afghan. ; the former neave or

■more are al.o a large number o^ka ^ ^ „

.pin, and the latter A„,i,„r war famou. for it. raced unk, the

of Muhammadanism i. f Rambagh. the fortress of Oovindgarh and the

a£’' H bTly”'"^ "hereUie AWaW. rupee, were oomed.

sa. Dl.loe««« ">“* *''* ” meetings with the Maharaja who asked him

Jacquemont had no 3^„aparlc and made enquiries regarding

about King msourcerof France, the art of war and politics in Europe

ll’ndlh'ini‘^=‘’'^"‘^"'"’'"’ ...

u «b*« » biiDirlt 7

T*« LLVmVaoi.br Wbo bo* m»it «be he»i

Jeeiue’^^f i

;r;al..r,,a.Bu.wea.---
Sa‘.?A'ra"'d .....r rear Wn-ra be™-

■a tna cbe cinb and o

. All tbe ptiein

THE MAHARAJA OF THE SIKHS

TheMatxiTttia : The prUstso! this ccunttywcuW net stop like tb*t.

. . - - - j igooiance But co jou t*ueve ia»i

JutfluemOBt : We ilull kno« that later on; Wt no one hat e^e back fwa that
country if it eaistt, srith the rrsultthat no one kno*'S anything about it.

21. A Nosegay nuptial

In 1832, the Maharaja got infatuated with the charms of a Muslim courtesan
of Amritsar named Gnl Begum, who was employed as a dancing girl at the palat^
and in the September of the same year, caring little for public criticism, he marri
her. Honigberger, who svas present at the occassion of royal nuptials observes
that Gul Begum drank spirits and forsook her religion to please the Maharaja.
Ranjit Singh, he adds, cared little for public opinion. He declared his marriage

legal and celebrated his nuptials, for the Maharaja believed that a sovereign ou^t

to have the highest authority, and independent will.* The ofBcial Lahore Diarist
Sohan Lai Suri records the marriage celebrations which took place on 27 September,
1832: "At about the third quarter of day the Maharaja put on saffron garments,
decorated himself with omaiLents and jewellery, and gave a blessed order to the
men ineharge of floorings to spread out special floors in the silver bimplow and
to set up kanots and canopies all over. All the prostitotes, that is to say, the
dancing girls, were required to be present in the silver bungalow and all the require-
ments of a happy gathering were to be provided and wines and refreshments were
to be kept carefully inside there. Outside and inside the bungalow, at a small

distance, drum*beaters and musicians began to play musicenthusiastically and the

State fl/iayyiM presented themselves to the Maharaja, dressed in fine gannents, and
the Maharaja ordered the display of fire-works. Flower-sellers brought flowers of
various kinds tied up in nosegays. The ra/aT kalan fDhian Singh) was given a
rojul order that none of the chiefs or atlendanU should be present in the bungalow.
After that Gul Begum, dressed in yellow gannents, with her hands and feet decorated
with hera and bedecked with bejewelled gold ornaments from head to foot, went
into the bungalow. After that the Maharaja happily went in and till the sunset
the prostitutes remained drawn in lines, busy on all sides, cutting jokes of the
obscene Lind. Some of the near attendants of the blabaiaja showered large sums
of money over him, and again and again music and dancing took place. 7,000
rupees were granted to the dancing prls as reward, and the rOja'i kalan under orders
of the Maharaja made them depart.

"Then the Maharaja took his seat in a chair and made Gul Begum sit on
another. Garlands of roses interwoven with pearls were lied around the forehead
of the Maharaja, and a gold nose-rins with pearl was fixed in the nose of Gul Begum,

Thirtr-ftt Yc*t$ in the Eaii, London, ry^? . p. 55-57.

A NOSEGAY NUPTIAL

and lovaly «<„d, of conEratnlaUona airf lha ^aa^I nrihc nadicncc «i.h pteatc
Fira.ao,l, K-pan to plaj and the Maha.aja inJuIjad in dr.nlmE ™e. Wto
nijht had passed one quarter they asenl to Rambagh an u ducats

thfnanreof OulDaha, Begum. After that , 0 >al order .as ..sued ™

should be sent to DarbSr Sahib, AlH Donga. Shahid Donga and Jhanda Bunga.

Oulbahar Begum sursised the Maharais: she died_ at Uhore in iS63 and

till her death received an annual pcnalon of I2.3SO rupees.

} uT. ni (tl>. P- 151.
* Ut».P-4M.

Cbaptes 11

THE FA^^L■7 OF RANJIT SINGH

1, Marriages aod tbe Keriieji

UNLIKE THE GENERALITY of Oriental despots Ranjit Singh v.-zs com-
paratively a less married monarch. His known legal and semi-legal (KareysO)
maniages were about two score. But his indulgence in orpes of the rarthvSs, and
gratification of passions of youth wth concubines, courtesans and women of low
character would hardly earn him the epithet of a libertine,' as these were the common
failings of the Sardars and men of affluence and political power of the times.
According to a modem Sikh writer, the royal palace had a niunificeol supply of
women : “there were many women in the royal harem some of whom had been
admitted after some sort of ceremony ; others (osually widows) simply took residence
because the Maharaja had cast his mantle over them ; and then there were yet others
who came as maid-servants but having caught Ranjit Singh’s fancy became his
mistresses.’** Dalip Singh, he observes, described himself as “the son of any one
of my father’s forty-siit wives,’’*

Amongst Ranjit Singh’s legal and unorthodox marriages may be enumerated
that (1) with Mehtab Kanr of the KanabayS Misalin 1792 ; (2) with Raj Kauran

NakST in 1798 ; (3) with Rup Kaur, the daughter of Jai Singh, a petty zamindar

ofKot Sayed Mahmud in 1815 ; (4) with Lachmi, the daughter of Desa Singh of

Khai in 1820; (5-6) with two daughters of Raja Sansar Chand of Kangra 'named

Mehtab Devi and Rajbanso late in life — 1839. (7-8) He married two Muhammadan
courtesans — Moran and Gul Begum ; Ibe foimcr in the exuberance ofyouth in 1802,
and the later when he was down with a stroke of paralysis in 1833. (9-10) He
married the two widows of Sahib Singh Bbangl of Gujrat, either out of compassion,
or perhaps, for political reasons with the ceremony ofKarcjra; (11-14) and he
married in a similar manner Chand Kaur. Mehtab Kaur, Saman Kaur and Gulab
Kaur, all daughters of petty Jat zamlndars who had caught his fancy.

' AceorilinS (o PrioMp (p. 67), ttaDjU Stnfhlcd a most diaolute life; hit debsaehetis
psnieuUtlT duitas the Hcli and Dussdira fesUTsUs wtte th»ta«lejs, »nd the scenes cthibited
on such oeeiiions openly belote the Ceoit, msderca in the nteeti of Leborc. were the
conTCrmien c{ Kinduittnend rieiUed the wont tb*t U reported in the hiitory of profliteetes
of ancient Rome. He biateli would paiade inn rate of inebriety, on the ii»e elephant with
hit eourtesant.

» Khuibwaat Sioih. Ran/it SjnfA, London. 1562. p. J85.

» Ihi.

KHARAK SINCH

215

2. K&«tik Siolh

To Raj Kauran Kala’i Vk3t bom in 1802 prince KharaV Singh.> perhaps,
the onfy legitimate ton of Ranjit Singb. The Maharaja brought him up as a soIJicr
and emplo>ed him to lead armies in various eipeditions, but he proved to be a man
«eak in intellect and resolution. Ungainly in physical appearance like his illustrious
father, but unlike him, from his childhood he evhibited signs of imbecility, and an
inherent unassarenest of politics and tiatecratt He had a vague fondness for
religion dimly understood, and n tumid acquiescence touards mundane affairs. His
looks did not do him an injustice ; as an unwarlike ton of a warlike father his per-
sonality was unimpresiise : "he had nothing to attract or attack."* The Maharaja
pointed him out as his heir, notwithstanding she inaudible murmurs of Sher Singh
and covert persuations of his crafty minister Dhian Singh. Dhian Singh kept both
of them away from the Court in the vain dream that his eldest son, the elfeminate
Hira Singh,* a favoured and adopted child of the Maharaja, would some day elimi-
nate all rivals to the royal throne.

At a lueeessor to Ranjit Singh. Kharal Singh proved unimaginative and
witless. He endeavoured to grapple with the affairs of the State, but intrigue and
statecraft were beyond him :* and the ambitionsof the Dogra minister and hit own
clever though dissipated son, Kanwar Naunihal Singh, dominated him. He
quarelled violently with Dhian Singh by ordering that the minister should not enjoy
free admission to the palace. This gave offence to the minister, who feared that the
king's favourite Chet Singh would soon replace him. Dhian Singh took measures
to discredit both Kharak Singh and his favourite by spreading a false rumour that

s Amksrtlf*! : Lectt faixoite* vliicb (uiaUb iolensition on tie lite o( iCbatek Sin{b
Mir t tbe'VjmJal^t.TafwarM, DjfrtrlV 0)i KMOibr/B Lsl-Tiri^ t-ftm/'lb; Nut Ahioid
^ithtUrdSiflfai-t ; Grin St>iSb-T«a-9'Ilb-<.Giirii ItSalia end oiben Contempoctr;

ecceuntf ittiboteaf Sreftb {Hinerr ef Keifnini Femtlf tf Lahtrt tte.) Sreinbeck {The
FiKifab), HonUberfet {Tkirir-fn Ytarinttkt £«<•). Murrtr. Vet. it end otbfti. S«e eUo
Crifiia lTiiPiiiilabCkufj}MoJ Pratt* IMrmarlti ef Alna’iJrf CarJntr), Loa3oa,lS93.

* AuckUnd-BfoushUn (O.M) 3M74. 9 DeccBbet. 13)S. fpl. 359 f.

* Sec SeaetiUp. Sajlb, p. 25.2&; Otb«n>c p.30. KitcSiagh’s Induence over the
M*fa>te|a teeDdobe cittaotdinct;. A neiklnStr bsniieomc youth, clvcyt mernlficienily
dreiird ind bciewcllcil, hewn tllowed •cbalt la tbc Datbsr, aoJ would with impunity
iDtettupt ot eenttadict iha Mibataja whboul offence,

' KbtnkSiofb, o&aerrea £errr fp. e^/jTA wee< man o/weat lanfiVct, antfwaa mute
tdiiettd to opiun than b<< father. He wee hi (be bablr of (akintf the druf twice a day, cod
patted tba whole of bit time In e itatc of eernMnebtlety. Fbyiioinomically be waaa countet-
pjTt of bla royal alee, but potteMed none ol bla diydomaiic guaJIScatima. One CbetSineb,
who bad hardly iDythinl to recemuend bin fane acrofaDCe and aycopbancy. attained auch ao
aicetidtDcy oret the weak mind of the oew Mabanja that he became a mete puppet in bis

2l6 THE FAMILY OF RANllT SINGH

both of them were soliciting British protection, and that Sikh troops would soon
be disbanded.^ Naunihal Singh was summoned from Peshawar and Dhian Smg
soon perpetrated the murder of Chet Singh with the Kanwar’s connivance.- A
breach having been effected between the father and the son. soon the reins
government were taken over by Naunihal Singh, who began to rule in ara
Singh’s name.* In December 1839, Kharak Singh fell ill, and it was
by the royal physicians that slow poison was being administered to him.
continued illness, during which the unfiliat son never visited his father, K ara
Singh died on 5 November, 1840 at the early age of 39.

Circumstances connected with the end of Kharak Singh rightly arouse our
suspicions that he did not die a natural death ; that he was either poisoned un er
Dhian Singh’s direction with the connivance of Naunihal Singh or his alrca y
shattered constitution was allowed to break down under ill-treatment and neglect.

3. Naunihal Singh

Naunihal Singh was bom in February 1821.* He is described as closely
resembling his grandfather in physical appearance, deportment and habits. Accor -
iog to Maegregor, Nauninal Singh possessed an ungainly appearance like his father
and grandfather ; he had a strongly pock-marked face, yet there was a steady
and determined look about him.’ An iDlelligeot youth, though self-willed an
impetuous, be showed extraordinary courage, ability and political wisdom. He
was popular with all classes of people, and also with the Court and the Army. He
was also generally free from the moral vices of the time. A young and open-minded
prince, uninitiated into the common trickery and intrigue of an Oriental Court,
he would call a friend a friend, and an enemy an enemy. Highly ambitious, he
was a prince who “combined the discretion of a statesman with the best virtues of
a soldier,”*

Ranjit Singh was very fond of his grandson. Great rejoicings took place
at his birth ; a chronogram of bis birth describes him “a bouquet of the garden of
wisdom.”® He grew up in the military traditions of his grandfather— a valiant,

* Memeriei ef AJtxatiitr Gardner, p. 21^ ; Snyth, p. 23.

* /lid.

* Maddock to Cleik. 4 May. 1340.(p) 116. 1 :

* Mickcton to Clerk, 7 December, I843-(p) 41-1 ; 57.

» See lenetally, on thU nipeet UT. IV (0. p. 66.67 ; Honigbetger. i. p. 102 ; KaMl»7»
L*l, Tarf^-P<rajal, p. 3S5; Smyth, p 33:Ltt'f, p 499 and cthera.

* AutAerisiet : Same aa in (oetnote uoderShee Singh, infra.

’ Hiiterr ef lAe Punjafc. London. lM6-i. p H2.

* Maddock to Goeerament. 26 Ao(u«. 18)9.(p) 123 ; 9l.

» Latlf, p. 425sGiddatia*i lagh’i’ianijK

KAUNtHAL StKGH

217

ambitious and a warlike youth. Ranjit Sin^ encouraied him to gain experience
in wars and conquests. Barely a lad of 13, he participated in the conquest of
Peshawar in May 1834 ; and a year (ater, he reduced a revoit in Dcra Ismail Khan
and Tank. He remained in active service in the north and the trans-Indus
region. In 1834, he was appointed to administer the country lying on both sides of
Atlock* ; in 1836, he accompanied his father to the borders of Sind with the aim
of the reduction of Shikarpur and the Mazari town of Ken ;* and the same year the
contract of Peshawar was eiven to blm for a sum of 12,00,000 rvpcet*. In March
1837, Kaunihal Singh was married to the daughter of Sardar Sham Singh Attsrtwall,
and Sir Henry Pane, the British Cominander-in-Chief, attended the nuptials celebrated
with the extravagance of oriental splendour and ostentations.*

Kaunihal Singh's vigour and resolution was marred by an impetuous
and violent temper. He was inloferenl of the English, and hated the minister
Dhian Singh with whom he had allied to cut short the rule of Kharak Singh, but
his virtual assumption of power in the name of the titular monarch >o December
1839 was characterized with unwise political steps He was a party to Chet Singh's
murder ;* he prevented the British Political Agent Wade from meeting the Maharaja
in December 1839.* and made an attempt that Sir John Keane, the British general
should not have an interview wiili the Maharaja.’ He was also responsible fbr the
recall of Wade from Ludhiana for the latter’s alleged overbearing and obnoxious
conduct towards him and (he mintsrer Dhian Singh.*

His unfilial conduct in the til ireaitneDt of his father has already been
described. Kharak Singh refused (o recognise that he had abdicated and he would
not forgive his son for his complicity in Chet Singh’s murder * He resisted stoutly
the countermanding of his orders by the prince supported by the minister. He
castigated the prince for the imprisonment of Misscr Beli Ram and his five brothers
and demanded the restoration of their estates and possessions. On 5 November,

’ UT, m <ii), p 225.

* WiJeloGcvccnsBnit.SJaeuarv, lS37-(pp) XXXIV, ISO.

* UT, UI (ii>, p. Z23.

* tJT, III (Wl. p. 370 >4. Htotf ZSwaxd Fine fe»» gi»*n in iatereiting fit»t-haod
■ccouBt cl tbe Btatixge of Naunibal Siotb-Fi>>e Ytari m India, i. p. 69 ff.

S Sssth, p.30 ; Pncic. p. 216 f.

> Wide to MidJoek, 1 1 Deceenbrr, lS39~(p) t47-tU : 176.

1 /bii.l9Dee«tiib3r,!839-(lSP)19FcbTuaty.l3»-^o 18.

a AaebUod to Hebbouse, 16 Febiu»(7,18n.£cooSbtCB (BM) 3M74. fol 231b.

S Waife to MsdrftKb.I JiDuarr, IU9-(0)49: 1.

le Miiscr B«U K»si inchirteoitbe ToiAaibaRofioce Riojic Smih't nme ; of hii
brotbers, Megb Raj was the coatodias of tbe loral tieuate at Gobmdiiib fort. The entire
faoiU; erai put in priaenat DhUo Smfh'a oi4en oaihe (liiDa7 charge that Beli Ram bad
rtfoted to ibow tbe ptmce the tieaeurv.

N— 18

THE FAMILY OF RANjIT SLSGH

L 218

1840, Nemesis overtook Naunihal Singh immediately after the death of his father.
‘While returning from the funeral ohseqiiies of iCharak Singh, he rccehed fatal
injuries from the fall of a covered gatcTOy.*

4. Pofucnrc on ’Naunihal Singh

The death of the favourite and promising grandson of RanJIt Singh is the
subject of much controversial comments. Traditional accounts recorded by local
historians, as for instance, fay Kanahaya Lai, ascribe it to the curse of the widov' s of
Kharak Singh, who burnt themselves on the funeral pyre proclaiming that for his
tmfilial conduct and cruelty he would not enjoy the fruits of sovereignty.* It was
also suspected that Dhlan Singh had stagc-inanaecd the accident ; that the bca'T
battlements of the northern gate of the Hazuri Bagh named the Roshni Gcte

which fell on Naunihal Singh and Mian Udham Singh, a nephew of Dhian Singh,
was the result of foul play. Positive evidence that the fall was prcincditated and
the work of an assassin is lacking, but the events soon aftcc the accident make
it highly suspicious. Udham Singh was killed outright on the spot. Naunihal
Singh fractured his arm and received serious injuries in the head. He was instantly
removed to the palace ; all entrances to the fort were sealed, and none was allowed
to see him. The Dogra minister concealed the death of Naunihal Singh for 3 da^
till prince Sher Singh who was atBatala, and Mai Chand Xaur, Naunihal Singit*
moibef, who was at Fatchgarh, were faraatlcally summoned, and arrived at Lahore
on 8 November, 1840. It Is also not known how long after the accident Naoflihal
Singh remained alive. U was, however, suspected that the human agency of
Dhian Singh arranged the fall of the parapet ; that the prince had sustained slight
injuries and was alive ;* that all was kept ready before hand for the removal of
the injured prince to the palace, where he was brutally done to death.*

Naunihal Singh’s cremation took place on 8 November, 1840. Of his four
widows, two burnt ihemsehei on ilie funeral pyre.* The British Government
genuinely lamented the passing away of the grandfather, the father and the ioo»
whom their Govemot-Gencral bad seen in the pride of power and expectation two
years ago at Lahore.*

* Cl«ikfoMadJock.fi.7.N£>TnDl«t.l3lO-IS?{I)2J.'IoTeBibtr.l&iO.N« 71.75.

* KuutuT* Lsl. 11.3S6.

» UT. lV(i)p,7J.

* Sajtli, p. 25-J6 ; ScHakaeh. pt S.

* a»tlnoTotTTO«.10SoTeo»i«. IS4X<P> W:57.

* AuelUnd to HebSou*«.2>KoTeBber, iao.BKiojh!on (B.M) 36174. feL 27Jh.

CHAND KAUR

219

5. Chtod Kaur

Few women belonging to ihe family of Ranjit Singh stand out as cons-
picuous in Sikh history for their dauntless spirit of defiance and political courage
as Chand Kaur, the widow of Kharak Singh and mother of Naunihal Singh. She
claimed the throne of Lahore on her spouse’s death, resisting stubbornly Shcr
Singh’s right to sovereignty, partly on account of the latter’s illegitifnacy, and
partly because of the fact that her manoeuvrings had won her the support of the
Court nobility, the Dha’is and the Sindh>3nw3la Chiefs. Those who openly sided
with her included Dh3*is Ram Singh and Gobind Ram. tajSs Gulab Singh and Hlra
Singh, Jamadar Khushal Singh and Ihe Sindhianwilj Chiefs— Ajit Singh, Attar Singh
and Lehna Singh.'

. Chand Kaur endeavoured to establish a senana government in the Punjab.
She secured the support of the Dogra minister Dhian Singh, who had in the interval
of turmoil at Lahore (1840-42), arrogated to himself the rdle of a king-maker,
vainly hoping that Chand Kaur would adopt his son, the elfeminate Hlra Singh,
and that he would be able to subvert Ranjit Singh’s dynasty in the Punjab.* But
the widow of Kharak Singh outwitted the Dogra cunning She preferred her
claims as superior to that of the iltegilinuie Sher Singh. She spurned Dhian Singh's
Suggestion, and declared that Naunihal Singh's widow was pregnant, and that she
could assume forthwith the guardiauship of Ihe unborn legal claimant to RanJIt
Singh’s throne.* A valiant daughter of the Kanahayas, absolutely unlettered and
without any knowledge of the political game, she had heard that a woman ruled
In England. "Why should I not do as the Queen Victoria docs in England ?" she
declared to an astounded Darbar.v After having cast aside her veil and the seclusion
of the senana, she came out in the Darbar unveiled, wore a turban, donned male
attire, and rode an elephant to inspect the parade of the army contingents assembled
at Lahore. Like a Sardar she showed her willingness to receive the English Sabibj
as did Begum Samru.*

The Dogra brothers having been foiled in their attempts by the courage
and cunning of Chand Kaur, offered a compromise to regulate Stale afiairs, and
Chand Kaur became regent, Sher Singh having been allowed to become the

1 Murr*r. <>. p. 223-25 ; tte alio Litif, [k. 501 : Starth. p. 67-69 etc.

s Clexk toGovrroa)est,eNoye]El>eT,I540-iSP (I) 2 3 Noye st>ei, 1540. No. 79.

S Bee eenerallr. Clerk'* 4cipitebM-lI. 14 end 17 N inen)t>er. 1S4Q.ISP (1) 23 Norembet
tod 7 December, 1S40. Noi.gl, 115 and 117. For local htrtorie*, vide. UT, IV (i) tKanabaya
LeUp. i Tou'9rtik-<-GvrB Kkstaa, in. p. and oebet*.

« Auckland to Hobboure, 5 DeccDber. 1810-Bitiuebcon <BM) 36474. fol. 391b.

S Geik to Governol-CeneraRConfidentiat) 7Drceiob*r, 1340-BrausbtoD(BM), OP e<t.

220 THE FAMILY OF RANJIT SINGH

Maharaja and Dhian Singh the principal minister of the State. Being unreconciled
wth her position, in the middle of May 1841, Chand Kaur sent Sardar Ajit Singh
Sindhianwala as her emissary to Calcutta to plead her case to the Governor-
General;^ she vras even wil'ing to offer to the British a portion of the Kingdom,
should they establish her as a full sovereign of the Punjab.* To the ^neral
repugnance of her enemies at the Darter, who asserted that the Sikhs would not
be ruled by a woman, she rejoined vigorously : “England is ruled by a queen ;
why should it be a disgrace to the Punjab to be governed by a rani ?"*

But the regency of Chand Kaur and her pretensions to royalty were short-
lived. The triumvirate failed to work because of the machinations of the Dogra
brothers— Dhian Singh, Suchet Singh and Culab Singh, the desertion of the influ-
ential BhaTs, and Sher Singh's overtures to the British Government in which he
was prepared to barter half of the Punjab for being acknowledged by them as the
rightful sovereign of the State.* Chand Kaur had only the support of the discredited
Smdh3nw3l5 Chiefs. Amidst the covert but apparent desire of the Jammu rajas
for secession from the State of Lahore, the clamour of the republican Army to
install Sber Singh as the Maharaja, and the British Government’s unwillingness
to support cither party, Chand Kaur accepted defeat. She was pensioned off by
th: Army and her SiodhSnwSIa supporters fled across the Sutlej on Sher Singh's
formal accession to the throne in 1841. She retired gracefully to the segregation
of the royal palace nursing her wounded pride. She had accepted a Jayir with an
annual revenue of 9,00,000 rupees which was to be managed by ra^ Gulab Singh
and the disgraceful condition that she would live a faithful widow and would no'
consider remarriage with Sher Singh by the Karen a at any time.*

The gruesome murder of the widow ofKharak Singh took place in June 1842.
ll is doubtful whether she consented to become Sher Singh's mistress and, for a while,
she remained in the palace, and Sher Singh cherished the fond hope that she would
marry him by the Karew^. But Chand Kaur resisted and hinted at his diegitimatc
origin, and that she was the offspring of a noble lineage and the dowager queen-
But. perhaps, the real cause of her ruurder might be ascribed to her unsuccessful
bid for the throne, a few months earlier. In July 1841, Kaunihal Singh’s pregnant
widow. Sahib Kaur Gilw^ delivered a still-born son, but it was suspected that

> Murray, ii, f n.

* CtcrktoCoTCTcamr, 7 May.1StMP)15l:S3 ; GoreinmcDt (o aetV. ITMaylW''

tP> 128:11(52.

* Murray, li, p.225 (.b.

* (EP) PRO 30112 II li) ; alig Ctrrk to Maiiocic. 9 Ftbruitj *ad H Marti. 1841 -(P)

151:27,36. ’

* Sojti. ji. 59 U.

SIIER SINCll

Shet Sin^h Kti] violated (he «l<!ow and had cauud an aborlion* to save himseir
from bchg conffortcd hy Chand Kaur with a rival to lbs throne. Moreover, the
continuous intrigues of Chand Kaur with the Army, the Sir.dhi3nv.3t3 Chiefs and
her overtures to the Hritish had ccnvinccd Shcr Sinfh that she constituted a danger
to liis security as a sovereifn.

Therefore, instigated by Dhian Singh. Sher Singh now decided to destroy
her. Meanwhile r3>i Gulab Singh, w|.o was the manager of her estates, warned
her that the htaharaja infertded to base her aiuiiinafed. She, therefore, feft the
royal palace, and reined to the hartit of Naunihal Singh within the four walls
of the city. Sher Singh and Dhian Singh, however, hatched the conspiracy and
having bribed the maids of Chand Kaur had her murdered in cold blood.' AHer
her death, Gulab Singh quietly usurped her estates with the connivance of the
hfaharaji.

6 Sher SiBtU

Mehtab Kaur of the KanahayS hfisal. Ran;it Singh's fl.'ft wife was barren
but her mother tint Sada Kaur. desirous of pining political influence over the
youthful Maharaja, produced sn the year ISO? male twins-bter named Tara Singh
and Sher Singh, reportedly born at Ratala to her daughter Contemporary accounts
based on local tradition or mere hearuy describes Mehtab Ksur of dissolute
character J that Sher Singh wasreporiedlyihesonofa chmia.weaserfoWmhjyanJ
Tara Singh that of n washerman (JhcH); and that the desierous and artful mothcr>
indaw of Ranjit Singh, after a faLe pregnancy declared that both were delivered of
her daughter.* Be that as it may. the Maharaja uever fully recognised them as his
legitimate ofTspring.

Tara Singh pros cd to be of no account He remained an unknow n historical
figure, uniformly neglected and lived in retirement at Dasuah on a small JSglr and

•m THE FAMILY OF RANjrr SINGH

the bounties of his brother Sher Singh. He died in September 1859. Sher Singh,
although disovrued and frowned upon, grew up an intelligent prince and a good
soldier, popular with the army, but distrusted by the Maharaja.^ In 1812, he had
been adopted by rani Sada Kaur. In 1820, in order to usurp the Kanahaya posses-
sions on the plea of providing maintenance to Sher Singh, the Maharaja diplomati-
cally recognised him as his son with a liberal addition to his estates. From that
date onwards, Sher Singh was the recipient of princely honours and civil and
military assignments. The rare privilege of sitting on a chair in the Darbsr along
with the heir-apparent Kharak Singh and the favourite Hira Singh was also bestoned
upon him.*

Sher Singh was a handsome and a comely soldier though sottish and
without principles.® His abandonment to voluptuous pastimes and devotion to
manly sports of hunting and hawking had won him popularity at the Court,* but
the stigma of illegitimacy marred his political ambition which amounted to be a
sovereign of Punjab. Although dissipated and a man of irresolute temperament
and watering loyalties, by all a«ounts, he is described as a superior person in every
respect to Kharak Singh, the heir-apparent.

The death of Kharak Singh and that of Naunihal Singh in November 1840,
turned the wheels of fortune in his favour; but his claims to sovereignty were
challenged by Kharak Singh’s widow Chand Kaur. who had assumed power with
the support of the Sindhianuals faction. Dhian Singh, however, declared for
Sher Singh, but the intercession of the BhaTs produced a compromise and he
agreed to share power as the Maharaja, with Chand Kaur as regent and Dhian
Singh as the principal minister.* The triumvirate government lasted a few months.
Sher Singh remained subservient to the all powerful minister Dhian Singh, who
kept him in mental thraldom ; he won the enmity of the Sindhi3nw2la royal
collaterals, and the Army having proclaimed him as successor to Ranjit Singh in

> Uiitiib record* deal fuU; wtib tbe political career of btaharaja Sbei SiDfb— *<<
eraettlly, Qeik'f detpatebei toG<rremnj«nt. 4 Match t81l-IS’(f) 20 March, 1811, No. 23 and
of 15 June etc I'ide. also vtucHend F«rers— Biousbtco (BSt) 38174 fat. 454 # ; an J Secret
Xreiters, i-aRiculatlr of 6 August 1812. No. 23-BISL (I). For Local iceountf, see Mubamoad
Naqi'a S%ersin£hn.tmii (BM), Or 1750 ; ElhelU No. 505, arbicb deals fully wrtb the political
etecti of bii teita and the*£7raadat-m-T«reVtW» tVO-itl- sht. cwitetapasary iccouot*

with useful information, ate ibotr cfCamicbacl Stajtb. Mac{retor. Murray, and Honi|berget‘*
hciidea ethers.

* Oshotne, p. 64.

* AoclJ.nd— 14 July. lS39-Bfoochten tBM) 38174, fel. ISOa.

* Slerjftit^nanfl, foJ, I4a iq.

* ^terktoCoremmect. 8.11. UtadlTKoecabet, 1843.tSP(n 23 Noyeaber, 1343 No-
79.81 :7DeetobeT.1843.No.ll5.andll7.

SllER SINGH

2i3

January IS41. dismally found that at an inslniment (o carry out iti behests he was
more than useless.* Gradually, the Amy which had enthroned him, also became
his master. In its first republican apsurge, it plundered the houses of several
Chiefs, dismissed all foreigners from Stale serticc, and declared its determination
to punish those who sought foreign Interference.* Slier Singh suspected Dhian Singh
of ambitious and dangerous slews and capable of swaying the army against him.
lie distributed 80,00,000 rupees as arrears of pay and bounties to the soldiery in
order to induce the to destroy Dogra influence at (he Court. Ilecoun*

teracied Chand Kaur’s offer to the British Government to share half of the Punjab
with them,* by apositise overture— the surrender of all Cis>Sullej possessions of
the Lahore Government and 40.00,000 rupees for setting him up as an independent
sovereign of the Punjab.*

Shorn of political tact and acumen. Shcf Singh faugiit bis battles alone.*
Soon arterwards. the Army pensioned off the regent and drove her SindhidnwSIS
supporters aaoss the Sutlej. It proebimed Sher Singh as the Maharaja and Dhian
Singh as his minister.* Dy this time, it appears, that series of compromises had
left him with no will of his own. He had submitted to the arroganee of Chand
Kaur, whom he fondly condescended lo win over as a royal bedmate by an offer
ofA'Jwa marriage; chagrined against the overbearing Dogra influence at the
Court, he complained to (he Ann> of the nefarious activities of Dhian Singh and
Gulab Singh : he had made an attempt lo win over the SindhilnwSb Chiefs, who
bad returned to Lahore, and he had incited the Army to wipe out both the Dogra
and the SIndhiinwaia factions. Unstable in mind and character. Sher Singh failed
to weather the political storm around the throne of Ranjit Singh. Court
intrigues, the lUgma of his illegiiiciacy. and a consuni threat to his life, heightened
his perplexity to find a b.slance between the antagonistically arrayed political
factions and a resurgent repuMieao Army, which had set him as a successor lo

s Qnk'iRirerlJ (Confidroitil) (o Lord AuckUnd.Z JaBUarr. 18tl>Bcou|iitoa (BM),
ep. cfl. fel. 455b md tbsc at 29 Jalj. IStMCP) PRO »{t2 Pm M (i).

s OeiktoCcTTctaorDt, 25,25, 27 Itaurry. IMt 1S?(I) BFcbnurr, 1341, Noi.87.90
tad 93.

* CIrtk's Reppri, Jutj. 1841, mi tupra.

* Srerturj’t noti* (piccrdiftS CorerDment's Instnieliona toCIcik. d«ttd 39 Mareb,
mi)-(EP; PRO 30/12 n (i).

* Bciclib TKOidr deit fullf «tiib tbeuorMble pcliticil carrrr o/ Sbrt Siasb
Ut (rnctilf;, Auckland (o Hubbouar. 15 FebruarT. IMt-BrouCbron IBSI) 36^74. fel. 454 f . ;
Claik'a dripatebra to Gorrmoirnc. 4 Match, lS4t,lS Juttr. t842.tSP (1)29 March, 1341, Ke.
23 and 15 June. 1542 rcc. ; Gorctnor-Gcacral to Sacin Comoiit'ee, 19 Februttr, 23 March
and 21 April. 1842-Bt5L(t) etc.

i Clerk to Covcinmeat, 25 /aouaip, t8(t-ZSP{li B Februiry, 1841. No. 87.

224

THE Family of ranJit sihgh

the great Maharaja. Failing to obtain his political objectives, he aligned with all
and sundry but trusted none. In desperation, he was willing to surrender to the
British part of his kingdom for restoring his authority as a sovereign in 1S42; be
signally failed to take possession of Jalalabad which the British offered to the
Sikhs on their dismal evacution of Afghanistan.' As a sovereign of the Sikhs he
maintained a precarious position between the struggle of Court factions and the
Army, when on 15 September, 1S43, the Sindhianwsla Chiefs murdered him and
the minister Dhian Singh in cold blood.*

7. Fesliawara Sioeb and athert

Two Other reputed sons of the Maharaja were bom to rani Daya Kaur,
one of the widows of Sahib Singh Bhang! of Gujrat whom he had married by
the UrcreitS ceremony. They were named Kashmira Singh born in 1819 and
Beshawara Singh born in 1821 at Sialkol. The Maharaja acknowledged them
by assigning to them a jogir at Sialkot amounting to 50,000 rupees annually. The
second Bhangl widow, Ratan Kaur also presented to the Maharaja a son bom
in 1819 under the came of Multaua Singh. The Maharaja also acknowledged
him by assigning to him a jtgfr worth 20,000 rupees at Ajnala. According M
various authorities, Kashmira Singh was the offspring of a Rajput of Jammu,
Peshawara Singh that of a petty grocer of Lahore, and Multana Singh was reported
to have been purchased from a Muhammadan sias e-girl by raoT Rattan Knur.*
Except for receiving a dejure recognition from Ranjil Singh, they were brought
up by their mothers and played iosignificanl role in the history of the Sikhs.

Multana Singh died in 1846 quite an unknown figure. After Sher Singh’s
assassination in 1843, when the Army had proclaimed minor Dalip Singh as the
Maharaja, both Peshawara Singh and Kashraini Singh revolted at Sialkot, and
claimed the throne. The town was besieged by Lahore troops and the pretenders
submitted, but were finally pardoned.* In March 1845, at Gulab Singh’s instigation,
Peshawara Singh revolted again. A Sikh force again invested Sialkot and
compelled him to See northsvards.* He raised an insurrection in the hills, and

» Cletkfo MjJJock. AynU ISJ3-1SWL Jao-. 1542. Vo 25;

M»j. latt, n>. «ii. GoTeraoc-Geaetalto Scent Committee. 17 BtSL{t). No. ID-

» RuhoonJ to Governacat. 17. ISSepteabcr. ISlVlSPiI). 2J Miteh. IStk Nos *61
mod 461. ConecapontT iftsu-iu of ibe {oat p'ar letlia; to tb: Uitstioiciatt ace aTSpl;
bytlieLaboM Diacut-UT. IV (Ui*p.22a« ; .Vaic'a SJien.ajtm-na. fol 41 f. Hoalgbctltt.
k p. 107 »«. } Mtettegor. h, p, 15 f ; aad Cataicbacl Saj tb p. 75 S aaJ otbeo.

' C(iS£L.T4e Punjab Chit ft, p, Z2 f.

* PMM7»iWtir/««JSP(I)lSMay.lSH So 19.

» Brojdloo: to GoTcrtecnt. 24 May, 1SS.ISP{1) 20 Juac, 1845. No. 64.

K]lNl IlSOAM

£25

in July he captured Attack, proclaimed himwif a sovereign of the Sikhs, and made
an ofTet of Teshawar to the Afghans for help in fighting the republican army.*

Prom Attack Pciha^vara Singh carried on negotiations with Dost hfuhammad
Khan which estrcmely anno>ed the army piAch&yets-, and also the British were
loath to see the deposition of Dalip Singh recently recognised by them and the
surrender of Peshawar, a town of vital political and military importance to the
Afghans. Nothing, however, came out of Peshawara Singh’s negotiations with
the Amir of Afghanistan Chaiiar Singh, the governor of Hazara, was ordered by
the Darblr to reduce the pretender to submission. After a nominal resistance,
Peshawara Singh surrendered on a promise of personal ufety.* While being
conveyed to Lahore, he was murdered at the orders of the newly appointed Vazier
Jawahir Singh, the debauched brother of rani Jindan.*

a. BHai Itndin

(i) Eatty ll/e

Of all the accepted wivesofMaharaja Ranjit Singh, only r2n! Jindan* was
destined to play an important rAle in Sikh history Her early history remains
obscure and most of the contemporary writers describe her a secondary wife
or concubine of Ranjit Singh— an assertion fully supported by the fact that (he
four principal wives of the Maharaja had burnt themselves on the funeral pyre
at his last obsequies in June. IS39. That she must be a person of no consequence
is substantiated by the fact that till 1841, both the oITicial Lahore Dianst, Sohan
Lai Suri, and the British records take no notice of her and that of her minor
son Dalip Singh. The Lahore Diarist merely records the birth a son to her
on September, 1838. \munshi,he observes, brought from nowhere, the blessed
tidings to (he ailing Maharaja and was dismissed wi(h a customary gift of a few

> Ilr.J.2<i]olr.l8<5-lSr(l)l5Au(iiit,I3(S Ko. 5«.

* Ftoxil^t to CoreeBaatt. 8 S^eaibct l8t%tSP0i56 Decemitt. i$l5. No 9i.

s IhiJ. IS Sepitnibrt, SS(5-IvP(l} «> r<i Na I0& The itstniaatioa of Pethtvate
Siaih fiortd fitrliotbe lapetuouteiKlarioCint Vaiicr. The etBjr paaehazeli met rooa
efcei, mil condemned Jrvahar Sin|b to death He «cai eteeuced ba • firing iquad after tbe
pronounermeDi of the Judgment b; ibe Council of the KMm. IHd 26 September. 18-13, <9.
etI.No. 115.

• AuiVoriiler : UT, 111, Uboir,leSS.69 Bute Shab.tbe reirarllh-i-Fi.nja6 (BM), Or.
1633 : MutiU'/Srocnamii (I, No. 5M) ; Haaral— ilngle 5>lh Felaliimt. Hoahiatpor, 1963.p. 242 3,
242-6,^7 8 etc. ; Smyth, A Huterzaf I** Jtetgoiiig Fsnilz of Lahtre, London. 1817. p. 9Jg ;
CiifTin-itaiijit 5ingA. Delhi 1957, p 1C9 a«. etc Dritiab tecetds. pacticulatly tbe deipstrhes
of Major Bcoad(oot-I5F(I) and the COenherragk Papert, PRO30|12C27J7l give a good deal of
infocmition on the political kfe of noi Jindan.

N-29

22S

The family of ranjit singh

gold ornaments, fruits and vegetables placed at the head of the messenger.*
He adds : “The horoscope of the sho^v•ed the presence of the zodiacal

signs of Aquarius and Pisces. Therefore, it has not been written. Any intelligent
man could easily comprehend the meanings thereof.’'*

Accounts of the early life of Jindan arc uniformly so sordid and savoury as
to belie their credence. But these are the only available. Carmichael Smyth*
has recorded two similar versions from local chronicles. According to him, she
was the daughter of one Munna Singh, a Jat of Aulack caste from Gujranwala,
who held the humhle position of a royal dog-keeper, and a jester or buffoon
combined at the Court. In the latter capacity he entertained the Maharaja and
the Court with his witless ribaldry with considerable impunity and importunity.
When allowed to entertain the Maharaja in the rnnitvas, he persistently sang the
praises of his daughter Chanda, a divine damsel of superb beauty, .and worthy of
royal attentions. Munna Singh’s eulogies of Chanda and how she would energise
the fast-waning manhood of the Maharaja so amply tickled the vanity of Ranjit
Singh that he had her brought to Lahore. A 9 year old girl of slattern appearance
arrived in the Musaman Bur] of the royal palace, and the incensed Maharaja
assigned her to the miscellanea of his female train.

According to the same account, Chanda grew up in an (modest and toose
atmosphere of the camp menials and sycophants. She reached her puberty under
the cate of Jawahir Mai, a rich banker of Amritsar, with a paltry allowance of
45 rupees a month assigned to her. Soon the guardian represented to the Maharaja
to be relieved of his odious charge on account ofber loose and immoral conduct,
and the young girl was brought to the royal zenana to amuse the Maharaja and
"enliven the night scenes in the palace.’**

This account of the early life of Jindan may be regarded as a scandalum
mflgnfl/Hm by "the confirmed scandal-monger and a scalawag”— Carmichael Smyth,
who in his “infamous book”* thrives on profuse e.\ercises of vilification. Accord-
ing to this “authentic account,” whatever its worth, the Maharaja ordered that
Chanda should be retained in the zenana on a stipend of two rupees per diem i but
it is certain, that RanjitSinshnevcrtookanynoticeorthegirl. In the year 1834,
the Maharaja bad a /avourire ia ewe of tbe MisAfir (wafer carriers) attacked te
his person named Gullu, a young and forward Muhammadan, who had been placed

‘ UT.lUtO.p.i.

» nti

• A Hlitorj of it* R*ijfixn< F«inily •/ InJiare, Loajoa. 1S17. v. 91.97.

* Ihii. p. 91.

» Ditbouii* to Hobhtwje (Piw.te) 25 Msj. 1M9— Bxoufbwaffl.M) 36476.

223

THE FAMILY OF RANJIT SINGH

Singh suggested to Maharaja Sher Singh to recognise minor Dalip Singh as the
legitimate child of Ranjit Singh ;* and the j'oung prince was brought to Lahore
in August IS43, on the plea, that his mother was ill at Lahore, and both the Dogras
and the Sindhianwala Chiefs conspired to find out means to replace Sher Singh
with Dalip Singh.

In September 1843, however, both Sher Singh and Dhian Singh were
assassinated ; and raja Hira Singh with the support of the Army and the Chiefs
wiped out the Sindhianv.al3 faction. Shortly afterwards, Hira Singh captured the
fort on 16 September, 1843, and the Army proclaimed minor prince Dalip Singh
as the new sovereign of the State.* Hira Singh was appointed the Vazier.

The political career of Jindan already described in some detail by the
persent author elseivhere,* may well be recapitulated here. The murder of Hira
Singh and the eclipse of the Jalla regime on 21 December, 1844 brought about the
ascendancy of rSni Jindao. She proved to be a women of determination and
courage. The position of minor Dalip Singh was threatened by Peshawara Singh
and to safeguard the interests of her son. tSnl Jindan came out of the zenana, wst
off her veil, proclaimed herself as the regent and assumed all po^vefS of the govern-
ment in the name of her son. The regimental committees acquiesced, for, as the
widow of Ranjit Singh she could offer a symbol of the sovereignty of the Kh&ha,
and sway both the army and the people. Jindan possessed acumen and courage of
the highest quality. She would ride a horse. Inspect the A'halra army parades and
address the common soldiers. She would hold a regular Darbar like a monarch
and transact all public business. She recoosliluted the Supreme Council of the
army pcijc/iavorj by giving representation to the chief Sardars— thus effecting a
temporary compromise between the republican army and the civil government.*

(iii) Political parties

As a regent of the State of Lahore, »5oI Jindan had a difhcull time.
Although both the Dogra and the Sindhi3nw9la factions had become extinct, Gubb
Singh, the laja of Jammu still possessed considerable political influence on the
poIi<^ of the State. He felt secure in the hiKs biding his lime. Sucfiet Singh *‘'3*
still alive, suffering from an infirmity and almost inarticulate and dumb, yet
immersed in debaucheries and fomenting intrigue. The Dogras vainly tried to

t CtrtVtoMjdicck, 21 June. JMl (P) 152.-5.

* tJT, IV fiii), p. 43 f/. ; RiebtDond to Corttnasent, 20 Srcteccber, 1S43-ISP {11.23
Mtrlli.1844. No. 477.

» Afltro-S.kk Relanwu. p. 242 f 245-6, 257-^ 2;9.300. 314-15, ind 356-3.

* Sc* (taenllr, Bfosdfoot to Eltnbotaurb, t7 Jtsuatr. 1945 {EP) PRO ;0|l2(2tf7).

RXNI JIKDAN

eoateiee with Lehna Singh Majlthii, whose sp{winlment at vhe Vailer was In the
ofTing. Lehna Singh hfajiihil was a Sardar of timorous and uncertain disposition
without the e»pefiefl« or witdom to conduct the business of the State.

Jindan relied more on hit brother Jawahir Singh, a drunken debauch, and
Misser Lai Sinph. her altcfed paramour. Her other close advisers were Bhal
Ram Singh, DlwSn Dina Nath, Sardar Lehna Singh Majlibia, Sarjar Sham Singh
Atl3ri»313, and a few- generals of the army rl:., Mehtab Singh, Mewa Singh
Majithij. and Lat Singh htof3nw3!3. OpjvoseJ to the Mafilranl't faction and her
regency was the crafly and powerful GuUb Singh, whose credit at the Lahore
Datbar hid sunk low since the assassination of his brother Dhian Singh. In
March IS44, |{ira Singh was {.illedand in the -Msy of (he same year, alto Suchet
Singh Culab Singh did not get diiheartcred ; he posed at a willing and subservient
vatul of the Slate of Lahore, usurped the revenues of 22 hill districts, quietly
absorbed 1) into his own dominions.' and ambsdousiy looked forward (o leiefng
the province of Kashmir. At the Datbir his henchmen Houted the policy of the
regency and sowed seeds of rift and discord, lie looked forward to the dissolution
ofthe kingden of Ran;it Singh, a bifureaSion of (ie hills and the plains, and the
ultimate possession of the Ronjib. lie made sain efforts to come to terms with
the British Government for being recognised as an independent sovereign of the
hills, and having failed to obtain Driiish support in bis ambitious designs,* he
continued to Intrigue against the rln! and the Lahore Government.

(iv> Jlndan's pottey

Jindan's policy as the Regent of the Slate was directed by sclf-inleresl. She
resolutely met intiigoe with countir-intnguc. She persuaded the Council and the
army pat^hcyan to take notice of the perfidious conduct of Gulab Singh, his
incitement of Peshwara Smgh to revolt, his numerous usurpations, and his encour-
agement of (he Muhammadan hiB stales bordermg Kashmir to raise a jehsd against
the infidel Sikhs* The army poiteAoreff met in Council and declared Gulab Singh
as a traitor to the Slate. An army 35,000 strong marched to Jammu, and brought
to Lahore the Dogra Chief in chains to answer charges of sedition and disloyalty.'
Culab Singh escaped utter annihilation by posing servility and humility, agreeing
to pay a fine of 65,00,000 rupees and by keeping one of his sons as a hostage at the
Lahore Darb5r.*

< RictimoniP* Afrmolr of .ranmu Jt<l;S>(Oce*«l>«r, ISID-tEDPRO 30/12-60.

I RUhiDixid toGovccnmm.S Jana, ISIS-lSPtl) 13]<jIr>lB4l No. 126 ; Gevemmant to
SicbmcoiJ. 15 luna. 18tt-(Sr(l) 13 Julf, ISIL No. 127.

S Jk{J.300ctober.)S-l4>ISr(l) 3 NovenlME, 184L No.I09.

< Ht(d<n(c to Elinborouib. 8 Match. 1815 (ES>) PRO 30/12(3in).

s Pfoidtoet to Govtinmcnt, 5 May. t8l3<P) 165 : 31 ; UT. IV (iil). p. 72 //.

THE FAMILY OF RANJIT SINGH

230

At the same time, Jiodan sent Bhi*i Ram Singh, FaqTr Azlz*ud-Din and
Dlwan Dina Nath to Ludhiana to solicit the aid of British Government, pointing
out that the li\es of both the Maharaja and the regent were in jeopardy from the
republican army and the Sikh soldiery. An oficr of a subsidy or tribute was made,
and the subah of Kashmir or the territory belonging to the State of Lahore south
of the river Sutlej could be surrendered to the British, and the permanent stationing
of a British force at Lahore could be agreed upon in lieu ofBritish assistance.^

Jindan, obviously could cope with the rising temper of the republican army
against the British, so garrulously generated by her sodden and dissipated brother
Jawahir Singh, whom she had so adriotly managed to appoint as the Vazier of the
State on 14 May, 1845.* Amidst the storm and turbulence of the time's political
unstablity and Court intrigues, she courageously managed to weather the storm-
GulabSingh’s pride bad been humbled, the Muhammadan revoJtio MuzzaFarabad
quelled, and provincial satraps subjected to the authority of the Regent. Gulab
Singh was still popular with a section of the army, but hated and feared by most
of the poNs-erful Sardars at the Court.

Annulment of the extraordinarily vexatious financial and administrative
measures of the hated Jalla regime was welcomed by the Sardars and the people.
The old JSgirdSrl system was allowed to continue ; the resumed JSglrs, farms and
monopolies were restored, and rates of taxation lowered ; and the pay of the Kbslsa
soldiery Increased.* The hazardous measures to reform the army were ameliorative
to the common soldiery of the Khalsa, and inculcated in them a sense of respect
and obedience to^s•ard5 the regent and the Council. And although amidst the
Unabated political turbulence the finances of the State sharply dwindled, the rsni
and her Council curbed all disruptive tendencies and political bickerings. The
regent responded to the republican urge of the Kh31sa Army, and with determi-
nation directed its fierceful energies against the enemies of the State and its
sovereign.

Thus since her assumption of power in September 1843, the Dogra and the
Sindhi3nw2l3 factions destroyed each other. Suchet Singh was done away with,
when he revolted in Ikfarch 1844,* and Attar Smgh SindhianwSKa slain in action two
months later.* The ambitions of the pretender Peshawara Singh having been curbed
once in March 1843, were finally extinguished by his murder in September 1945.

* Bcoidloot to Covernoent, 7 Ixcaar;, 1S15.(P) 164 : 31.

* UT.lV(iit).p.77.

* GoTtmot-Gcneril to Seem Committee. 6 November 1S43-BISL(I).

* Richmond to Govetoment. 29 Miteb. JS44^P) 159 : 43.

* Ur. IV(lii), p. 56 ; Richmond to GoTcraocat, 10 Mty, 1 & 44 -(P] 150 ; 71 ,

232

the family of RANjli" SWGH

best suited her own views and interests.*** She was removed from the palace and
was imprisoned after the execution of Jawahir Singh by the army pa^bayats.

Misser Lai Singh, who rose to the fatal office of Vazier of the State of
Lahore during the regime of rani Jindan was her favourite and alleged paramour.
He was the son of a Brahman pedlar of sundry wares named Jassa who secured
a petty job under Basli Ram, the treasurer of Mahan Singh. Jassa Misser
continued to be a petty munjA! under Misser Beli Ram, the nephew of Basti Ram,
who succeeded him at the TojAaUrfiana ; but Dhian Singh who was an enemy of
Misser Beli Ram, attached him to the cause of the Docra faction at the Court,
with a promise that be would replace Misser Beli Rom as the dsrosbdi /ajbaihSnJ.
Jassa Misser, however, died in 1829, leaving his sons, Amir Chand, Bhagwan Singh
and Lai Singh under the patronage and benefaction of the Dogra minister.
Amir Chand became a ksrdSr at the salt-mines fanned out to Dhian Singh,
Bhagwan Singh a non-descript stofckwper at the ToahaiLhano, and Lai Singh was
left adrift. After the assassination of Dhian Singh, Lai Singh heartily attached
himself to the cause of Hira Singh and Pandit Jalla, and for his sycophancy and
overtoppositlontotheJammuDogfas.be was rewarded with a minor command
in the army. Lol Singh was absolutely unlettered, and for utter want of principles
be was justly notorious. He possessed neither any soldierly qualities nor he had
any head for statescraft, He clung to the rani, was fearful of the Army who
bad raised him to the wazarat, and io November, 1845, he joined in the
general clamour for a war with the British, failing which, he hoped to flee across
the Sutlej.*

For obvious political reasons raol Jindan is very much maligned by
contemporary British political authorities. She is described as profligate and
promiscuous in her amours. “She has lovers and slaves," wrote Broadfoot, “who of
course bear their part."* Hardinge reported to the Secret Committee that she was
profligate, reviewed the troops uoveiled. and dressed as a dancing women, which
displeased the o’d but gratified the young. Her irregularities were so monstrously
indecent that the troops once held her horse and advised her to be more chaste

• * For ma iccount ot tKs life and ttaasjetions of tbir faroarite taJ adrisaz of rSo7 JadaOi

who time fi{ured pcomioentlf at the Labor* DaebSr. tse. {tnerillj. Smyth— Hiwrr

cf tht Rtienlng Fanilraf Lafiore, p.\6i3.66; uid Brotdfoot'i du^iiehes— 27 December. 1344.
2i Jinuaty, 1345-(P) IM ; 23 Febroaiy, ISe.(P) 165 : I .23 February, 1S13-(P) 165 : 6 : 15
and 26 September. ISIS-(P) 167s 23. J6,

* For the roUrieal career of Lai S.oih. *«* generitly, Canntchael Smyth-p. 155 160 5
Cunnttnha!B-p.2iaf «nd37J; Lah^e Knrt lattert. SSortabtt and 6 December. 1S45-(PP)
XXXI , JS46 ; and Ctojdfoot’* deapetebe* ie> Corenimeo^ 23 *ad 23 Februery. JS^S-(P> 165 : L
6 etc.

» Broadfoot to EUenborwjib CPriTKe), 17 Janaarr. 13t3.(EP> PRO 33/12 (2ir7).

tOSTSCMT ON I'NOAN

2J3

©r they »ou!J no lender »tyle her the mother of all Silhi* Turther, obtenet
flirdinfe. the tent fiflt to couftennt. IferJayt were tpent m reh'^iout olHcei,
her nifhtt In frotveit dihjuchefy. With contiJerabV ipirit the had not the
decency to tei! her continence. The toMicry btt year threatened to cut off her
note at a «©man of bad mora't. and thii «iat the cefcnt of the larfett Hindu dynaity
tiMch reru/neii In India.* All thlt. hotteter. afprart to be an ctercitc In tihfi-
tatkm. At the time time. Ilardmee admiit that the thowed contidetable enerpy
and iririt. led a rrpu'ar life, and detoted heftclf fu'ly to the state alTairt.*

9 r«ili(rir( «■ jlaJia

RSni Jindan'f po’itical cateet before and after the Anp’o-Silh Wars,
narrated by the preteni writer etiewhere.* may well be tum.'nari/cd here. The
al’epation to much enrhaiited by all Driiith fanclionariet at the N. W. rronlier,
and piten popular currency by pivft and Kirdt.* that Jindan becoming desperate
at (he riting temper of (he KIJIu Armybeoupht it on in a headlong collision with
the Rtittih military power for its conp’ete annihilation, ippe^rt to be a half-truth.
Nor can (he widowr of Ranjit Singh be accused of lack of salour . though it might
be uid that after raising the storm, the was powftlctt to direct or allay it. She
turrendercs] alt political power toon afler the first SAh War. and the treaty of
Bhytowal (Arl, /O) fited an annuity of l.5fl.<WO rupees for her mmtenance. but the
wni still tutpeeled of wielding consideraMe po'ioeal inlluence In August 1847,
the was falsely implicated in what it known at the Treyma Tlot.* and ssai uncere*
moniouily rcmoied frem Lahore to Sheilfcvpura. and her allossance reduced ro

48.000 rupees per annum. In May 1848. feanag that she might raise a general
resolt in the Punjab, the was whnled away by a stratagem from Sheikhupura to
Benarct and placed under strict turseillarKc and her allowance further reduced to

12.000 rupees per annum.* During the Punjab Campaign, Major Maegregor, m
attendance on her reported from Denarcs that she was in correspondence both
with Diwln ,MuIraJ and insurgent Sher Smgh. It was then decided to remose her

> liitdinl* toEllraheiouih (Pn*at«X 3) October, IklVED PRO er. cli

s >{tiJinCrlatiobh<MiM(PilT>(»)t9Vp«r«t«r.l»VRR>g|l)tc«i(nM) 35(78. M.SSi.

* Coe«fT><T4.G*ae(il la Seem CooBlnte. i NorrtBber, 1815.11131.(11.

* VlJi. Anitt.SiH griolea/, A ReapcrtUst «( iht Riw inJ fall of ibe Sikfct,
l<otbitteut.l9». rp.S57-e, ;29.3S}.31S-tS,eni 55«Jtte. ; mii lUiltfycf NcmI-As told br
tti Owa taj Conttiopoftrf CttaalrUn. UatHatfar, !9/0, p. Xli-il, taJ 3ll-t2.

* See (or laittncc. ITobli and Se*a 0ia(h (Ed.) Par AtaAdvimaJ i l/iitd

ruxfA. Ladbisna. 1957.

* (PP) XLL 18(7. No. 9-Ca(ter«r«r 3-A.

t DtUiousIe to tIobbouM. 2 June, t80.Bcea|btaa (OSI) hi. 91>9(b.

N-M

THE FAMILY OFKANJIT SlNGH

UDdsr Strict guard to the fortress of Chunar. It was during her transfer to Chunar,
that she made good her escape from British captivity, in what manner it could never
be fully ascertained.

The valiant widow of Ranjit Singh appeared at Kathmandu late in April
1849. The Nepal Residency Recordt inform us that she had escaped from Chunar
disguised as a goli or konchi (slave-girl) with the connivance of her guards.’ And
jet, although her presence in Nepal was considered politically irksome, hfaharaja
Jung Bahadur, the Prime Minister of Nepal, ga%-c her political asylum on account
of the respect to the memory of Maharaja Ranjit Singh,* with whom the Nepalese
Government bad retained amicable relations. A small house on the bank of the
Bagmati river was assigned to her with an adequate allowance for her maintenance.

Jindan remained in Nepal till I860. The Nepal Residency Papers refer to
her 12 years’ unhappy sojourn at Kathmandu within the precincts of Jung Bahadur s
huge and scrawling manson at Thapatbalt. Contrary to the customary Nepalese
traditions of hospitality, Jong Bahadur desired her undecorous pnblic appearance
in the Darbjr to acknowledge Nepalese generosity which she eontcroptnously
refused. Moreover, the pressure of British functionaries at the Kathmandu
Readency, who still maintained the fiction of her being able to organise political
dUalTectioo In the Punjab from across the Himalayan Kingdom, antagonised the
Nepal DarbSr, and most humiliating restrictions were placed on her, and baseless
charges of podigacy and misconduct were levelled against her. The bold and
imperious rSnl of Lahore, however, did not brook these indignities and insults with
equanimity. She blew hot and cold, dismissed her personal staff foisted upon her by
the Nepalese Darbar, and told the Rana tyrant of Kathmandu in the most insulting
language what she thought of him. Utterly disgusted with the indignities imposed
upon her by Jung Bahadur and fed up with her forlorn life at Kathmandu, she
readily agreed to quit Nepal and join her son Dalip Singh, who visited India and
accompanied him to England in 1861, where two years later, she died.

ID. DslipSiorii

Official as well as private correspondence reUlive to the affairs of Maharaja
Dalip Singh after his deposition has since been published.* Besides, details of the
life of the last sovereign of the Sikhs can be read more profitably in Lady Login’s
frank and affeclionaje Memoir,* and hlajor Evans Bell’s controversial though

' N■uoUtte•l^•arTat^»«cf fJepat (tSi?). RMi<f«icr Pwr*

tl). SeetUoHijtsr/ c/ f.'epgl, p. 323 19 .

» na.

> Hutfffref VoU UL (Mukaraja DuUer Sint*

CeRtipoeience), P»tmi,1972.

* Sir JolmLetan 0njDu!«r7Stii(&,I.eBdcii. 19?a.

DALIP SIKCH

235

informali^'C work.* It appears that soon after Iii« deposition, the 12 >e3fs old
Msharap was removed to Fatebparh and put under the charpe of Dr. John Login
and a tutor named Walter Guise. Hit rntourape consisted of a widow of Sher
Sinpli, and other Indian attendants with two Englishmen, Borrow and Tommy
Scott. Completely remnscd from Ws natural surroundinft. cut off from hisances-
tral religious and cultural cnsironmcnis. Dalip Singh seems to have been brought
up and educated as a Christian. 'The little Maharaja is an engaging little fellow,'*
observes Lord Dalliousie, "and he has quite won my heart. He appears to be
happily enjoying his hawks and his fun and already very fond of Dr. Login, the
officer who has charge of him.*** in I8SI. it wus reported that the minor Sikh
prince had eipressed a desire to become Chfistian r "TTie pundits, he says tell him
humbug t he had the Bible read to him and he believes in the Sshlb's religion at
present it may be represented to have been brought by tampering with the mind
ofa child. This J» not the case— it is bis own free acr, and apparently bis firm
resolution. He will be a Christian, he uyt. and he will take tea with Tommy Scott,
which his caste has hitherto prevented.*'*

The contention that the minor Dalip Singh's resolution to embrace Chnitiaa*
ity was a deliberate act and not a fantasy of the boy, might be seriously challenged,
rnlitically. admitted Dalhouiie, they could desire nothing better, for, it would
destroy his influence for ever.* Drought up under the influence of Christian
environments and a mode of living dominated by Dr. Login and Walter Guise, the
young prince was given instruction in Christian faith for well over 2 years "without
pubficity or flourish, to newrspaper paragraphs or artkfes in the Af(ss(Mary
HfeorJ".* Direct encouragement of the minor Sikh prince to forsake the religion
of hit forefathers and two years* "patient probation" and unobstrusive instruction
in the Christian faith, ultimalefy Jed lo his conversion. On 3 March 1853. the young
Maharaja was quietly baptised in his own house at Fatchgarli. Lord Dalhousie
commented: ‘This is a remarkable historical incident, and if ever the finger of
God wrote upon the wall, it did in the sight of this boy. and the touching of his
heart.*** Soon afterwards. Dalip Singh was permitted lo go to England and
settle there.

Dalip Singh’s life in England as a comfoTcable country squire has been
described in full by Lady Login in her affectionate Memoir, but the shabby
treatment meted out to him regarding his claim to his ancestral estates in the Punjab,

s TKe An<i«xdl<9n s/ itr Pun/aS anil Mpltarala DuUtP London. JSS2.

t Oalboutie lo Sic ReorS« Cmipvc.lS December. lSl9-CHr.

S /Mil. 3Mtceb.l851.

s Ikfd. S June, 18S1, ep. til-

S Ibid. 3 Mircb, 1353, op. <({.

THE FAMILY OF RAN^T SISGH

the pajTnenl of accumolated arrears of his annuity, and the refusal of the British
authorities to allow him to return to India and settle in the Punjab, are so well
narrated in his private and official correspondeiwc,* and his own narrative published
for private circulation.*

In 1882. Maharaja Dalip Singh under pressure of extreme financial difficul-
ties requested the British Government to settle the accumulated arrears ofhis
pension under the terms granted to him in 1849— at 4,00,000 rupees per annum-
He also demanded the restitution of his private estates in the Punjab valued
at 82,00,000 rupees.* Both these claims were unacceptable to the British
Government for various reasons. It appears that since his arrival to England he
was in receipt of an annuity of £25,000. £1,05,000 had been paid to him for the
purchase of an estate in England ; and loans of various amounts totaling £1,40,000
® 4J% interest had been advanced to him. He was also advanced £60,000 without
interest by an Act of Parliament. Total advances of £3,05.000, it was maintained,
had almost wiped oat the accumulated arrears of his annuity.* No posithe reply
to his clann to hb ancestral estates was forthcoming. Later, however a sum of
£50,000 was offered to him in settlement of all his claims. This was rejected by
Dalip Singh.*

In 1882 also, Maharaja Dalip Singh had evinced a desire to return to the
Punjab.* The British Government categorically refused to permit him to do so,
on the grounds that under Art. S of the terms granted to him in 1849, the Gorernor-
Gencral of India could only determine the place ofhis residence.* Two years
later, however, the Home Government intimated to the Maharaja that if he were
willing to reside at Oatacamand or any other place in the Madras Presidency, he
could be allowed to go to India.* Dalip Singh decided to defy the ban : te
denounced the restriction both unjust and immoral. On 31 March 1886, he sailed
for Bombay, bnt when on 21 April he arrived at Aden, he was arrested along with
the members of his family by the orders of the Covermneat of India under Bengal
Regulation III of 1818. Indignantly he refused to return to England, demanded a
full judicial investigation by the House of Lords for the curtailment of his liberty as

r Mdiaraiit Dxdtep Siiffi CarrtSTOndentr. ep. cit.

* TXf Mthareia Dvleev orti the GnerTmem, LonSoa, 1S$4.

» Oalip Sinjli to the Qncca.tAi/ Latent RteotUmenj, p. 247 f. Tot tli* Statement ef
Ar.eettral Eiiatu ef Makaraja DnltepStnih. wide., Dilip Siogh to Eitl of Kiobecley. 10 MiKh,
Dolip Singi Cerretrenience. ci>. ctt.

* Sccietarr (Polttical lod Secret Departraect) to Dunnd. 4 KmeabeT. 1SS5. No. 30.

* Rrtideut it Aden to Viceroy. 5 May, 1S36.

* Pdlip 5ing> Corr e lrendente, ep. cit. p. lC3f.

* Lord Ripoa to Hoot Goremment ,15 Angait. 1SS3. No. 161.

« Rinielph CtnnbiH to Dili? SuigK 30 Nerenliet, ISSS. No. 31.

DAUP SINGH

237

a British subject, and claimed £2,50.000 as damages. On 25 hfay, he renounced
Christianity and re-embraced Sikhisjo, resigned hts pension, and after 2 months
detention, was permitted to leave Aden in disgust for Paris.

TheeX'Maharaja ofthe Punjab spent the remaining few years of his life in
forced exile in France and Russia. He remained in political wilderness for almost
7 years having severed all connections with the Court of St. /ames. His refusal to
correspond with the British authorities in England, and his determination not to
live any more on the charity of his oppressors, reduced him to acute straitened
circumstances. Bitterness against the British, financial bankruptcy, and separation
from his family almost drove him mad.' His visit to St. Petersburg and Moscow,
and. the arrival of Sikh emissaries in Europe from the Punjab, Pondicherry,
Chandemagorc, Calcutta and Kabul ; his meeting with the Czar and other Russian
dignitaries give an opportunity to the British authorities in fndia and England to
blowup the bubble ofhis soUciiingtbe support of Russia and Afghaoistao to stir
up revolt in the Punjab and recover his Kingdom.*

Dalip Singh died in exile, fondly cherishing this hope, in a little known
hotel in Paris, on 22 October, 1893, utterly alone and far from bis country,
friends and relatives. ”SVbea the son and heir to Ranjit Singh died," so runs his
obituary, “there was no one with him to close his eyes.”*

> The Tribune, 25 Detobet, 1(93.

> Dalip Singh CcTreij!Oiidenee,ap~tti., p.SlSet m. iubsttntiatei tbe truth cf this state-
sent. He'vrotetoblsioainEnlliiid:**IafD ttuiteiadependest cf ceecrbodr. and pritectlj
bapFT. and scan shottir to crrertbiow the Btitish xnle in Indis, to which 1 have dedicated the
rest of tar life (-tp Vieter Dalis Smth, 21 Mar. 18S7X

S The Tribune, ul tupra.

Cbaptes 12

MEN AROUND THE MAHARAJA

!• Cftinp acd Court

^ THE ORIENTAL PAGEANTRY, ostentation and brilliance of the Maha-
raja s Court has been described by many a contemporary observer. The Maharaja
usualy dressed in simple white, wore no ornaments but a single string of pearls
round his waist and the famous Koh-UNor diamond on his arm. He sat cross-legged
on a golden chair. Prince Shcr Singh, Prince Kharak Singh, and raja Hira Singh
were the only individuals who were privileged to sit on chairs in the Darbar. Golden
pillars covered three parts of the hall. Rich shawl carpets, ignated with gold and
Silver and inset with jems covered the floor of the DatbSr. Behind the Maharaja
invariably stood the rSja'i kalan. Dhlan Singh, his principal minister. Although
himself dressed m plain clothes except on ceremonial occasions, Ranjit Singh liied
to be surrounded by his ministers, courtiers and civil and military ofRcials. They
were always magnificently robed, wearing all sorts of glittering ornaments and arms.
Osborne observes that the Maharaja took pride in being surrounded by good-looking

r *" E^«'ould show such a fine

looking set of men as the principal Sardars.'

to Iho British CoBtmandcr-in-Chicf

Lc^ his Mfltoroja-s hragnifleent Courts "We

a™,. -dcra cauop, iu frout of the

Cashmere shawls, inlaid „i,h silL "Ld wlrh^n 7 " ’"“i

was also covered with shawls. - ■">' “““

the most superb that eau be conce vS LTho ' ^ Co""""'

a gala night at the Opera. TbcTnUpstn fte -

was literally a mass of jewels; hi, ne* a™ afd leT"' “"""a

armlets, bangles, formed of pearls, diamonds and imh' ttovered with ac ,

thiek that iu was didienl, to discover an, rhing’be.weeT.tem”"

The Sikh court nobility consisted of rf!«».no t
S ikh of. he ruling class was the “'•”1

power as commander or landowner in the Kinrd 7'' “

Biingdom, he eaerdsed little injuence

Fire Year$ in India. Leaden , ^ - P

CAMP AND COURT

in the councils of the Maharaja or the administration of the State. The Sardars
that adorned and added lustre to the Maharaja’s Court »ere Sikhs, Rajputs,
Muhammadans, liindus-Khalris and Brahmans, and Europeans of various nationa-
lities. In the DarbSr rigid attention was paid to etiquette and precedence. On
ceremonial and public occasions, the Sardars attended on their royal master clad
in rich and costly dresses. On public occasions the display of pageantry and
colour was beyond description. Murray describes the arrival of the Maharaja in
Lord Auckland’s Camp at Ferorepur in November 1838 : “A discharge of distant
artillery announced that the Maharaja had left his tents, and in a few minutes the
opposite pageant came in sight, when the scene it represented to have been beyond
the power of verbal description, and surpassed in all that European imagination had
conceived of esYn orientalluxury and splendour. Between the ranks of horsemen
gorgeously arrayed, with steel casques and glittering appointments, moved in majestic
order towards each other two masses of elephants, bringing in rich howdas the
two great rulers in India, surrounJed by their ministers and warriors. Columns after
columns of troops were seen, in every variety of gay colours, covered with a profusion
of ornaments, preserving a steadiness which the best European discipline could not
CTcel, while to the east and west stretched «n extensive encampment, in the centre
of which were numerous tenti, glittering in aimson and gold. At a viewing
distance from the Sikh legions, were dense masses of spectators of the humble
classes, maintaining a decorum scarcely ever shewn in the most civilised countries
of Europe . No tumultous shouts rent the air . the silent awe and breathless astoni-
shment of the masses svas occasionally broken by the licensed tongue of an Alali
or a fakir. The Maharaja on a ponderous elephant was habited, as on the day
before, in dark crimson shawl-cloth tunic, trousers and turban, without any
trinkets, and was thus, as well as by his flowing beard, distinguished from his
richly-clad soldiers and attendants.”'

2. Conduct ei boiIacH

Concentration of all authority in the sovereign rendered the conduct of all
oOicial business highly personalised. The appointment of high civil and military
ofliclals of the Slate, the nominations of the or provincial governors of the

Subrthj.xhe sciticments of revenue, and the audit of civil and military accounts
were entirely done by the Maharaja or under his direct supervision. The working
day of Ranjit Singh was, therefore, full and hummed with all sorts of activities. In
the mornings and evenings, he always went out, observes a contemporary visitor,
cither on horseback or in a litter lo lake the air ; when even m ill health or even in
rainy or stormy weather, he seldom denied himself the exercise. He took a hasty
breakfast, and then heid his Court, and sometimes on the plain under the shade of
a tree or camp, which continued till noon. The whole business of the day was

Hittfty ef Iks PyKjai, LcndoB,18l6h U.^ 1S4-5S.

240

MEN AROUND THE MAHARAIA

transacted by bsm with rapidity and despatch during that time. When the Datbar
was os'cr, the royal sovereign took a siesta of half an hour only. Then he devotedly
had the holy Cranlh read out to him for an hour and a half. After that he took
the air. In these exeraises, be generally employed himself in inspecting his troops
or other military establishments or receiving the petitions of his people.*

3 The Mihtraja at vorfc

The extent and scope of stale business disposed off by tbe Maharaja in a
single day was stupendous. Tbis is exampUficd by the account of the Court
historian of the Lahore Datbar in the RoznUmcha'i Mahar&ja Ranjit Singh uadtt
date 14 November 1837. Tbe Maharaja is in camp at the bank of the river Jehlum.
This is the Maghar Sankranti day. He distributed alms and charities, reached the
bank of the river Jehlum, drank water out of it and exclaimed : ‘this is the water of
Kashmir.’ In tbe Camp, tbe Nawab of Dera Jsmai) Khan presented tbe nasars and
was dismissed with an enteruiament allowance. Kanwar Naunihal Singb, who
accompanied the Nawab, similarly offered nazots and was likewise dismissed with
zeafai. Prince Sber Singh, who attended, was directed to proceed to Peshawar, and
on his reluctance to do so, was severely reprimanded. The Prince agreed to carry
out the royal order. Captain Wade, the British Political Agent at Ludhiana
reported about tbe dacoitles and burgalatiea which bad taken place is the terri*
lories on the British side of the Sntlej. The kardars were instantly directed to
restore the cattle and property. Wade also repotted that a disciple of a Sadhu
had been killed by the xamiadats of Virowal ; orders were issued to the fctlrdflr of
that place to hand over the murderer to the British Agent. Replies to the cordial
letters of the Governor-General of India for an interview with the Maharaja were
dictated. News from Harara indicated that Painda Khan had captured the fortress
of Chandu and had created terror over the country of Hazara. Orders were issued
to Sardar Tej Singh to proceed thither with topkhana and the regiments and “crush
the brain of the mischief-maker.” A royal order was issued to Sardar Lehna Singh
Majilhia to store up gun-powder, ammonilions and warlike materials in the fort of
Falehgarb. and report to the Maharaja. ArsaU Khaa presented a nazar of 2
horses to the Maharaja, and was assured that I.OOO horse and 4 cannons appointed
by the Darbar would be sufficient to control the country. Sardar Tej Singh was
issued an order to construct a new fort at Salhngarh. Nur Muhammad Kban son
of Sardar Sultan Muhammad Khan presented himself to the Maharaja with reports
about the condition of Peshawar and that gifts from the Kandahar Chiefs received

at Peshawar were on their way to Lahore.*

A similar entry in the Roznamcha beginning 12 June, 1836 further
illustrates the point. It is the day of the blessed month of Har. Alms

t All. n* Silk* ani

* UT.

»k* l.oa4ea, 1347,

P. 17//.

THE MAKAKAJA AT WORi:

241

and charities to the value of 7,000 rupees having been distributed, the oflicial
business commenced vsith a letter front Lain Kishan Chand with the suggestion
that Kanwar Kaunihal Singh, Sardar Attar Singh Att3riwal3 and Raja Suchet
Singh should remain at Sbikarpur for the conduct of negotiations with the
Talpurian Amirs of Sind. An elephant with a golden Aoit'tfaA H-as betowed upon
Prince Kharat Singh. Orders were issued for the reception of the Anion
Sahib, who was asked through Faqir Aziz-ud-Din to raise and drill a pa/tan for
the Maharaja to be inspected on a fired date. A meeting having been arranged
with Anton Sahib, the Maharaja observed of kingly qualities: “Once upon a
time the enemy overpowered a king. He decided to runaway. While on flight
his turban fell on the ground. The hostile forces busied themselves in plundering
his camp. Later the said king fell upon the hostile forces with his troops. The
enemy forces were ignorantly and negligently busy in plunder. He fell upon them
like lightning and storm and the existence of many was consumed in the fire of
mortality. This was the way in which the kings showed courage anddar/ftg.”
Kawab Sarfraz Khan presented himself to the Maharaja who assured him that his
monthly allowance would be paid regularly from the revenues of Kashmir. A
messenger arrived from Peshawar and narrated the political and financial conditions
prevalent in that region. A dispute between the zamindars of Jamadsr Khushal
Singh is settled. General Avitabile is directed to explain the additional expenditure
of 80,000 rupees in the administration of Peshawar. The roAl/ of the Raja of
Nepal arrives with presents (2 elephants, one horse, ornaments, musk and Chinese
rolls) for the Maharaja, and return gifts are ordered to be despatched to Nepal.
On receipt of Ihe news from Peshawar that disturbances in that city have been
quelled, a discharge of IS ordered. Orders arc issued for the despatch of

a deputy to Multan with a force of 500 horse and 36 swivels and 1 cannon to
help realise the large amounts due. Prince Kharak Singh is granted an estate
worth 50,000 rupees in Kashmir. An order is issued to Khalsa Nau Nihal Singh
to submit to the Datbar an agreement for 4.00,000 rupees for Dera Ismail Khan
and the revenues ofTank and Bannuaroounting to 50,000 rupees and to submit a
statement of the collections from Dera, Muralb, Kullachi, Babarpur Mabrat, Isa
Khel, Waziri and Kalabagh.^

The Maharaja kept himself folly infoaned of what was happening in the
far-flung provinces and in the neighbouring countries. The wn^a’/neu-b (news-
writers) in the loiiiiit sent to the royal court news-letters at regular intervals. The
system was borrowed from the Mughals and kept a check on the arbitrary powers
entrusted to the provincial satraps and the oppressive tendencies of the ksrdars.
VakUs of foreign states attended the Court and arrangements were made on

J UT, HI (lii). t. 31S-32t.

N-31

242

MES AROUND THE MAHARAJA

reciprocal basis. The Darbar had news-writers in the Kilayat (AfghanlslanV
vaAl/r (political agents) in Sind and in the British territory. Important Sardars
on State duty out of the capital kept their own voki/j at the Court to watch their
interests. Vakih of the Cis-Sutlej Stales, Rajputana and Nepal came often on
secret or complimentary missions.

4. Accounts of foreign Tisitars : Hugel

Foreign visitors were treated with hospitality and dignity and were provided
maintenance during their stay in (he Punjab. ^Vhen in January 1835, Baron Von
Hugel was the guest of the Maharaja, he noted how the ruler of Lahore conversed
with persons of foreign language and manners. An interpreter translated the
conversation into Persian, and a Court official, usually Faqir Aziz-ud-Din, conveyed
its import to his royal master in the Punjabi language. The Maharaja’s querries
and answers were quick and astounding. Hugel also describes in some detail the
persons around the Maharaja.* On a chair near the Maharaja, sat Hira Singh, a
youth of 16 years, the son of raja Dhian Singh, the Prime Minister ; all other great
chiefs, ministers and officials were sealed on the ground. The Court colour of
the DarbSt was yellow or green ; and all the Sardars and officials were clothed m
yellow garments of the wool of Kashmir, except Hira Singh, who wore a satin dress
of light green and pink. There were also present, rSji Suchet Singh, the brother
of Dhian Singh and Gulab Singh, the lord of Jammu hills; Khushal Singh, called
Jamadifr, a Brahman, formerly a cook in the Maharaja’s household, converted to
Sikh faith, and a house-steward in the palace— next to rajS Dhian Singh, was the
most powerful of Ranjit Singh’s vassals. The heir-apparent prince Kharak Singh,
the Maharaja’s eldest son, of feeble intcllccl and of little influence, was always
overlooked in the Daibar. His son Kaunihal Singh, an active and promising youth
of 15. if Kanjil Singh’s health failed, may supersede his father and succeed to the
throne. Sber Singh and Tara Singh, twins had never been acknowledged by Ranjit
Singh as his legitimate sons ; the former had distinguished himself as a soldier,
but was found very unfit as governor of Kashmir. He was at that time at Peshawar,
with the title of governor ; General Avitabile, however, had the entire direction
of affairs and administration of the suboh. Tara Singh was not of any importance.

Kashmira Singh and Feshawara Singh, were also sons of Ranjit Singh, but nothing
much was known about them.

One of the great obstacles to the duration of the empire founded by Ranjit
Singh, observed Hugel, consisted in the imprudence of suSering so much power
to accumulate in the persons of his vassals. Gulab Singh, for example, in Jammu,
with his brothers, Dhian Singh and Suchet Singh, possessed a targe district, which

* UT. Ill CO. P- 65-66.

* TrartU tntulation). Patimta, 1970, p. 287..83.

BURNES* IMPRESSIONS

243

extended over inaccessible Mountains from Attock to Nurpur, in the south-west,
and thence to Ladakh, besides other estates I'n the Punjab. The Dogra brothers,
who were powerful in money, tro<^, cannon and foeiressts, would with great
diniculty be brought into subjection by the arms of feeble successors of Ranjit Singh,
and several others were siinilarly circumstanced. Nothing could establish Ranjit
Singh's dynasty firmly, except an alliance with the Company, which his pride and
the policy of the latter had hitherto precluded. The Maharaja bad no throne.
“My sword,” he observed, “procures me all the distinction I desire ; I am quite
indifferent to external pomp.“‘

5. Bnrnn' iraprcuiani

Alexander Burnes who visited Lahore in February 1S31, testifies to the
expeditious manner in which the Maharaja transacted business even on parade
ground. While inspecting the troops, he dictated letters to the Chiefs of Kabul
and Peshawar and several other personages beyond the Indus, issued orders to all
Chiefs and Sardars between his capital and the frontier. He recalls that he received
letters from Ranjit Singh in the deserts of Tartary and Bokhara. “I never quitted.”
he observes, “the presence of s native of Asia with such impressions as I left the
man : without education and without a guide, he conducts all the affairs of his
kingdom with surpassing energy and vigour, and yet wields his power with a mode-
ration quite unprecedented in an eastern prince.*'*

6, Titles of (b« Boblllty

Although there was neither any classification nor gradation of Sikh Court
nobility, titles were conferred on favourites by the Maharaja, the highest recorded
appears to be the roja'l rajgOn held only by the principal minister of the State
Dhian Singh. Other Jammu brothers, Gubb Singh and Suchet Singh and their
nephew Hira Singh held the title of the raja. Other notable titles conferred on the
ChieFs were merely bonor'iBc rii., A/fal Did^, UJ/a/J>ldar, Ntrma} Budh, Sardar,
Sardar-UBawaqar, Dha’l, Jamadar, Hnbar-i-Jang, Cenerat-i-Awwal, Sarnqam-ud-
Dawla, ‘Itmad-ud’DaivIa, Mtibariz-u!-Mulk, AmBnat PanJh, Dilawar Jung, and
^afdar Jang Bahadur?

These titles had no established order, and were conferred at random
at the Maharaja's whim or on suitable occasions. Notable recipients included were :
Hira Singh, Sardar Attar Singh SindhSnwala. C. M. Wade, Diwan JodhaRam,
General Avitabile, Sardar l.ehn3 Singh Majithm, Kanwar Sher Singh, BhS*! Gobind
Ram, and Sardar Tcj Singh.*

* V>it. p. 457-58.

S UT, Itl (it), p. 401-2.

* See, {eccttlly. W. II. ?. 265, 247 u4 26l : tll(t0. p. 297 ; III(lt), p. 433.

244 MEN AROUND THE MAHARAJA

Oneofthe highest awards in the State instituted in 1837 oa the occasion
of the marriage of Kanwar Naunihal Singh, the Maharaja’s grandson, was the
KaukaM-lqbat-t-PunJab (the Star of the FeliciQ' of the Punjab). Its first recipjcnt
was the British Commander-in-Chicf, Sir Henry Fane, who had come to attend
the marriage. The medal had three orders : the first order beset with diamonds
was reserved for the princes of the royal family and distinguished foreigners; the
second order beset with emeralds was conferred on the highest dignitaries of the
State; and the third order beset with jewels was reserved for military officers of
approved valour. The Lahore Diarist records that the recipients of this medal
were ! Kanwars Kharak Singh, Naunihal Singh and Sher Singh, Raj3 Gulab Singh,
Raja Dhian Singh, Raja Suchet Singh, Ra^ Hira Singh, Jamadar Khusbal Singh,
Sardar Attar Singh Sindhianwala, Sardar Dhanna Singh MalwaT, Sardar Lchna
Singh MajTthia, Diw^n Sawan hfal, Rajj Dina Nath and others.^

Of the military titles there were merely few. From the Khalsa Darbar Records
and the RoznSmcha of the Lahore Diarist, we have the list of the following eight
persons who were officially given the title of General : Sardar Ram Singh, Sardar
Gujjar Singh, Ventura, Sardar Tej Singh, Sardar Ajit Singh, Jean Baptiste Court
Misser Sukh Raj, and MTan Udbam Singh. Ventura complained to the Maharaja
that it did not look proper that he be given the same title as others for be bad been
the instructor of them all. The Maharaja replied good-humouredly that be would
soon be granted the title cit (tbeCreat General).*

THE JAMMU BROTHERS

The history of the Dogra RajpuU of the hills who rose to the highest
eminence at the Lahore Court is variously told.* Soon after the occupation of
Jammu by RanjitSingh in 1803, Sardar Hukam Singh Chimnl, whom the Maharaja

t OT, IlUiv), p. 490. The otdet w»» ptcbablj IniUituted ecthe *uJSe»tion of Sit
HentT Feae, the BritUH Coeim»det-iii.Chi«f. who cioe to ectead the martiege of Ktnvat
' Naunihel Siacb io2SS7. The fiiedef etesof^fd. heeetwitb diaatoods with ted eod yelfow
tihhonaad tnetahledinthepe the Ftcneb LegtandtHunmT. It bote ■ emtU im»£e of Eenjit
Sinthenene tide.

* Ur.nUiiO.p.350.

> Antheritiet -. See tenenU;. Kttps Rats'* Gtdu&nama (Stinafar. B. S. 19322. which
gWextheefTicialTenieaof thebutor; ofihe latsilr Richoond'a Mimoir en Jammu KajJi
CDtcemhet. 58431 io the £lleniaroa«h Paper* (PROlJ0.'l2-60). Public Record* Office. London,
lief* a fultDBie accotint of tbe thjee bTOtbc»»ndtbe>i pewer pofitici. Cartnicbael Sf atb'» A
ififtorpe/ttePfieung famitref Labartp a GentaUtxeal History of tke Jammu

Tanllf, ectapUtd from local aaauicxspu sod Col. Gardoet'* Notet. tbe eetaeity of which
appean (ttcpect and does not cotto borate Richtsood'f teceunt. See eUo the 'lireinama (1) MS.
5W. fel.MS «t *M.

CHtAM SIKGH

245

had awigned /fljilrj 5n the hills near Jammti. eolJeclcd a large force and attacked
the tosvn. Mt'an Mola, the Lahore tributary of Jammu collected an irregular force
of the hill rajputs and routed the insurgent. Among the troopers of MIlin Mow,
v.ho dispbjed great courage in fighting, were one Kishora Singh and his two sons.
Dhian Singh and Guhb Singh, htfan Mota repaired to Lahore and Gulab Singh
was one of his escorts. On Mran Mota's recommendation, Ranjit Singh took young
Gutab Singh into service on a salary of2 rupees a day.

The rise of the Jammu brothers to power at Lahore was phenomenal. Gulab
Singh won the approbation of the Maharaja when he assassinated in cold blood,
oneSuthra, who had murdered his benefacror MrsnMota. He was given ayjgfr
of 12,000 rupees with a command of 50 horsemen. The fortunes of the family rose
rapidly when In 1816 Mtln Ktshora was appointed the ruler of Jammu, and Gulab
Singh was allowed to remain with his father looking aOer the administration. On
the death of Ktshor.-t Singh, Ranjit Singh conferred the title ofrSjJof Jammu on
Gulab Singh for his mihwry servicer, and Dhian Singh who by bis machinations
had ousted J3mad.5r Khushal Singh from the post of the Chamberlain of the
Royal Household (Deodhidar), was made the rijS of Bbiinber, and Suchet Singh
that of Dhadrawa1.4

7. DfaUnSiflth

Having obtained the coveted post of the Royal Chamberlain, Dhian Singh
steadily won the confidence of the Maharaja and his star rose rapidly. He was a
master of intrigue and servility and gathered all the strings of administratiori in his
own hands. Inl82Shewas given (be (die of rJJa'f rajgan, and the distinction to
hold his own court and to receive nazars. He became the principal minister of the
Maharaja and the most powerful person in the State after him. Dhian Singh
assumed formidable position of power and influence at the Court. He was the
c)esafld ears ofh/s royal master. He monopolised ail power as (he Chamberlain
and the Prime Minister, commanded a considerable portion of the army, was the
Maharaja’s cide-dt'Camp, and nothing could be done without his concurrence.

In appearance and deportment Dhian Singh is described as “a fine-looking
man, of noble presence, polite and nffable, of winning manners and modest speech."
Contemporary observers ofTcr various surmises which allowed the Jammu brothers
to gain ascendency at the Court and influence over the Maharaja. Lawrence
estimates that both Dhian Singh and Jamadar Khushal Singh rose to power "not
by the most respectable road,” and that they obtained high favour “as ministers
of Ranjit Singh's debaucheries."* This may be a half-truth. Asked as to how

I Ut>{. p.4U

* Adrentvrtt of an OSietr (» ikcFuajd, LonJon, 1546. i,i>. 33-3S.

246 MEN AROUNDTHEMAHARAIA

could the Jammu brothers acquire such pourcr and influence over him, the Maharaja
rejoined : “V.Ti>’, it is may fate — I threw myself on them — it is my destiny J

The character of Dhian Singh as the principal minister of the Ma^J^
and his influence and power impressed esTfyone who \isited the CourL
Dhian Singh is in the country,” obsers'cd Lord Auckland, “the obsers'ed of a
obser^'crs, handsome in appearance, graceful in manners, though of much reser\^
powerful in ts'calth, territory and connection ; looked upto by all for ability an
charged by all with schemes of high ambition. His possessions are in the lulls an
extend from the Sutlej to Cashmere, and north of him, his brother’s territories run
upto Ladakh of which he has recently made himself master. The Jammu army
is subssrs lent to their masters who pay them. He in. a great measure directs the
department of artillery and his influence in all directions is powerful, and with a
this he is said to be far from friendly io(wards) the English,”*

Other accounts of Dhian Singh arc equally colourful. Osborne describes
him a Bob’e specimen of human race, handsome and with acquilinc features ^a
model of manly beauty and intelligcnee. He was always magnificiectly attired,
possessed enormous wealth and property and a large tract of country’, which he
ruled with mildness and justice. He presented a singular iostance of a fasounte
and a man in power, whose talents and virtues are more appreciated than his power
and influence are ensied.* Lawrence describes Dhian Sin^ as slightly lame, hot
a fine-looking man. In the Darb5r he always sat on the ground, rather behind
the Maharaja. He was decidedly ntxt to his master, the ablest man in the Punjab,
though, like him, so illiterate as scarcely to be able to sign his name.*

An ah’e administrator and a calculating politician, Dhian Singh is often
charged with schemes of high ambilioD. Under the ^■enee^ of winning affability he
cloaked a designing and ruthless disposition. As became csident after Ranjit
Singh’s death— his intrigues against Kharak Singh, his quarrels with Nauaihal
Singh, the assassination of Chet Singh, and struggle for power with the SindhiSn*
w^Tas, his ambition and intrigues knew no bounds.* Dhian Singh was assassinated
by Ibe Sindhianwala faction on 15 September, IMJ. A fine specimen of noble
hypocrisy, his loyalty to his royal so%'ercign could ncNcr be doubted. At his
dealh-bed, the Maharaja nominated him bts weak son’s principal adviser and guide-
Soon afterthe death offiis master, be expressed a violent desire to be cremated
alive on the funeral pyre.*

t lUi.

» An:llarvJ to HoVboaj* (Pitmc). 9 l336.Bf csijliioB (BM) 36173. fci. 363»b.

» OAont, C(S-.9 erJ CCT.fl of S«npt S.«|k. C«lcon«. p. 29.30.

* LaoTtaco, or. ftu L p. 35.

* Viit. teactally, .tk Cct«(,oiu. pp. 199.203. 237. 223. 222, 22t ets.

» W*d« kUiaoek. 3 Joly, 1839.1SP(I) 4 l>e«aWr, 1S39. 2Jo. 73-79.

CaLAOStiCGif

8 . Colili Slnlli

Gubb Sinfh \«:ii the soidkr brother and ituvler of Jammu. Having built
up a littie tingdom in the hil'r.he had tteadify ettended it to Ladaih in the north.*
Gulab Singh** character «ai a niiturc of ambition, avariciouvnett and cruelty.
Since hit appointment a« the r3>t of Jammu in 1822. he normally remained at the
teat of hit government, terms orhUallegiancc being the maintenance of a troop
of herse and foot for his sovereign. He recruited a considerable army of Dogra
hitlmen and Nu}eebs. and estended his authority over the independent chiefs of
petty hill states. He occasionally repaired to Lahore fchen either summoned by
the Maharaja or to consult his brothers on the further extension of the family
fortunes. The Jummu ramf/3' Oronte/e* describes his rule in the early d3>s of
power as '‘one of the most repulsive.** He ruled his subjects with an iron rod,
and hif avarice and cruelty were boundless. He is said to base reduced his cruelty
to a i>stem for the promotion of objects which his ambition and avarice led him
to see!:. He erercited the most rtithless barbarities against rebellious subjects to
leep the terror of his oame and all thoughts of resistance to his cruel sway.
Complaints of bis subjects againrt his tyrarmy covU hardly reach the ears of the
Maharaja. Dhian Singh sliced them and arrested their progress to the Darb3r.

Yet with all this it cannot be denied that Culab Smgh was a fine soldier,
and an active and bold commander. He served his master well m various etpedi*
lions in the hills and In Kashmir. The olTicial Lahore Diarist records the Maharaja*!
bounties conferred on him and the favours granted to him Resides being a lord
of the hills, he held the country lying between the Chenab and the Jehlum on farm
for 35,45,000 rupees; his Jagirs amounted to 74^.287 rupees; and he held a
monopoly of the salt mines for whkh he paid to the Slate of Lahore annually
8,00,000 rupees. Financiatly he was the most highly favoured vassal and tributary
of the Maharaja.

And )tt during the lifetime of the Maharaja, Culab Singh proved an
astute diplomat ; as an ambitious ruler he Lepi his boundless ideas of cxtensjon of
power in check, and relied more on his all-powerful brother at the Court to advance
the interests of the family. The caution was perhaps the result of bis knowledge

I It ii doutitfgl wb<eh(c Zsi*««c SinfVs sttenptt to ettenJ b!i Dttiet't ivrtf o«er the
bill eaattftT notch tad norcb-wot of /voiani btdtii* nnttiois of ib< Lsborg Gorerasieat :
■t snr ittc. bit oprdiiion acrod tb« Sao «7 Rt(i|c and eoaqucie of Ladabh eiaicd KCioui
0 l»ti<in|s ia tbc mlad of Mibtnia of lb<|rBfpiB( ambition of hli f«voucici*<.

* SmTlb, p> 257. Anubet autbotltv dead by tha author eibibiti Colab Sielh'a ebacaettc
elenialty aad avariclouiaett in Ici worve tbada. Ha iadaicribed at eattc of opium, and of
onKttUd Bind, wbo appoifictd Cttbaani af collactDta Of trvtnua boldiflf fn farm from bln
tb« rlfht ef eolUetinf alcsi ; ibui tb« aloi wbicli ht btoKlf lata, icttned back to bin I

2^ MES A^OUSO the MAHAEAI a

of Ihs suspicious nalore ofhUrojul so'umga, acd artiGcc and subsemccce to fcis
lord and rnastcr sa^'ed hici frosj any rctaliatorj* steps. His diuan svus to teco-—
tie master ofKashinir, and fce bided bU tins.

The death of the Maharaja ia 1839, howtsrr, unleashed his vicorons and
onlinhed ambitioiB. He raibezzelltd the major portion* of the rea'ences of^
districts assjfsed to him, and since the occcpaiion ofLadahhia 1836, he
been insistently trjicg to seize the province of Kashroir.* He made nur.ffs^=>
osTrtnres to the British for help in tatins possession of Kashmir,* ahhoneh they
had full knowledge of his prisity to the Kabol Insorrection and eCorts to reun
the progress of British troops at Atlock.* He accepted to be the cnslodian oi i —

j2girscTKbxrsi Singh’s vidov Chand Kaztr, and carted as»-ny to Jammo all tttf
lady’s money, jewellery and vocables which he mkappropriated.* His intrienes
against the Lahore Goseminmt prodaced a jVsjd in Muzzafliirabad in which
insurgent Moslim peasantry overpowered many Sikh garrisons.*

The catalogue of Golab SineVs misdeeds so mfiuiated the KhSlsa AtOJ
in 1845, that a force 35.000 strong was s«t to Jamso for his ebastisenest.

sanely adolKed hii treasonable actMties, oCersd bribes to the army ccummsdert

and scat his jewels into the British territory.* He wzs brought to Lahore as a
hostage, where he repeated asmrscces of allefiancs to the Kbalsa, agreed to psf
an Idemnity of 61,00,000 rupees, and with a promise of good behasioer for the
fulsre, was allowed to return to the safety of the hiUs,*

wjotwilhstaadiag the conviction that the caconracement of Golab Sin^ *
ambiliocs designs would weaken the power of the Sikhs and a division of Ranj^
Singh’s dominions, both EHenboroogh and Hardinge resisted the temptation of
supporting him. In the first place he was considered as an narcliahle opportosi»t

“steeped in crime.”* His frequent tender of allegiance were considered Setitons,*

* ^ssiaasi** iinttir n tDeetet*.. liO) (£?) Pao 30A2-*2-

* Cilatipiu. p. Z> 7 .

* EcTt^ p. 157.

« r«i.p.59.

* RtUiifits, cp, cit.

« Se*fe3«»3r.Ri*2c**»oE:«3iewoisfetiT««) 23 FeVr^air 8 Mirei.
PEO 3:;t2<3J/7J. ^

Vlie. Bnadrcee* <J«pi«be»cf IS aUi~i.5 24 SUy. t«15-ISP(l).

» Kuiisfeta E^toscri. 3 !=«. ir4S.EP a»0> s:;i2(2i;27).

da7«sii«»eISUictB?o«i{c«e,ei€.8 »=dll PeirciTy. lf-&-tEF(I)
ta ESle^boKxth, CO Fetrwr. IStS-fEP)
FEOa./U-(7). TteyteTe»liti«Ciji*bSarfittep<5»e3 ta ait to the Bdnii
ratetc^ti«ti--.!!cJri»S3il,j tfferS«r»riti«3e5^ef 53.00.003 mpeei, i£rrarfai**3«* »»
aitpes.*-. K7»*mta e‘ jathsit. K« etfted » ^ ti* Urie* ii ti'T

THtGAYCAVAtJER

249

and his boastful claims that his hintnen cou'd destroy the KhSisa army independently
allowing him to hold Kashmir or the Punjab were considered untenable. Gulab
Singh’s final act of treachery after the first Sikh War has been detailed elsewhere.*
Ilardinge rewarded Gulab Singh for his perfidy against the Sikhs bymsking him an
independent prince of the hills.

9. The G(r Cavalier

The third Dogra brother Raja Sochet Singh of Ramnagar was a courtier
par excellence* Devoid of political acumen or statesmanship, he was, however,
rich in treasure and intrigue. Effeminately handsome and 'the great dandy of the
Punjab,'* he was always splendidly drcs>ed. According to Cunningham, the elegent
Suchet Singh ‘fluttered about as a gay courtier, and gallant soldier, without grasping
power or creating enemies.’*

Suchet Singh started his career as an attendant at the Court and a
Ganymede or ‘eup-^arer’. his handso.me figure and engaging manner soon attracted
the favour ofhis royal master ' He was given a command in the cavalry and the
CharySrl'SowSrs. Ills star rose along with his brothers ; he became the gay cavalier
at the Court, but he was utterly mdifTerent to politics or state matters. According
to Maegregor, Suchet Singh was the heou Ideal of a Sikh soldier ; he was muscular,
agile, and well skilled in the use of sword and matchlock and an excellent horseman.
In his dress Suchet Singh was particularly gorgeous, and wore a profusion of jewels t
while his arms and horse trappings were magnificently ornamented with gold and
silver.*

During the lifetime of the Maharaja, Suchet Singh had no politics ;
but after his death, he played a fickle political game. He was implicated in the
murder of Chet Singh in October 1839 ;’ he supported MaT Chand Kaur against
Sher Singh,* but changed allegiance lo ibe laitcr when be invested the fort of

titeaiiUJtattktponguiea of thePaitith. In A'lfvtt 105, ho offered to deeteof the Sikb
ttmv wiib 50.000 hilt Ictici inJ fariliUle the Brit<ili oeeupitien of LihoK. Broadfeot. 25
Au(u>t,}84S ISP (il25 0elob(i.lS45.No 46.

I Set tbc ef<i«nt vtiKc'i Atflo^SiU Rvftflioii'. Ko«hi4rpur, 1963, p, ^1, 276 as<{ 245 if.
s Eisilj E6*n, Uv |S< Ceunirr. London, 1866, p. 147.

S Vifae. A Pertonal Narratt»ette^Loodon, l&tO,p.251.

* p.190.

* M*c(tr(or, i. p. 245.

» 76.4. it. p. 26.27.

r Petite, Memoriet ef Alexander Gardiner, p. ZlSsSmjtb, p.29.

8 UT.lVOO.p. 8.

J4-32

250

MEN AROUND THSMAHARAJA

1-ahore in January 1841.1 He joined the SindbianwalS conspiracy to replsM
Sher Singh by Dalip Singh, but supported Him Singh to avenge the murder of his
brother Dhian Singh. Soon afterwards, he fell out with Hi'ra Singh and the Jaila
regime ; and feeling disconsolate with bis dimnishlng influence at the Darbar,
intrigued with Jawahir Singh and RanT Jindan to overthrow his nephew, and later
left for Jammu.*

In March 1S44, be returned to Lahore at the head of a small force bat
was killed in action on 27 March in a skirmish with Hira Singh’s troops.* Suchet

Singh held a jagir of 3,00,000 rupees, but he had amassed a fortune ; part of h'S
treasure— about 15,00,000 rupees secreted at Ferorepur in British territory, nas
found after his death in 1844, which became the subject of a serious controversy
between the British Government and the Lahore Darbar.*

10. HiiB SieSh

Another scion of the Dogra family who was a great favourite of tbe
Maharaja, was Hira Singh, son of raj3 Dhitn Singh. An “over-petted” and a
“light-headed” youth of effeminate character though of comely appearance, he »»
described as having been reared and brought up as “a bp-dog of Runjeet and his
dissolute associates, with a little smattering of English, Persian and Sanskrit a*>«
pretending a perfect knowledge of all.”* He had been favoured by the Maharaja
with the title of tajS and a jegir amounting to well over 4,50,000 rupees. Hira Singh
was a spoilt youth, but the Maharaja was exceedingly fond of him and would not
suffer him out of sight. It is alleged that Dbian Singh’s crafty mind was the in-
strument by which the Court regarded Hira Singh as a favourite and adopted
child of the Maharaja. His influence over the mind of the Maharaja appears to
be extraordinary ; he had the privilege of having a seat in the Darbar while the

Chiefs stood, and the only person who could speak to the Maharaja without
permission and would often interrupt and contradict him in the rudest maanct-*
Osborne observes that Hira Singh was frequently the Maharaja's companion in his
licentious orgies in the zendna, and once he abducted one of his favourite inmates,
but Ranjit Singh pretended not to know it.*

Yet, politically Hira Singh wielded an insignificant influence, for, he bad
neither the brains nor the ability for statecraft. After the assassination of h'*

> aetlc to ^ttadocl^, 18 lasuatj. ie4L<P) 151 ; J3.

* RiehtnMid to rbomiion, 16 October, 134a.(P) 153 . 142.

* Ricbeood to Currie, 29 Metcb. 1844 (P) 159:43.

♦ ReUttoni. HethUrpot, 1968. p. 226. f.

• Ssxtb, p. 262,

• Oibotoe, p. 30.

* /ii4.p. 73.

A BOfAL DOOtiWAV ^{A^^ 251

father Dhhn Singh, and a»isted by his uncle, Ilira Singh aroused a section of the
army and the troops, and put to death the SindhisnwalS Oiiefs Ajit Singh and
Lfhn.i Singh.’ The widow of Kharak Singh at one time proposed to adopt him
as a counterpoise to Shcr Singh. In September 1843, the army pailehiyatt, who
had proclaimed minor Dalip Singh as their sovereign nominated Ilira Singh to
the fatal office of nazOrat at Lahore.

But as a Yazier ofihe State ofLahore ilira Singh proved utterly incompe-
tent. He was afraid of his uncle Gulab Singh who resented his nephew's rise to
poner : he had aroused the jealousy of Ms uncle Suchet Singh by allowing his
family tutor and counsellor Pandit ialla. a clever but able upstart Brahman, to
gain control of the entire administration. Soon the Sardarsand the Army drove
the imbecile minister and his despicable minion from Lahore. On 21 December,
1844, the excited soldiery overtook them both and put them to death.

The Dogras of Jammu at the zenith of their power held JSg'irs worth
an annual revenue of tS,^7,379 rupees— rlja Culah Singh T4T.287 rupees, raji
Ohian Singh 2, 91, 1)2 rupees, rSjS Suchet Singh 3,06.855 rupns, and rSjT
Ilira Singh 4,62,115 rupees.* Of the approximate total revenue of 3,24,75,000
rupees which accrued to the Kingdom of the Punjab at Banjit Singh’s death la 1839,
the Jammu brothers contributed about I/3rd on account of farms, tributes
and monopolies.

tl. "A rortl doeroif n<a"

Khushal Singh, Brahman by caste, hailed from U. P. He drifted to Lahore
in search of employment and entered the service of the Maharaja as a footman at
a salary of 5 rupees a month. A handsome youth with dash and daring, be
attracted the attention of the Maharaja and was soon transferred to be one of the
night guardsmen at the royal deodhi. Soon promoted as the personal Ahfdme/gdr
or attendant of Ranjit Singh, he climbed to the position of royal Chamberlain in
1811, which coveted post he held for almost 15 years.

As the royal doorwayman, Jamadar Khushal Singh wielded great power and
influence. He superintended the royal ceremonies, became the guardian of the
royal cars, and none could have access to his master without his permission. The
favours of the Maharaja brought him riches and influence and the jogirs conferred
upon him amounted to 4,37,3(5 rupees anaually. Shahamat AH observes that
Khushal Singh farmed out the Deodbt far 60,000 rupees and collected the royal
Jt/o/jarflna or fee of the Privy Seal (every jower at the rate of 2 rupees per

> ItUbman<I--19ScpteiBb«r, ISt), ISP (1)23 M(Kfa. ISM. No. 475.

* Shthiaat All, TA« SiIAi «nii tAe Af|aanr,0-eBdcD.t347). p. 102 el sec.

252 MEN AROUND THEMAHARAIA

head) amounting to 1,60,000 rupees annually.! He had a

and for his residence he had erected a citadel-lile haeU close to , 1 ,/conrt

the royal palace which had fortiGcations within its precmcts. A™ ® ,jjj

nobility of Lahore, the Jamadarwas considered next to the pnnc p
Dhian Singh in political power, vrealth and influence.

Khushal Singh was a handsome man and a courageous soldier
accounts depict him as cruel and depraved. He did good service utteriy

and Kashmir expeditions. He sms devotedly loyal to hrs mas e
wanting in principles of honesty and morals. He levied coniri u i

attending the Court and openly took bribes. His son Ram Daya was

general in the army and his nephew Tcj Smgh became a comman er ° .

Wnsent to Kashmir in 1831 to assUt Kamvar Sher Singh m the adm.m^^^
of the province, he was so ruthless in squeezing the finances and forcible
ofienU, that the province was plunged Into famine and the mhabitan s
hearths and homes.*

Khushal Singh lost the Incurativc oflice of the royal
temporarily when his brother Ram Lai like him at the request of t e «hotn

refused to embrace Sikhism. A further quarrel with Misser Diwan Ghana, •

he stopped at the royal gates and refused admission, so ‘"tensed the M ’

that he relieved him of the post and put him under restraint with a fine of - .

rupees.* He was, however, allowed to retain hlsyaglr^ and was permitted to a
the Darbar.

J2. Tbe RojbI Collatcnli

The SindhianwaS Chiefs, the powerful collaterals of Maharaja
Singh, were descended from Sardar Cband Singh son of Budh Singh.
described a mixture of national chiefs and Sikh priests * As the most powc
members of the landed aristocracy of the Punjab, Attar Singh, Lehna Singh aa
their nephew Ajit Singh held ^girs amounting to over 10,00,000 rupees annua y,
assumed high-sounding lilies, and served the Maharaja in various campaif’’* *
Hazara and Peshawar during his lifetime. Attar Singh was a brave soldier,
calculating and shrewed courtier, well versed in Court politics, and was desigua

J f. 40-tl.

• “Tbete riificei (fc (trostlr tnih.** otsetres Sbahamit Alt, “jntl theit iltr* Bre **11
eboten ta ft»« theii propttjtcr a c^maajtaf poittion ia lb« e»eat of any demua or revolution
of tbe f oTcnuaeat.’' tv. ctt. p. 43 4t.

^ See (eBeratly. Lawrence, p. 33 ; UT. Ill OO. P. 16&.b7.

* Murray, ii, p. 30 ; Latif, p. 414.

S AscktandtoHobbogie, t5S(ptcaberIS39. Brou|bteo (BM), 36473, /eM37 b.

THE ROYAL COLLATERALS

353

as "the Qiampfon of the Khafsa.*^ Lehna Singh is described a tall man of
truthful character, and AJit Singii a man of conupl morals. As the most power*
ful family of the Punjab, they emanated discontent and indulged In Intrigue, though
during the lifetime of the Maharaja, they apparently kept themselves aloof from all
political factions. The a»c of Ranjit Singh kept them in ’check; he also curbed
their power by scattering them and taking recourse to threats of the resumption of
their yagtrj.

The Sindhianwalas assumed active poll teat r&Ie in the Punjab politics
after the death of Ranjit Singh. They haled the power and politics of the Dogra
faction at the Darbar, and were ihemscites political opportunists. They emerged
ns a well'knit, unscrupulous and violent court^faction during the struggle for
power between MIT Chand Knur and Kanwar Sher Singh. Without any preten-
sions to sovereignly for which they could not produce a Si/)dhi3nw3lJ claimant,
they assumed the ri'e of inefTcctive Ling*makers. They supported the aspirations
ofMaiChand Kaur to political power, and hobnobbed with the Criiish "to
protect the honour and rights of their Queen.*” When Sher Singh succeeded to
the throne, they refused to accept his sovereignty and the obnoaious rule of
Dhtan Singh. Soon afterwards. Maharaja Sher Singh struck back. Lehna Singh
and Kehar Singh were (mprisonrd, but Apt Singh and Attar Singh fled across the
Sutlej (0 British tertitory and actively engaged themselves in intrigues to subvert
their sovereign’s authority.' Sher Singh's olTer of reconciliation was spurned by
them, and their overtures to the British received lillie positive response.' flow*
ever, the British Oovernment mediated between the Maharaja and the SindhiSnwS13
Sardars, and both Ajit Singh ond Altar Singh returned to Lahore in November
1843.*

The reiatn of the SfftdhisnwalJr fo Lahore let loose a game of iBtrigue
and conspiracies. Ajit Singh and Lehna Singh exhibited an outward loyalty to
Ibeir sovereign, but secretly matured plans to destroy both Sher Singh and minister
Dhian Singh. They aitempled to lure Dhian Singh to the palace in the fort and
ki'l him, but the clever minister got wind of their schemes of foul play and pre-
tended illness.* Then they conspired to dethrone Maharaja Sher Singh and replace
him by the minor Dah'p Singh, who had been brought to Lahore from Jammu.*
The Dogra brothers, Dhian Singh and Culab Singh, however, foiled their attempt.

* CiiHir.Kaniil Sixth. Dtihi.19iXp.SK

> AturSingbtoCleiV. 2S)>D»»xmi-(P)15S! B2.

S Murny. ii, p. 26J.

• Cletk .22 April. lSlt.<P) 151 *.49; MsJdock to Clerk. 29 July. I3«.{P) 1'2 . 20,

* Ur. IV (fxi). p. 39.

• /fci<l.lV(iii).p. 26g.

’ >tuttiy,ii,p.271.

254 MEN AROUNDTHE MAHARAJA

The crowning act of the SindhianwaiS treachery look place on 15 September
1843. While Maharaja Shcr Singh was inspecting troops in the Baradan of S a
BalawaJ, he was shot dead by Ajit Singh Sindhianw^la wilh an English rifle w ic
he cunningly presented for the inspection of his sovereign. While the Ma araja
fell, Ajit Singh drew his sword and severed ofTbls head.^ At the same time, c ^
Singh Sindhianwala had proceeded to the garden of Jawala Singh to finish o
Kanwar Partap Singh, a handsome boy and the hcir»apparent, who was engage
in distributing charities to the Brahmans on the ^ankrSntl day. With a sing e
stroke his head was cut off and the body hacked to mInce-meat. The prince s
severed head was fastened to the saddle of Lebna Singh’s horse and all the guar s
and the Brahmans were all killed.*

Lehna Singh then quickly joined Ajit Singh who carried the head
Singh fastened to his saddle, and along with tbeir guards, the regicides procce e
towards the fort. Rljs Dhian Singh, who was on his way to attend the Mahar^
at Shah Balawal was met by the assassins near the garden of Jawala Singh. H*
was told of the perfidious murders and lured into the fort, where he was brutal y
done to death and his body hacked to pieces.*

Having murdered the Maharaja, the heir apparent, and the Vazier, th®
Sindhianwala Chiefs stood aghast at what they had done. They hastily proclaim®®
Dalip Singh as the Maharaja and Ajit Singh as the new Vazier. But the pubhc
feeling svas strong against them, and Hira Singh and Suchet Singh aroused a
section of the army, and with the help of the battalions of Avitabile, Ventura and
Court besieged the fort. Every one deserted the SindhiSawalS Sardars when th*
fort was stormed, and both Ajit Singh and Lehna Singh were slain in action. Thctr
heads were cut off and bodies quartered and hung on the different gates of the city.
Each and every relative of the Sindhi3nwalas Was ordered to be killed, and their
houses at ra^ Sansi razed 10 the ground : “AjU Singh’s house was destroyed, and
it was declared that thenceforward, his lands should no longer be ploughed with
oxen, but asses.”* Attar Singh who was in the British territory escaped destruc-
tion. In this manner Nemesis overlook Ranjit Singh's collaterals and they were
completely wiped out of the political scene in the Punjab.^

* For the tccojiit of Mibareia Sber Siit(h*t asteitinitioo, vide. jenetaHy, OT,
(iiij. fr. 23 r? ; Mohammed Nani. 5fiernfieAnam«. fci. 33a, et je«. ; Smsth, p. 75/f»n4
Hcnlshliet8«r. i, p. 103 Fot public tceotds fee particulatly, Maharaja Dalip Singb to
Rlehmond. 23 September. ISU-tP) 163:63

» UT. IV (lii). p 19.

* Iktd. p. W : Smyth, p. 79 le ; Griffin, Punjab Cfiiefa i. p. 230 ; Naqi. fol. 59b. etc.

‘ Muhammad Naqi, Sheriinshnaina,fi>i.

“ See genetaUi, UT. IV «U). p. 33s SfcerjinjKnama. /pt. 86 if; Smyth, p. B4f;
Maeitetor, ii, p. 19 ff ; Mumy. H. p. 281 «c.

» tJS HAlTflfS itOUniPiECC

255

]). tVt atUft's

TaqU Aiii-Uil'Din. *on of the leadiiig ftijiicun of Lahore, came to the
notice of the Maharaja in 1799, «heR be cured him of an eje^troub^c. i(e toon
appointed (he Mahaiaja'i penonal ph>sician and aid'sned a J3$lr. Eatreracry «c(N
read, an erudite scholar of Arabic and Persian, and a poet, he tv-at highly respected
at the Court for his wisdom and Kholirship. He became the Maharaja'i Foreign
Minister and star entrusted With the task of drafting state /upers arid advised the
Maharaja on diplomatic and pohtical matters. An estremely polished courtier,
nbose afTahihty and catho’ic outiook on (ife and reh'gion* bad created no enemies
at the Court, he ssas the most respected diplomat, statesman and physician in the
Kingdom. The Maharaja reposed great confidence in his abilities as an astute
negotiator and interpreter of his policy, ond hesv-as often sent on political missions.
Thus is HOS, he advised the Maharaja to sign a treaty «i(h the Dritish ; in iBI3 he
•as lenl as a cr’mmisson to seftie the country and dependender of Attocl ; m 1823
to Peshawar to realise tribute from Var Muhammad Khan ;» m 1819 he led a mission
to the Daudpotas ofRahawalpur ; he was the leader of the Lahore Mission to Lord
WtUiam tkntinck at Simla in 1831 : and he served as an interpreter at the Rupar
Meeting the tame year, as veil at at Ferorepur in 1838, vhen the Maharaya met
Lord Auckland, In 1835. he negotiated skillfuJiy with Amir Doit Muhammad
Khan. The Maharaja trusted him both as a counsellor and as a physician. Me
adopted the tilfe of/aqlr as a symbol of simplicity and humility ”Azi 2 »ud-Din
Is his matter*! mouthpiece." obsesses Lawrence, “and most ably fills the ofHce ;
be interprets a word or even a sign, and throws Ran;ii's meaning at once into
beautiful language ; embellishing sound sense with rich and appropriate imagery;
In his own phraseology, 'he is a parrot of tweet sound.'”*

Arir>ud-Din dealt with the foreigners who visited the Court, and all of
them— hfoorcroft. Domes, Von ilugel, Lawrence, Ovbome. Shahamat Ah and
Mohan Lai were highly impressed by his learning ond efTicieney m theology, meta-
physics, linguistics and diplomatic skill. GrifTm calls him as “the most eloquent
man of his day.” and “as .ibic with his pen as with hii tongue.”* Osborne observes
that along with Dhiun Singh he possessed more influence over Ranjit Singh than

> Grifda (p. 119) ob<«et« s "On oa« occoioa Ksulil Sisib iiSriJ bim irbtibtr he
prrteired theitiflju or lb* MubiBSiadia f«tl|ion em,* be repixii. ”» ntn (Uetiar In tbe
aldie ct • niihtr ilvrr. I tarn nr err* loverdi tbe lead, b<it cea dlitloeuith no diHeceoee in
eiiber btnV.”

* Ptinsep. p.76 I LttU, p. 553.

* l.P.«

* 5<nsS, Lebotc, 1957. p. 119. Berea Von Haiti (p 391) coemrnti on the
Rovetr obtervetisn «{ the Feqlt te|itdlnfbUlnte(*ie« with the Mebirejt ' “Tbit will tw
■ rimr <t*r,” 1 itid. "When prlneet neee in tbefeeden of rrlendihtp,” replied (be Feelr,
**tbc wtttt- betttrt of beteta isoiveea sbe ilowen, tbet tber mej live out til tbe pethint.”

AR0U>5DTHEMaHARAIA

256

any oftheSifcli Chiefs. He was a fine-looking man, with a pleasant and good

humoured countenance, and his manners were so kind and unassuming that tt was

impossible not to like him.s

The Faqir brothers were a compact family; and two of Aziz-ud-Din *
brothers, Nur-ud-Din and Imam-ud-Din held positions of power and influence in
the Kingdom. Nur-ud-Din held the charge of the city of Lahore, and Imaro-ud-
Din that of the fortress of Govindgarh at Amritsar as the guardian of the rojal
treasure.

The family held a nominal jagirof 50,000 rupees, but various grants and
bounties of Ranjit Singh made it affluent and hightly influential at the Darbar.
Honigberger describes Aziz-ud-Din as of Arab origin, descended from the An»ri
Arabs of the desert. He calls him the oracle of Ranjcet Singh: "He, the prime
minister Dhyan Singh, and Dlwin Dina Nath, minister of finance, constituted the
triad of which the privy-council of the king was composed.”* The Faqir brothers
had established a hospital at Lahore called the Dar-ul’S/ii/o, wbich they directed,
medicines being paid foe by the government. Later it was put in charge of Dr.
Honigberger, where he served till 1844.

14. The ‘TaUejetd ot the Panjab*

Raja Dina Nath, the Finance Minister of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, was an
able and a shrewd man. He was the son of Bakht Mai, a Kashmiri Brahman, who
had served under General Perron, the Maratha deputy at Delhi. Invited by his
uncle Dtw3n Ganga Ram, he came to Lahore in 1815, and was appointed to a minor
post. He exhibited energy and inieIJigcDce of an extraordinary kind, and in 1826,
on the death of Diwan Ganga Ram. he succeeded him as the Keeper of the Royal
Seal and Head of Military Accounu Department. In 1834, when Diwan Bhowani
Das passed away, the Maharaja appointed him the Finance Minister of the State.

Dina Nath rose to eminence by dint of his industrious grasp of financial
and statistical affairs of the State. The Maharaja trusted him on all financial

matters, as he did in foreign affairs, Dina Nath's closest friend Faqir Aziz-ud-Din-

Griffin calls him “the Talleyard of the Punjab” and his life and character bore
strong resemblance to that of the European statesman : “Revolutions in which bis
friends and patrons perished passed of him ; dynasties rose and fell but never
involved him in ruin ; in the midst of bloodshed and assassinations, his life was
never endangered ; while confusion and robbery were the rule of the State, his
wealth and power continually increased. His sagacity and farsightedness were

i Ca^npanilCourtof itri7iJlrSingli.pL23.

» Ymm in i&r EMt.LoudoD, 1852, p. SSnodiviji,

THS SnoSC-AMMS Or CIKCDOM

»7

tvch, that «hen. to other cyct. political fticy vraiclear, fce could perceive the coming
itorm, which warned hint to dewrt a losing party or a falling friend.*'*

In the uncertain ttrvgg'e between MS*I Chand Kaor and Kanwar Sher
Sisfh. Dina Nath was the only person who stood aside.* Ihe politics of Dina Nath
were based on an adopted attitude of neutrality, lie knew the art of sitting on
fence. But as toon ai Sher Singh's accession was assured he declared for him and
became his fasouriie.* He retained his ififluentlal position during the fatal and
inept K-oefi'iir of Htra Singh and was deputed to Jammu to mediate in the difTer-
enccs of the Jatla regime with GuUb Singh.* The stringent Gnancul measures - fines,
escheats and exactions of the JalU government were the resuft of Dina Nath's
Bdrice, and for this very reason, he tost poputirity at the Court.

Dina Nath was also the founder and leader of the S/uffjJdl faction which
cornprised of the moderate old.fciirdorRanjitSmgh's time— the raqirs, the Bh-ns
and few others : during the fatal ministry of Jawahir Singh, he conspired to bring
itsdownfall. He was a member of the Council of Ministers reconstituted by iSnl
Jindan in IS^. Dina Nath was the principal adviser of rini Jmdan. and the Army
/'aitehisyari and wielded eonsiderabte influence in moderating their aggressive tone
tosvardi the Britiih Coiernmenf.* Amongst the Court nobility of the Sikh DarKfr,
rlj3 Dina Nath was unique. He was respected for his financial ability, his tnodera*
tiun and resets e. His political acumen was t<lf>intcrest. He was bold, morally
eourageous. and free from the vices of the time, He grew immensely rich, but
wisely kept his money and family at Delhi.* The secret of his well sustained
political power was loyally to the ruling power and employment in every department
of the State of his own men.*

JS/ Tbt (trosr^rsir pi CIsrJpB

or the notable families of the Sardars who were responsible for the rapid
consolidation of Ranjit Singh’r power in the Tunjab were the Ah’DwJlils. the
Majithiai, the AttXriwlDs, the KaliSnwjQs. the Powindas, the GadwaTs, the
Padhanils, the rahJbathSf, the MokSIs. the Chimnis, the Tbe{hars and others.
Mention most be made of tome of these Sardan who constituted the backbone

t gjn/.S S(n/t, er. (ft. p. 137 ff ; rtt np>fai Ckirfr. ISTO. i. p. 29.

* CUtVtoMt<IJock.2tr«brB»rrl»iMP)mt29.

* UT,JV(ili)p.2fl.

« UT. p. 62/f.

* DtoidlMt (o Cunlc. 1 OctGbtr.lS«S>(P)l«7<a7.

* Bratdioet to CovcmiBtDt ,3 IisBitp 1 26.

* SbabJOttAll.p.M.

K-J3

253 MEH AROUND THE MAHARAJA

of the Sikh Court nobility and military organisation of the dynasty of Maharaja
Ranjit Singh.

(1) The ^hlBwBlias. Of the AWuwalSs Sardars. Fateh Singh was the
chosen companion of Ranjit Singh with whom he had exchanged turbans in a bon
of brotherhood. He was the grand-nephew of Jassa Singh Kalsl, the leader of the
jDc/ JPAa/jJ and also who in 1758 had proclaimed the sovereginty of Sikhs in t e
Punjab. He is described as the ladder by which Ranjit Singh mounted to greatnea
in the Punjab.^ Fateh Singh took part in almost all the early campaigns of Ranj't
Siogh-Kasur (1802-03), the MalwaCompaigns (JS05-0S), Kangra (1809), Multan
(1818), Kashmir (1819) and Mankera (1821). For these valuable services be was
amply rewarded by the Maharaja. He became one of the foremost nobles ^ *
Lahore Darbar, a favourite cort/rfir/ire of Ranjit Singh and his territories on bot
sides of the Sutlej whicb in 1808 were worth 1,16,000 rupees were augmented by
the grants of the Maharaja to yield him in 1837, at the time of his death, an annu
revenue of 16,00,000 rupees.*

Fateh Singh lost the favour of the Maharaja in 1825, and the rift betwr^n
the two friends has been described elsewhere.* After bis death, his son bJiha
Singh served the Sikh State to the best of his abilities, but due to underserved
hostility of Ranjit Singh and his successors Kharak Singh and Naunihal Singi*
the AblswUQs lost their favoured position at the Lahore Darbsr.

(2) The Afajithios. The family of the MajiihUs provided to the state of
Lahore its finest generals and administrators — Desa Singh. Lehna Singh, Gurdi*
Singh, Attar Singh, Amar Singh Kalan. Mewa Singh, Kahn Singh, Mehtab Singh,
Surat Singh, Manna Singh, Attar Slogh and Raojor Singh. Desa Singh was one of
the ablest generals and administrators of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. He served the
Maharaja in the Kangra and Multan campaigns and was appointed in 1809 lbs
naflm of Kangra and the hill districts— Oiamba, Nurpur, Kotla, Shahpuf, Jasrota,
Bosalt, Mankel, Jaswan, Siba, Culer, Kolbar, Suket, Mandi, Kulu and Datarpur-'
which brought to Sikh government an annual revenue of 17,60,000 rupees.

Singh commanded great respect and iofluenc? at the Court ; he was responsible*
to a large extent, for the gradual Sikh advance into the hills and the subjugalio®
of hill chiefs to Sikh authority. His unexceptionally mild and unoppressive adminiS"
tration of Kangra and bill districts, has been described elsewhere.*

* Mete«l/c-D(r;tt:b No. 2&.29, dated TNoveaber, ISOS-PSPCd).

* UT.m(Ui).p.342;(P)4t JW.15.118.

* V,d«. Chiptet lSt3). infra.

* Vii*. Chipttt 3 (32), iu»r«.

lie STRONG- A»4ts or CISCCOM

Of r>c« Sirfh’* jonj, LrhM SiftjA MajliHJ wa» Jhf #Wfft and ibr looit
ingcneoui. Ite tucccedfd hit father ai the M;/m (goternor) of Kan^ra and hill
district* «n 1857 and became one of the principal Sardirt of the Lahore DarWr.
An able commander, and civil and mi'itary adminiitrator, lie served the Maharaja
in variout capacities. At the Djrh3r he acted at the Chief of Protocol, received
and looked after im/vortani foreign di^nitariet, and «as teni on goodwill mitsiont.
He wai a »e'l-rc3d man, wtlUverted in aitronomy, irathcmatict and mechanics and
a ilillful designer of ordnance.* As an adtninitlralor, he was honest and free
from the vices of the time, and popular in the hflit.

Lehna Singh maintained his position of power and wealth for sometime
after the death of Ranjit Singh by assuming the appearance of neutrality.* He tup>
ported Chand Kaur apainvt Sher Singh, and when Sher Singh asixtmcd sovereignty,
he (hanffd sides. He stood aloof when the StndhiJcwSfl Chiefs asiassiruted Sher
Singh, but in 1844. he came into conflict with the Jalla regime and feeling insecure
at Lahore he left the Punjab and serried at Bersarcs. Hit JigUf were then con*
fiscated by rsjl Hira Singh.*

Ollier MsjithtX Sardars who served the Slate of Lahore were Amar Singh
Kafln and his sons .^{ewa Singh, Kahn Singh and .kfehtab Singh. Anar Singh was
a veteran warrior, who look p-tri m various espeditioAs of ihe Mabanja a^ was
appointed (he governor of Harara. Mew-s Siogh, a commander of the artillery
division of the Sikh army (Jepkhtna'i Singh) attained the position of a

general. He was, however, pto-Dogra, and in 1844, iieeame the member of Supreme
KMIva Council, conriiiuted by rani Jitidan.* Kahn Singh was an oflicer la the
GhoreAarJ A'Afis during Ranjil Singh reign.* lie attained the rank of a general
to the Sikh army and fought the Briuvh both at Chillianwata 'and Gujrat. Mehtab
Singh started his career at a /uhci/jr in the irregular SiLh cavalry of Maharaja
Ranjic Singh. He sened in the Peshawar Campaign of 1834, and in (be traot-Jadus
operations in 1839. In 1841, he was promoted a general of the Sikh army by
Maharaja Sher Singh. He fought the first Sikh War against the British, but along
with his brother, Mit Singh he remained loyal to the British during the second
Sikh War.

‘ The house of the Majlthtas was proverbially loyal to the ruling family of

Lahore. Mention here must be made of Raitjor Singh Majithia, too of Oesa Singh

> Cliinft.KdniIiSliiSk.UtIb). 1957. p. 131 :0(bont. Cnri anJCoiM *f Kanitl Sms*.
Cttduttt, 1953, P. 3]. dVceordinS toCtiKia. b«ti4<i dttiSalnS Cunr, Ltha* SioSb iarmetd a
ctack wbieb ibairtil ib* bcut, tb* dar o{ tb« noB<ti.«fld ibt ehaettt o( th< Bkoon.

* CUtk'-14D<K<iiib«r,lSt3.tP}150iS7.

* BfOadJaot-SS.Ncttmbar. JW44P>l*4r«.

.« n>{d.2JiTii}itr.l84V(P)l£tth.

» UT. Ill lit). P. 511.

250 MEN AROUND THE MAHARAJA

and fosttr-brolktr of Lclma Singh. Ha waj govaraor of HaMra ‘

commander and a Jagfrdcrofthc Lahore Darbar. He

Sith army which fought the British at Baddowal (21 January. 1846).

(28 January).

(3) The Attatlwilla were Jat Sikhs ; th.y were ^

and statesmen, and constituted the richest and the most
of the time. Kanwar Naunihal Singh, the Maharaja's ^ndson was
Nanki, the daughter of Sardar Sham Singh Attarlwala in 1837. A ® |

Sardar Chattar Singh AttariwSla was bcUolhed to Maharaja Dalip ^

10 July, 1845,^ but due to the first Anglo-Sikh War, and the British
sanction the marriage, it never came off-

Althou^ a hrave soldier. Sham Singh was a man of retiring

The family held ajagir worth 1,20.000 ropees and Sham Singh held the .

commandant of an artillery corp. No Sikh general of Ranjit Singh s army
perhaps match Sham Singh Attatiwam in valour, patriotism and devotion jo
ideaUofGobiud's Commonwealth. He feU gallantly at the battle of Sob«o^
when all seemed lost. Cunningham, an eye-witness to Sham Singh’s ^

obser>-es : “But the ancient Sham Singh remembered bis vow ; be clothed hu^
in simple white attire, as one devoted to death, and calling all around him to ^
for the Gnru, who had promised everlasting bliss to the brave, he repeatedly ra^i
his shattered ranks, and at last fell a martyr on a heap ofhis slain countrymen.

Both Sardar Chalur Sio^ AttariwalS and his valiant son raja Sher Singh
Attarlwala are historical figures. Chattar Singh Attarlwala, a brother of
Singh rose from the position of a military commander to become the governor
Hazara during Ranjil Singh's time. He had distinguished in the campaigns in ®
N. W. Frontier, the trans-Indus region and Kashmir. In 1839, he led the Si ^

punitive expedition against Muzaffarabad and Darband. He was a partisan
chief adherent of the Dogra r3j3 Gulab Singh at the Sikh Darbar,

and

—jc -....v - 18-15 I"-®

interceded on his behalf to the Anny Pa^hSyats to forgive his criminal misdeeds-^
In 1845, in order to offset the political influence of the parties opposed to her, raiu
Jindan allied herself to the powerful Attiri family by betrothing minor Dalip Sifl_
to the daughter of Chattar Singh. When in August of the same year, pretender
Peshawara Singh res-oltcd to claim the Kingdom of the Punjab, Chattar Singh was
ordered to march to Attock to put down the nbellion. Peshawara Singh capitula*
ted on assurance of amnesty, but at Vazicr Jawahir Singh’s orders, was brutally done
to death by Chattar Singh*.

I Bioidfoet to Catric. 44 JbI;. IglS-CP) 167 : 9 ; UT, IV (iu). p. 78.

* HuiOffef iSe SilAi. P.2M.

* Bioadbot to Currie, 26 M*re1>,I845.(P} 165 : IS.

* AecoriltDt to tome •eeoaati (ride. Matyat-vl-Haq. dated 25 Septeober. 1845).

CbattatSiegb at RntpOfitieelj tefuicd to caoplj with VatUt Jtvahit BiBjV* oid»t* **

THE STRONG-ARMS OF KINGDOM 261

Chattar Sia^ AttIiIwS13*s rile in the two SIkb Wars is qnite well known.
When after the disaster at Feiozesbah (21-22 December, I S4S), the last Coimcil of
the Khalsa assembled at Lahore in tense irresolution and ^oom at the prospect
of defeat, the brave scions of the house of Atfart— Sham Singh, Chattar Singh and
Shrr Singh severely upbraided the erest-fallea commanders and the Sardars for
having forsaken the ideals of Guru Gobind Sin^ The Khsisa, they said, was
the custodian of the Pailh, the sovereign and the people. It was immortal and
could not be defeated by the hated firanpt. As the disciples of Gobind, (hey
should all prefer death to the disgrace of surrender to the enemies of the Sikh
Commonwealth.

After the first Sikh War, Chattar Singh contJaned as the governor of Haaara
till 184S, when James Abbott, the Resident’s Assistant at Hazara accused him of
hatching up a conspiracy to lead a general Sikh uprising against the British.* These
charges were not only imaginary but baseless, and Chattar Singh took up measures
to protect the capita) of Hazara when invested by aroused armed Muhammadan
levies raised by Abbott to destroy the Sikh governor and the Pukli Sikh
Bti^de stationed at Hazara.* The entire Hazara incident was investigated by
Captain Kicholson, who after investigation, not only exonerated Chattar Singh but
justified his defensive measures to save the besieged capita) of Hazara from Abbott’s
Muhammadan mercenaries.* Notwithstanding Nicholson’s report. Resident Currie
issued orders which amounted to Chattar Singh’s dismissal and the confiscation of
his ancestral JSgfri. The valiant scion of (he AttIriwIISs uasheatbed his sword to
defy this unqualified unjust order.

Rajs Sher Siugh Attariwld, Chattar Singh’s son, was at this time comman-
ding the DarbSr troops at Multan sent to quell Muliaj's revolt. On hearing the
news of bis father’s humiliation, he made a futile bid to resolve the matter by appeal-
ing to bis British commanders for intercessioo, failing which, on 13 September,
1848, he deserted, the British Camp and with bis army joined Molraj. Soon after-
wards, however, he preceded northwards to join his father at Gujrat.

The Attsnwila revolts, both in (be south and north gathered a saliosal
storm. Sher Singh was a brave and energetic soldier. Hisdefeclion was primarily
based on personal grounds— undeserved affronts inSicted upon his father, and
perhaps, the British Resident’s refusal to allow the marriage of his sister to the
young Maharaja Dallp Siugh. As he marched northwards, he became the centre

sfasiiMtctbe uaiorTuoite ptincc.bat wai Itcct pcemtiied tottloip the hired aiistsiiu to do
tbe'joK Sec BcoidfooC CoGoTeraBCat,15Scpteoter, 13(S-(P) t67: 31.

1 V>de. UD Oe), under d«tc 23-29 Mar : «-6 Jots. lSt3.

» Currie to GD»etaiDeot.X5Aotast.JS43-tPP>XLI.lSl9: LPD (W). 1 July. 1S43.

* Nicbolfua RreidcBC, IScad SUAegm^ 18lS..fPPl, ep.cit.

262

MES AROUND THE MAHARAJA

of a catioaal rising in the Punjab against ihe British- He whipped up the cnthu-
siasm of the Khalsa, proclaiming himself to be its sers'ant and that of htaharaja
Dallp Singh, and caIJing the people to rise In arms and expel the f.ran%M from the
Punjab.*

4. The JCfl/fanira/aj. The Kalcwalas or the Kalianwala Sardars vrcre
originally rtcherr.cs or barbers. It is exactly not known how their ancestor Dal
Singh Nahema came into prominence at Ranjit Singh’s Court, Due to the icnominj
associated with their low-caste origin, they secnx to have discarded their occupational
title, and in the manner of the Jats, adopted the name of their village to
prefixed to their names. Fateh Singh Kalianwala, another scion of the family
was one of the most powerful Sifch leaders in the early decades of the I9th century.
He was a close associate of Ranjit Singh and his favoured ally at the siege of
Warirabad and Naraingarh, where he dred in action. Since 1S03, he held on farm
the entire country of the Sials— Jhang, Leiah and Chaniot.*. Khcm Kanr, one of
Maharaja Kharak Singh’s wives, was the daughter of Sardar Jodh Sin^
KSliSnwsU.* Sardar Chaitar Singh KSliSowSlS held a command in the Sikh
army; he is stated to have been involved in the brutal murder of pnnee
Peshawara Singh.*

Of the Sardars of this family, perhaps. Attar Singh KaliSawSiS sob of
Sardar Dal Singh Nahema was well known for bb temerity and timidity. He held
3/ag!rof fO.OOO rupees,* and was one of the prominent court nobles of the time.
He held on fann the *AdataUl-A!a' (Court of Justice) of Lahore. It b recorded
that once rani Jindun'5 Council of Regency ordered binr to arbitrate between the
government and the irregular troops who were clamouring for more pay. When
the hearings began, the troops, however, ridiculed him for hb low origia and
taunted hint that rather than administer law be should revert to the practice of
his ancestral occupation. The timid Chief Justice of Lahore fled from the violent

tumult in the Chambers and took refuge in the Darbar.’

In September J845,lhe army /tjBcAJpa/x made Attar Singh prisoner along

with other Sardars for espousing the cause of Vazier Jawahir Singh, but after the

I Dalhouiie to HoVhtwic, tO O^todCt. 1SI&.B»athtoa IBM), fcl. 2D5l.

* GriSa. i!aBittSii.*l»,l>tlsi,l957.p.96.

» p.203.

« CnSa.PjtBjab CMtft. ii.p,392.

» BrOTdiect-lSSrptmber. I£as4P)167t23.

» Cunniotli*j3. cT. AnwAdii.

' BrosJfcwt to Corensstat. 4 Jtaaarr, IS«5-<P» IM : 67-''r£e Siriiz's »ocest«f
bKctaicr Sikb* »eT« cf ih« c»«e mod the Dra e! Gtaml V«3itar*'» retitaentstia

l-niitu.j»pti:*itt«T«toUWotStttti!.«aai«3i*ttMieaot piwice br htAta *ii«Jr.I-*7.

TllE MINOR VAUASTS

2133

latter'* eaeculJofl, were Jet e/T.* Attar Sio^h K3J»3n«5lJ retained and

poiition at the Daibar at a member of the Council of Regency after the first SiUi
War. He was one of the tignatoriei of the Instrument of the Annexation of the
Punjab on behalf of Maharaja Dalip Singh on 29 March, 1549.

16. The nlaor rtlUat*

Brief mention mutt be made here of lotne of the letter known families or
JiSUJdrt, soldiers and commander*, whose attachment to the house of reigning
family of Lahore ha* received *cant notice in the annal* of time.

(1) The X^nkarj. They were SulhQ Jats of the village The|har near
Lahore, who Joined the service of the ^ukerchakil Mital under Charat Singh and
Mahan Singh. Shamir Singh, and hit brother Lakha Singh of this family became
minor commanders in Ranjit Singh** army. Shamir Singh fought the battle of
Raiulnagar (I778>79) under Mahan Singh, and is reported to have killed the
Chatha Chief, Pir Muhammad Khan afier the latter’s surrender. He is reported
to hate built the fortress ofCovindgarh at Amritsar ot Ranjit Singh’s orders, and
became its first tjlfadar (commandant). He serstd in the expedition of Kasur
(1607); «nd later in 1819. he was appointed the thantdOt of Nurpur. He held a
JaiU at Gujranwala and died in the year 1824.

(2) The Jiasalpurias. Of the Rasalpurids, the most prominent was /odh
Singh, son of Sujan Singh, who held extensive territories in Ambala and the
Jullunder Doab, and was driven out of them by the Katsia Chief. He took refuge at
Rasulpur in Taran Taran district. He became n jaSitdir of the Maharaja and
served him well In bis vatioiu military expeditions.

(3) The PadhinlBs. The family of the PadhamSs served the Maharaja well.
Both Mit Singh P3dh3nla and his son Jawala Singh Padhania, the latter nicknamed
Lakhdata were the military commanders and Jagirderj of Ranjit Singh. The former,
a valiant soldier, who had entered the service of the ^ukerchakiS Misal under
Mahan Singh, held a command of 300 horse, and during Ranjit Singh's early
reign, took part in the occupation of Lahore (1799). the expeditions of Kasur (1807),
and Kashmir (1814) : he was killed in action in the latter compaign.* His son
Jawala Singh was assigned additional estates at Haripur-Guler in the Kangra
district worth 1,25,000 annually. Jawala Singh distinguished himself in the Mllwa

Thli lo}1owtahf tacb Jemoaittttleatef eompMiat tit Shdtt to teiuat bif toeextrs!
tnde ihit tit fflounttd » horte inj il«4.'*

i nid. 26 ScTttmbtr, 16tS.(P) 167 : 36.

' * ViJe. UT. 11 s CrlSia. Ckieft l ni U«(. p. 34.

* Vii*. Ucif. p. 361 : GtlUln, rt>« Pun/ak ChUft, i, p. 333 ff.

254 MES AROUND THE MAHARAJA

Campaign of 1807. and the eipeditions of

ManLta (1821). He teas a brave voldier. “f f ,829. be

Attock, he is reported to have held at bay the n,hole Si„._b was

sulTered a stroke of paralysis and retirrf from aettve semce.
rich and bis munificent disposition towards the ^or m , - . j Juj position

the popular name of (dispenser of imUions). ^ garfen.

as the principal ron/dan/e of the Maharaja till hts cat i of

between the metropolis of Lahore and Badami Ba^. „ siogh by

Ranjit Singh, and also the scene of the gruesome murder of
the Sindhianwata Chiefs in 1843.

(4) ThePniljWlnr. ^ OnroT tte

Rajputs who were in the service of raja Ranjit Deo *> • vjaban Singb-

Rnndat Singh entered the service of the Snkerehnkin M^l j*rd

Later, nnnthcr of the same family. Ram Singh and his son , . " (1799),

Ranjit Singh's army in 1798. He took part in the f iJ name

and the battle of Nataingarh (1807). Nidhan Singh, who pve the toy
piAjkatha (five-handed) had j'omed as a senvar m the Sikh iriegolar •
rose to position of power In the army by dint of his Mtehless Murag
In 1823, while sers-ing under general Haii Singh Nalwa, be rooted -
atJahangirajheis the hero of the action at the Ten hHU “'J
Kaosbera (1823) whereafter ihedcathof Ak31iPhul3Siogb.be btldou '
till the reserve under the Maharaja came to his rescue and rooted tte
of Muhammad Arim Khan. Nidhan Singh served in the N. W. Fron
Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa and General AviUbDc ; be took part m lh«

Jamrud (1837). He died in 1839.

(5) The Mokals. The Mokals were SindhD Jats. Sondhu
Thakur Singh look scrNicc in Ranjit Singh’s army. Jawand Singh son o
Singh, who joined the Sikh array as a trooper became one of the most
soldiers in Ranjit Singh’s lime. He took part in the battles of Baisah and ^
(1813) in which the Sikhs routed the Kabul Vazier Fateh Khan.
in the expedition of Multan (1818) and Kashmir (1819). His fortune ”>*5 ^

He became a companion and a favourite of the Maharaja, who assigoed^ ^
Jagirsworth l,35,000annually. At the DarbSr, Jawand Singh was a
courtier. He is described by the official Diarist as “a unique man in frivolous

(6) The ChebSs. Tara Singh Gbsba, the powerful Chief of the

Mlsal, who was a close friend and an associate of Maharaja Ranjit Singh W

t GnSvB, c7. elu 1, p. 2S0.
» ur.lH0i).p.371.

THEBMX’IS

265

eatly compaigns illastrates GrlRln't apt conuncnl : “like Tarquinius (he) struck
down alt tall poppies in his garden.*** lie had acquired the title Cheba (wonderous)
for hit dexterity in lifting cattle and flocks or sheep in the good old days of Sikh
confederacies, and later had carxed out ettcaus-e Dallewala territories in the Upper
Jullundur Doab, parts of Ludhiana, Atnbala and Ferorepur districts— the entire
country east of the riser Sutlej yielding an annual revenue of 17,00,000 rupees. He
was an intimate ally of Ranjit Singh, but soon after his death in 1807, Ranjlt Singh
ordered Sardar Fateh Singh AhlCwaliS to annex his entire possessions, which were
distributed amongst the Maharaja's favourites.*

(7) The Chimnls. Hukma Singh Chimni. a soldier, commander-cum-
adminUtrator of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, had entered (he ^ukerchakia service under
Chant Singh as a trooper. He took part in the expeditions of Kasur (1807),
Pathankot (ISOS) and Sialkot (1808). For his vigour and alacrity in war, he won
from the Maharaja the alTcctioflal sobriquet of Chimni— “a bnvc diminutive dare-
devil.” He was raised to the position of a Sardar, and the tdfamat of Ramnagar was
conferred upon him, and a jeglr north 60,000 rupees was assigned to buo. We next
.hear of Hukma Singh at (he battle of llaidru (1813) when the Sikhs defeated the
Kabul Vuier Fateh Khan. A year later. Hokma Siogb with a small force drove
the Afghan host under Yar Muhammad Khan away from the fortress of Attoek and
plundered the retreating enemy.

In 1818, the Maharaja appointedllukma Singh aslhe nd;im of Attoek and
Hazara, but the soldier proved a bad administrator. Oy nature he was caprieious,
violent and impetuous. His intolercnt administrative measures raised a storm : a
jehad was raised against (be Sikh oppressors by (he powerful Tarain Chief and the
troops under Hukma Singh were routed and driven out of Hazara. The Maharaja
was so displeased with him, that he was recalled, a fine of 1,25.000 was imposed
upon him, and he was dismissed from service. Hukma Singh Chimni died a broken-
hearted man, and soon after bis death, all his estates were sequestered.*

17 The BhSts

The OhsTs—Ram Singh. Gobind Ram and Gumukh Singh belonged to (he
family of Sikh priests noted for tbeir religious sanctity and scriptural learning.
Ram Singh and Gobind Ram were (be grandsons of Bh3THatbhaj Rai, a famous

1 i;inih't5>er)i. Delhi. 1957, p. 96.

t plJ<.GenenUr.UT.II:t.elit.ii.369.

* On HultDa SinSh Cbsm&i, ndt, the local hietoriri oi Eanabiji Lat-Kan/rDiSme,
Lahore, 1376 s Sohaa Ipil Suri'i '(/meiel*el-TeiasrUli. See alioCtiffm. Fua/ab Ciirfi ; and
MumT *nd othen.

K-M

266

MEN AROUND THE MAHARAJA

Sikh priest of great religious iulluetice and universal the

1802. Gurmokh Singh was the son of Bhal Sant Singh, the High . ^

Golden Temple at Amritsar. They »erc the official soul-keepers of

and officiated at all religious ceremonies, cipounded the Sikh scrip

and were interpreters, soolh-sayers. astronomers and physicians co '

royal priests they commanded great respect at the Darbar, and 'were re p

munificent grants and estates.

But although, both Ram Singh and Gobind Ram exercised great per
influence over the Maharaja, and Gumutch Singh was a great royal ayouri -
BhaTs played a minor political r6Ie during the lifetime of Ranjit ^

represented an innocuous though influential group whose priest y

death of the Maharaja blossomed forth into mutual rivalries and politwai i = -

In order to sefeguard their position of wealth and privilege at the Dar a
drifted into alignments with sundry court factions. During the ascen - - ^
Kanwat Naunihal Singh, Dh5Ts Ram Singh and Gobind Ram stood by j

opposition to Vazier Dhiao Singh; they advised the prince to assume^
powers and unnecessarily embroiled themselves with the Sindbl3nwal3
and actively co-operated in the gruesome murder of Chet Singh.*

The mutual livaUies of the BhaTi-Ounnuth Singh rj. Ram Singh and Gohind
Rampurely for selfish ends, prompted them to take opposite sides
ether in the troubled political times soon after. While Ram Singh and o

Ram espoused the cause of Ma*i Chand Kaur, Gurtnukh Singh supported her n ^

the illegitimate Sher Singh.* By this time, however, they bad lost their
at the Sikh Darbar for spiritual enlightenment. None of them possessed po
wisdom or had experience of statecraft or military matters. With the j

Sher Singh, the influence both of Ram Singh and Gobind Ram had sunk low,

the star of Curmukh Singh arose.*

Curmukh Singh is described to have a reputation of deep piety.
cunning, but little ability. He possessed scant political imagination, and as^^
gained influence over the new Maharaja, he aspired to supplant Dhian Singh as
principal minister of the Slate.* Yet. be played an cITete though dangerous ro
in the political affairs. He tried to reconcile the Sindhianwala Sardars wi

1 W(6*— 19 October. lS39^n’> 141-lU : 133.

* GiiffiQ. TAe Punjah Ckitfi, i, p. 145.

* Jbiitl.p.50.

‘ W»d«— 15 J«fm«r7.1840.(P) 143:17.

* Cl(ib— 15 Much, 153 : 46.

THE MlSSESS

»7

Sher Singh, enlagoDiscd jhe Dogra faction at the DafbSr, and instipted the
Sindhianwaijs to OJsassinate both Mabanja Sher Singh and Vazicr Dhtan Singh.
Thus blinded by political ambition and fearful ofhis ovo) };ff, he became a direct
party to the murder of his sosercign, the heir>3pparest and the Vazier.*

But Nemesis soon overtook the perfidy of the pious priest. Soon after
(he extirpation of SindhtaawSEr regicides. Hira Singh ordered hts arrest and that
of his ally Misser Deli Ram and both svere secretly put to death by Shaikh
Imam'ud-Din, (he governor of Jullundur Doab.*

15. TlieMUurl

hfiuer Dell Ram and his four brothers, Rup Lai, Ram Kishan. Megh Raj
and Sukh Raj held important positions and commanded the confidence of the
Maharaja, They «ere the nephews of Misser Oasti Ram. a native of village
Kahan near Katas. He was the treasurer of Mafia Singh and Ranjit Singh appointed
him ineharge of Amritsar. Misser Deli Ram became inebargeof the Toshakkana
or Replia, Treasury and Robes. Misser hlegh Raj was ioebarge of the royal
treasure at the Gobindgarh fortress. Rup Lai was the ee'ebrated governor of the
dutiundur Doab. Ram Kishan remained in attendance at (he court, and Sukh Raj
became a commander in the infantry. The family held a Joglrof 60,000 rupees
and they farmed districts worth 2,00,000 rupees anua’ly. They served their master
with loyally and efiiciency, and the Mabarap reposed such confidence in Misser
Deli Ram that the accounts of the Toikakhata were Ktdom checked.

The Missers occupied positions of trust and power during Maharaja Kbarak
Singh's short rule when they earned the enmity of raja Dhiaa Singh and Kanwar
Naunihal Singh. On a flimsy charge, all of them were removed from office and put
in irons in Ortober 1S39. However, on the insistence of Maharaja Kharafc Singh
and the party favourable to them in the Datlnr. they were liberated and restored
to their original positions in Januaiy 1$40.* Id September 1845, after the
destruction of the Sindhi3nwa5 Chiefs. Ilira Sin^ arrested Misser Beli Ram
and Ram Kishan. and at his orders, both of them were pul to death by Sbeikb
Iman-ud'Din, the governor of the fuUundur Doab.*

S UT, IV (ill), p. 30 I Grsn Sla{b. Tovertkll.l-Cit'D KKsIta, iii. p. 661 . MteSersor. ii.
p. 16 ff i .Murray. H. p. ZT9 and other*.

S Ricbmand-at September, ]S43-<P} 153 : t2S ; UT.IV (iii),p31//; GeiSm. The
Pimjai Ckitfl, i, p. 255.

S Wadeto Maddock, 1 Jaooiry, ISSOtn 143 :1. Tbedetirery waa ebuined by tbe
ptfaeat a nataraiua of 5.00,000 rupee# ro tb« Kanarar, asd bribes of 2,00,000 ivfter slid
1,09.000 rupee* 10 ocber Sirdars, vide. Wade to Maddock,24]aauiry, 1S40.(F) 14S-1U9)

* RlebiooDd {oTbotttoD, 24 £«pirtabci;,134^(P)15S : 125,

263

MEN AROUND THE MAHARAJA

19. Generals and Coounandets

The Khalstt Dorbar Jieeords and the *Umadat-ut-Tayrirlkh mention the names
of the prominent generals and commanders of the army of Ranjit Singh. (1) Genera
Ventura : Commander of the FmiJ-UKhas.' (2) General Court : Commander of
the French Legion. (3) Prince Kharak Singh : Commander. (4) Prince Sher
Singh: Commander. (5) DlwSn Muhkam Chand ; Commander-in-^ef of Sikh
Army (1806-1814). (6) RamDayal: Commander, grandson of Dlwan Muhkam
Chand,knied in Hazara, 1820. (7) Misscr Diwan Chand : a Brahman, conquere
of Multan (1818) ; commanded the Kashmir expedition, 1819 ; the title of Zafa^Jt^S
conferred on him after the conquest of Multan, d. 1825. (8) Sardar Fateh Singh
Kalianwala. (9) Sardar Nihal Singh Attariwals. (10) Sardar Fetch SiogB
AhlOwslH. (11) Sardar Budh Singh Sindhianw5l5. (12) Sardar Attar m*
Sindhianwala. (13) Sardar Hari Singh Nahva. CreaUd full Generals in 1S36 .
(14) Ram Singh son of Jamadar Khushal Singh. (15) Gujjar Singh. (16)
Singh, a nephew of Jamadar Khushal Singh. (17) Sardar Ajit Singh. (19) ^|****^.

SukhRaj. (20) Ml*an Udham Singh. (21) Avitabile. Created Generals after 1S36-
(21) DiwSn Jodh Ram. (22) Gutab Singh. (23) Dhaukal Singh. ( 24 ) Jawala Singh-
(25) Kahn Singh M3nn. (26) Mehtab Singh MajiihiS. (27) Partap Singh of Punen.
(28) Gurdit Singh MaJithiS.*

20. Dtwln M«bkaei ChtB-i

We have dealt with separately the firangl officers of the Maharaja. Son®
of the Indian officers of ifie Maharaja’s army deserve mention. Foremost
these stands out Dlwan Muhkam Chand, to whom the Maharaja owed much ih '*
early campaigns. Muhkam Chand was a Khatri by caste, and previous to joining
the Maharaja’s service, he was in the employ of Sahib Singh Bhangl of Gujra*-
For almost a decade, 1805-1814, he was Ranjit Singh’s chief military adviser and n
de facto Commander-in-chief of his armed forces. He was an excellent soldier
a faithful servant of the Maharaja, who ousted the Fyzulpuria Misal from its

possessions in 1811, added Julliradur, Phillour, Patti and Hetpur to the Maharaja’s

kingdom. He defeated the Afghans in the battle of Haidru in October 1813. He
died at Phillour in 1814 and was much mourned by the Maharaja and his Court.

Dlwan Muhkam Chand was a man of determination and sound judgment ,
to his master he gave unstinted loyalty, and to the organisation of his army his

> Tbe Ftfuf-i-^KiU oi the Special Biifade nited tni tnieed by Geoeral Vrrtota •"
ttalUaOtrieer. vttasixed btitadcof r«tnUr iotantry (3.000 men), earalty (composed ol »
rrtiment each cd<seaadien and diafooiu. modi troop of titc-euatds). and an attilletT eefP*

el 33 tana. It a crack btiStd* dritladand dijcipUoed in European Kyle. The cost of its
maintenance is eitimated at 10.00,000 rupees.

» Ste (enetslly. UT, H and lU, ; Ceub/ve of KJiaba {)or}ar Setordr, p. 33,

MISSER DIWAN CHAKD

military sVill. He led the Maharaja** force* in the Os-Sutlej region during the
three MSiwa campaigns (1S0&-18O3) and the Maharaja conferred upon him 102
villages in the /dV/i/< 7 <ar of Zira, Kot Kapora. and DharatnIroC and elsewhere of (he
total annual revenue of 1,54,235 rupees.* On the death of this brave and valiant
general, his son Mott Ram was appointed governor of Jullundur and the garrison
commander of the strategic fortress of Phiflour, Ram Dayaf, the grandson of
Muhkam Chand was also appointed a commander in the Sikh army. Ram Dayal
distinguished himself as the commander oftheSikh division in the third Kashmir
expedition in 1819, in which although the Sikhs were routed, but his bravery was
highly appreciated, lie ^was killed in action in the Hazara campaign of t820. lie
is described as a brave leader of the Khalsa army.*

Moti Ram, Muhkam Chind's son. however, continued in service. He was
appointed governor of Kashmir in 1820. which olTice he held tilt 1826. He was a
wise and cautious ruler, and wi(h (he help of fandit Bir Dhar he endeavoured (o
recover his contracted revenue of 53.00,000 rupees by eneouraging the shawl
trade which fetched 10.00.000 rupees annually. But the Dogra faction at Lahore
was jealous of him and he was ousted from the position of power in 1827. He
left Lahore soon after, and returned to Denares, his property nnijag^n having baen
sequestered due to (he machinations of rJj3 Dbian Singh. The family jegfrr of
DlwJn Muhkam Chand had already been resumed by the Lahore Government two
years earlier.*

St. MIsmt D2w«a Chaod

Misscr Diwan Chand rose from the position of a clerk in the Maharaja's
artillery to become one of his foremost generals. Driven out by the vendetta of
Nodh Singh, the NakRl Chief, under whom he served earlier, he came to Lahore
and obtained employment as a petty clerk. He soon rose to the position of a
commandant in 1814 due to the death of tbc artillery commander Chaus Khan.
In 1813, when an army 23,000 strong marched to Multan under prince Kharak
Singh, be commanded a division of the army. He exhibited such an energy and
talent in the campaign that alter the conquest of Multan the Maharaja bestowed
upon him the title of Zc/i>rjung. Diwan Chand commanded the Sikh army in 1818
which conquered Kashmir. In 1821, he rrdoced the fort and town of Bhakkar,
and took part in the siege of Mankera the same year. In 1824 Diwan Chand died
at Lahore of a stroke of paralysis, and the Maharaja and the Court mourned the
Joss of a brave and valiant general. His brother Sukb Dayal was created Dlwin and
confirmed in the family yagTr.

r Statemtntef Cen^vttU aK^CrtnUef Kmitti Siagh-Oebcetlenr M Edmonstona,
nsre <l) 29 July. 1809. C 3 sod 4 ; »3i4. t7 March. IS». BSPC (I) 25 July. 1809. C3.

* Lat.f,t>.42a.21.

S W>dctoMutTay.3Mir,132S.tP)9s8^

CsAPTfS 13

THE TlRAKCl OFnCERS AT THE COURT OF RANJIT SINGH

1. Adreat o{ Eordptia adTcatarers

THE ADVENT OF EUROPEAN adventurers into India began in the Hte
eighteenth century. The Mughals had some 100 European gunners in their senpice.
Some of these ad\'enturers had drifted into the sers'ice of the Marathas, of Haider
Ali and Tipu Sultan in Mysore, and the Nizam of Hyderabad. William O Bricn, an
Irishmao, and a British military deserter entered the service of raj5 Sansar Chan
Katoch In the remote Kangra Valley in 1814. Moorcroft records in 1820 that
O’Brien and another Englishman named James herein the service of the powerful
Kangra ru’er and that they had raised for the rapT an army of 1,400 and had establi-
shed a factory of small arms b the hills.* O'Brien not only trained the hdlsffiso
and equipped them with arms and accoutrements in European style, but had ^
the general control of the rSja’s administration. His name is wcU known in the hilly
tracts of the Kangra Valley. Pierre Cuilier (Perron), a French seaman rose to the
command of Sindhia's army and became Daulat Rao Sindhia’s all-powerful deputy
at Delhi. He took steps to present the extension of British influence b cortbem
India, and dabbled into the politics of the Sikh eoualry. He is said to have entered
into a treaty with Ranjlt Singh with >'afue militaty and financial arrangements
which stipulated that the Sikh ruler would assist hhn in the Sutlej-Jumna region
in return for similar assistance to Ranjit Singh in the conquest of the territory south
of the riser Sutlej.*

IVben in ISOl, the Sikh Qdefs in the Cis-Sutlej region were harassed by
George Thomas, they made an appeal to Perron to help them against the rarages of
Thomas, he readily agreed. The Sikh Chiefs accepted Maratba poramountcy m
the region, but Perron imposed upon them an annual tribute amounting almostto
U3rd of their rcs'cnues.* Another adveotnrer George Thomas, a British railitary
deserter and a soUicr of fortune, after a colourful career, had found a
kingdom at Hansi, in the waslrlands of Jlariaaa.*

* i, p. 1 ^. 16 .

» Fct r-V.!!: eert««p<mJfrse estbe sabi«et ndt. leasraUr. PRC. if, Ko. 39-43 5
Ckbtftictj to WfUaTey, 7 Dec.nber, 1SM.B5PC(0 31 Jiaairy. IS35. C233 : WtItejIeT W
Late. 2 Aoiun. IS33,C1J, para 5.

» Tie ta*il inconeeftke C«*-Sj5lejCai*ls aawatej to 3 00,033 rnpee*. Tte Saf^***
oi Patiila. Jiai, Natka. Rkiithat and otken were nbjetaed to a levy oi 1,00.0.'0 rup«a.

Geotje Tbctaaa hu almiy been bnefly etetebed. nie. CbtP«e
4t9.10) ii»Ta He dtstnti the BtiUab nary in 1731 is »i«b he .eired at a r-isae*. toeh

AR R t VAL AT $ie(l CO LTR r

2TJ

S, ArrlTKltl SIkli Coarc

AHerthc citahliiJimcnt of Silh po«tr In the Tunjibiome of thcJe firangl
toWiert of fortune drifieJ towardt northern India »nJ Ranjii Sin^h cmplo>e<] them
in hit civil and military jervice. We have cumiocd In some detail clwwhere,*
the evtcnt of inducnee vvhich tome of there men etercired over Ranjit Singh's
Brmy. They were crnp’oycJ under a tegular contract under which they were rc<iu!red
loiervc. Genera} Al-ird’i eryrl'C obiervation lo Dr. Ifonigberger ji iigniCicanl ia
this rerpect : “It ii difTicuIt to gel an appointment here, but still more to get one's
ditniissal.*'* They were bound d^-nvn to domesticate thcmwlvei by nurriage and
Settle doivn rn the Runjab, not (o rat beaf or smote in pubtie, grow beards and wear
turbani like the SiLbt, and da nothing to ofTenJ the Sikh religion.

According toconlcntroraryobserserr, notmthctanJing their enhanced emoJiN
menu and luiurtout mode of Using, the position of Ranjii Singh’s Kuropean ofUeers
was not very enviable. ObligcJ to lice m compiraiive luiury and under rettricitom
Imposed by a capticioui ruler, none of tliera could amats a fortune.* Ranjit Singh
always suspected their loyalty if not their devotion. Generally, the KbSisa soldier
resented serving under a foreigner, and the Silh commanders s«ho received l/IOth
of the pay of Tufopean eflieeri. were esiermely jealous of them. At the same time,
ntraerdinary deductions were imposed on special occasions on the pay of the /rsngl
ofTicets, nhich were kept in long arrears and Ranpt Singh seldom granted them
leave to sliit their country.*

The esaet number of these European officers who took service under Ranjii
Singh cannot be determined, though Carmichael Smyth enumerates them as 39 in
all— Italians, french, English and AnglO'Indians * These include those who were in
command of Sikh Infantry. Cavalry and Artil'cry ; only one was recruited for civil
service, two as medical men. and two as engineers. The pay of those who were put in
battalion command sailed from 150 rupees to 1.000 rupees per mensem. The most
notable and (rusted by the Maharaja were Court. Ventura, Allard and Asitabile, but

itrsU* In iht Mittai'i atBiS, but leon alirtvstJi, toDcIbi ina mcuk J cinrloTaimcuaJet
nr/uaS«aru, taJitUi jvlntjlit Mtiiih-t •letf uaJtt Apit Kktnje R»o, mho utlgofi to
bim Jbajiit (• /art'. Tbotait feiltfMdtbatoan. nsmaj ItocuiSeSaih ind ibock <ff Mitatbk
job*. K< (titblithtJ blinf<l( tc litctl. r*l**J troop*, •truck coin* snJ ^*cUr*d bimMllia
(sJfrfuiirRittnt tul«r. Sc*. pirtlruUiIj. Franeklin, Afiliiarjp Arfrouuro «/ Cterr* TScmai,
Ctlcutt*. I9t3 : Gt«r. £u'«r*a>i AJttnlmrtri in A'crtSfrn fjtJlo. 173S>13S9. p, 34 •■ iff,

* f’‘i(i'i. Cbiprir lS(Mf mfia.

> TSIrtj.Flri Viari In tAi £iui. t.endon.1832, p. 46.

* /iifOisioQr, inrna), p. 36 /.

* /blJ.p. 56.

** Vlit. A Hittpzy of lS« Silfnmt Fomitf of lohert, London, IS-tT. Appcndli.p.
ztxti'liivli. Grtj (p. 15). bowtttt, iXiiMtHtlialtnumbtt tbov* 100.

272 THE FISAfJGl OFFICERS ATTHE COURT OF RANJIT SINOH

none of them was allowed independent command “|'mi!e“n

These firm- oScees lived a life of ease andnfflnenee ;

Court nobility at the Darbar. None was allowed to become too p

they attended the Court, but except in military matters were scld
had any say in political affairs.

3. The ‘Salemtn Bey‘ oi RanjSt SinSh

Jean Francois Allard had seen service in Italy and of

a Captain of Cuirassiers had taken part in the battle of Water oo. ^ojtd to

Napoleon, he fled from France for his Bonapartet Ventura,

Tehran where he sought scnr'ice in Shah Abbas army. Here h under

an Italian who had also scr\ed Napoleon and had fled from his

similar circumstances. Both of them having failed in obtaining^ Lahore io

left Tehran and travelling as merchants through Kandahar arrive

March 1822 and sought service under the Sikh ruler. Ranjtt^ Singh

bonafides, and after a great deal of negotiations and verification of th i ^

from the British Agent at Ludhiana, be agreed to employ them m his y-

Allard possessed the qualifications and experience of a
officer. He was put in charge of training of the Sikh Cavalry, and wi
years he raised 4 regiments-a regiment of cavalry, one of loDcets, ana
dragoons, a total strength of 3.000 horse. European discipline ^

Allard in the Sikh cavalry is variously spoken of as of high order,* and ^

Campo distinguished itself in the battle of Naushcra and the expeditions of r
and Kangra.

Allard rose to eminent heights at Lahore. Besides a salary of
francs a year, he held numerous joglrs and kept an establishment on the mo
splendid scale, and due to the Maharaja’s munificence he amassed a *

Jacquemont calls him the Suleman Bey of Ranjit Singh.* He adopted La
flag for his troops, and his cavalry highly impressed the Govemof-Genera
William Bentinck when he met the Maharaja at Rupar in 1831.

Allard served the Maharaja for well over 12 years. In June 1834, be we^
to France on leave and returned after an absence of 18 months. He brought w
him a letter of compliments from king Louis Philippe of France for Ranjit 801 * 7 “

I S<e gcnently, Lawrence— Ailrtntare* of on 05cer in tki Punjavh. L p. 15 f . Prin**r"
Orlfln of tie Silh Power in Piinjs5, Caleotto, 1334, p. 101 29 .

* But.eWe. ClitptetlStT) Ufro.

S lettrrf from India, London, 183$, U, p. M.

2,1 THEHE^lTOiOFnCERSATTHECOURTOrRANlITSIKOH

Ventura was entrusted willi the task of raising salary

European discipline. He raised 4

inclusive of the jagirs amounted approximately W 3. ^ „a„iedaa

military leader, by temperament reserved, and a P"f' f „ i„,e

^Armenian lady at Ludhiana in ISp. tldCirwho; be refused to

with a Muhammadan maid ora dancing gir . t, on learning of the

marry. The official Lahore Diarist observes that '’>» ™ „““,':ros° .ki"3S

affair issued him an admonitary order : “Wisdom, love and
which are valued more by ihe wisesl of the world, and a Ihe moment w
overwhelmingly in love, wisdom and honour vanish away.

Ventura lived in a magnificently built residence in the ^ f ygntura

old tomb at Lahore. The official Lahore Diarist also garden :

Sahib.< Baton Charles Hugel refers horh to the magnificen ^ sat

“GeneralVentura-s house builtby himseffand -Xst. esidf®-

■ire, combines the splendour of the East with the comfo, of “ was

On the walls of the eatrance hall, before the range P'"“" ^ Singh,

portrayed the teceptioa of the two Preach officers at "’f p^fusioa

coasistiag of many thousaad figures. The second toom rs J ^ , Urge
of small mirtots in gill frames, which have an excellent effe , -oartmentr.

hall, extcndiug the entire width of the house, and terminating in sleep g ^

A short distance behind the house stands an ancient tomb, crowned w
dome. This is now tenanted by the families of the European officers, h
the midst of the garden, which has been laid out in good taste, it
striking contrast to the surrounding sandy plains."*

Ventura served in the campaigns of Multan, the Derajat
and the Maharaja employed him in the management of the districts oot,

The battalions called after bis name arc highly spoken of by Murray, gjthe

Osborne and Barr. At one time Ranjit Singh proposed to appoint i
governor of Kashmir, and although wc have no corroborative be

Hugel asserts that Ventura acted as the Qan and Chief Judge of Lahore,* an

was the Commander-in-Chief ofthc Khalsa army. The French traveller Jacq

who became very well acquainted with Ventura observes that he was a *
realising arrears of dues from the tributaries— he levied forced contribution ^
lakhs of rupees on the Nawab of Bahawalpur, when he owed merely 2j *3
rupees to the State. For this achievement the Maharaja appointed him go'

I m(2.93:&4.

* UT.mtW). P. 303.

* Ilii. Ill (lii). p. 319.

* Trav<tj In Ko^lmir sic., p. 283.84.
S lHd.p.317.

PAOLO DI AVITAOILE

of tbe Derajat on the condition that he would pay a revenue of llj lakhs annually
to the State. Latif, howcter, asserts that General Ventura made a great deal of
money from his farm of the Dcrajat.*

Ventura went on leave to Europe in IM7, and he w-as one of the few Euro-
pean officers who were retained in the service of the Lahore Government alter the
death of Ranjit Sineh. It is also evident that he took part in court intrigues
prevailing at that time. "Ventura is the only European there/' wrote Lord Auckland
to the Home Goternment in Augit 1840, "who seems at present disposed to play
the game of ambition. He is commanding a force in the hills, where he has been
more successful by bad faith than by miliiary power.*** Ventura supported Sher
Singh and became his best adviser against the opposition of the Dogra minister
Vh'ian Singh.* In 1843, after the assassination of Sber Siagh, the khsisa anay
failcfidyatj made things too hot for him and he quitted the Punjab* after selling his
jOglr and residence which fetched the paltry amount of 80,000 rupees.* He returned
to France and died in 1858.

Psele dl ATiUbile

Of ail the continental adventurers and soldiers of fortune who took service
under Ranjit Singh, General Avitabile presents a character of contradictions of
the highest order. He is described as a mild, sober, and a skillfully considerate
officer. Cotton designates him as a man of matchless honour and glory.* At
the same time he is called a man of moral dilinquencies and fiendish cruelties— "a
perfect monster of cruelty, who has added European refinements of torture and
executions to already long Asiatic list ; passionate and revengeful ; unscrupulous in
gratifying his lusts ; rapacious in extorting unlawful gains ; hanging, torturing and

1 HtJlery ef th0Pinifah, P. 46X

* AucltUnd to KoblicKiM(P(iTite\ 15 Aufust. IBSO— Brougbtoo, (BM) 3&173. fol. 34Sb.

S EUenbotovtbtotlirDuVcol Wrlliattoo, It NUt,I843, (EP) FKOI30|2{23/12).

* Itiscvideoc that duiint liie diffienit riraesfollowioe tUe tasiiiinitton of Mabaraja
SbetSinsb, the fev European otlitatr oflicen left in tbe lervicc of tbe Labote Covemment
ftic iniecuie at the Sihfa capital. Ventnn. boerevei. bad estatei in the Cia-SutU] tenitens
where be bed remared bit /atailr. From tbe Bririab recordi it h »Iso estabUibed that be
cratinuall; rupptied intelliJeDce to tbt Bntiab A(enc at Ludhiana t(Sitdin( the atate o{ aHaiit
intbe Punjab (Vid:. Richmond to G^ernneiU.ZOctobec. 1311 ISP (II 23 Match. IS44. No.

(Enctonjte/. G&aiouiCf, (or tbisaervice. t&e 0iin«& paid him lOtfie eertiemeiK c/iia
citate a aum of £ 20.COO and ao annuity oi £ 300 ioi bit teaidence and fan danghtti'a eatate.

S AccoidicS to the Lahore Diariat Z65ancf III, ir. p. 430) Ventuta poaaetaed

jitflra *‘ha1f on this aide (of the Sutlei) and half nctou the livet.” Hif daushtec also held an
ettatc o! 2,500 rupees in the la’aluqa of SaboearaL

* Life a f Aniahle, Calootca, 190d, p. 59$.

276

THE mANCl OFTICERS AT THE COURT OF RANIIT SINGH

inutilatiiig without trial, at a mere whhn ; unmerciful and unforgiving ; an
immoderate dtinlcer and scoffer at everything sacred and divine.”*

Bom in 1791 at Agerola, he started his career at the age of 16 in the

Neapolitan Militia, served for a number of years as an artillery sergeant-major m
the regular army of the King of Naples resigning the service in 1817. A few years
later we find him in the service of Muhammad AH Mirza, the governor of Kirm^
shah in Persia. Later, he was appointed to discipline and train Kurdish levi«
and obtained a civil appointment as administrator of the Kurdish districts, o
1826, he obtained military service at Lahore through the good offices of Genera
Ventura. He was ?ppointed to command a battalion of infantry on a salary o
200 nip«cs per month. As an officer with military skill and utter ruthlessness,

Avitabile rose quickly in the favour of Ranjit Singh, who appointed him in 1829 as

the governor of Wazirabad, allowing him, at the same time, to retain the comman
of his military brigade.

Joseph Wolff, who vijitedWazirabad in 1832, testifies to Avitabile’a ability
as a civil administrator, a judge and a nitWesi despot. Tie famous Neapofit^
he observes, spoke Italian, French, Persian, and Hindustani with equal facility. He
had improved the town of Wazirabad to a remarkable extent. He kept the city
clean, and had a fine Palace and a beautiful carriage for himself. He was a clever,
cheerful man, and full of fun. He told Wolff at once that he would show him 1*^
angetl cusiodes, and then took him to his bedroom, the walls of which were
covered with pictures of dancing girls. Then he showed him the marks of civilisation
which he had introduced in the country. They rode outside the town, and ti***

Wolff saw before him about six gibbets, upon which a great number of malefactors

were hanging.*

Avitabile’s rule of Wazirabad is described as wise and vigorous. He
inflicted death penalty for the most trivial offenee. For theft, the body of th'
culprit Was quartered and hung at the city gate ; for petty larceny the culprit was
-deprived of an e?f and a hand. Dr. Martin Honigberger, who lived with Avitabik
• for three years at Wazirabad and treated him medically, observes that the pleasure
which Avitabile took in seeing people hung by dozens must be attributed to the
affeetJon of his brain.*

» FoTl5i«c*reet»Bdlif«oftbi» »nD»tbibU,oJd!ti of fortune, vfd*. SeoeHlly. Cctfon,
M.-tifeof A*naSr,.C»lsurt*.l905. Grey. C -Eurowan AJ^entuttri in NeflXfr*

IreS-lSf^. Lawrence, H.ML.-Ad,n.i««, of on Offeer in i&e Funfaufe. 2 Vote,
lSt2. Edw«3rt. H. end Menvele. K.— Life of 5lr Henry Lawrence London. 1372. Horel,
trr.nui-w) .nd (p) zs .• zto ;

» TrmeJ/tnJ AiwenCuTtf.

S Tirenty.Fire Ytar$ in iKe Eort.London. 1852, {>.53.

GALLOWSANDOlBBETS 277

6> “Gallow* ^bbets"

As the civil and military governor of Peshawar Avitabilc proved his ability
as a stem and ferocious adcninistiator. He estabJJshed a rough and ready
administration to curb the unruly activities of the turbulent province by a system
of gallows and gibbets as a of mode summary pua/shments, collective fines and
reprisals. The state of affairs in the province was anarchical. Crime ran rampant
everywhere ; murders and assassinations were the order of the day. Successive
governors had failed to curb the lawlessness of the savage and ruthless tribesmen,
who habitually murdered Siih offidafs. Three-fonrth of the revenue remained in
arrears, and the expense of running the civil and military administration had
mounted up.

To set things right in the suSdi of Peshawar, Ranjfc Singh had given
a free hand to General Avitabile. He is renowned for his ruthless rule of which
we have numerous sordid and gruesome accounts. With relentless savagery, he
established the authority of the Lahore DarbSr b the excessively turbulent region.
He eradicated all crime from the frontier district by the simple method of
extirpation. His biographer details graphically the rule of gallows and gibbets
which Avitabile established in his own words; “When I marched to Peshawar,

I sent on in advance a number of wooden posts, which my men erected around the
wails of the city. The men scoffed at them, and laughed at the madness of the
Ferangi, and louder still when my men cams and laid coils of rope at the foot of
the posts. Cans and swords, said they, were the arms to rule the city, and not
sticks and ropes. However, when my preparations were completed, they found
one fine morning dangling from these posts, fifty of the worst characters in
Peshawar, and I repeated the exhibition every day till I made a scarcity of brigands
and murderers. Then I had to deal with liars and tale-bearers. My method with
them was to cut out their tongues. And then a surgeon appeared and professed
to be able to restore their speech. I sent for him and cut out his tongue also.
After that there was peace, and in si* months there was no crime in Peshawar.”*

H. M. Durand gives an eye-witness account of the rough and ready
administration of Peshawar: “I called upon Avitabile and found him employed
in giving decisions with his judges around him. Two Kazjz, two Hindus, and
two Sikhs formed his conclave. He gave us a sketch of his policy, which was
amusing enough. He never used bis troops to quell disturbances, but when two
troops fight he offers them ammunition to fight it out. Suspended outside the court
were ghastly warnings to the disaffected piopulation. Between the trees were double
and triple rows of unfortunate culprits, hanging one above the other.”*

Cotton, Idfe of Genrral ArilMU, Cilcitttt, 1906, p. 543.
lift ef Sir Hinry Marrian Vitrant, i, p. 63,

273 THE FIRAKCl OFFICERS ATTHE COURT OF RANJIT SINGH

Avitabile was oce of the few European generals whom Rarjit Singh tnistrf

fully. Irrespective of the suspicions of the Maharaja that he was embezzling t e
revenues of Peshawar.^ His military salary rose to 60,000 rupees per annum, ^
he amassed a fortune in India amounting to £ 50,000.* At Lahore also he li
in style in a fort-like residence which he built at the 3nd he kept a

numerous harem. One of his daughters from an Afghan woman, be married to a
cook, giving her a magnificent dowTy of gold and Jewels, before he depa
for Europe.

Alexander Burnes who visited the Maharaja in 1838 told him that AvitaM-
had managed the country of Peshawar so well that it bad become prosperous. *
testified to the efficiency of the army under his command, and of the impregnability
of the fortress of Fatehgarh which Avitabile bad fortified so well.* Contemporary
writers and those who had the opportunity of witnessing Avilabilc’s administration
of Peshawar, all speak of his ability, bis stem rule, and hospitality to forcignci^
His monstrosities and crude immoralilies, his utter disbelief in God, bis pnncipf
of highhanded strategem, and his steady resolution are some of the vices and
of this officer, and in these none of the white officers of Ranjit Singh con
remotely match him.*

7. Architect oi actillerj

CUode Auguste Court is described by Henry I.awreoce as “the respectable
of all the French officers in Ranjit Singh’s service.” He was an accomplished aott*

i UT, HI (•), p. 543.

» Karfiock (Narrstire vf War in AfefianUtan, 1S42. iS. p. 155 f.) records that ArittW*
had eccwmuIaMd fl.OO.COO rupees which be salted away in British securitiei in India. Of the
eeaeral’s adaioistration and hU piiTatelile. Haecloch lives a descriptiTC account;
leneral, fho-jgh in ptivate life the mildest ol men, rules Pesbawte with a rod o! ifoo, ‘I*
only means of <o»etnin| them. He has estahhahed h.s military, financial, and civil
quattets in the rare, called the G^oratKoiro. He patcicnlaily, and very )ustly, prides hiO’*tf
cm the excellence of bis uble, and keeps an cstablishmeat of no less than ei|ht cooks.
versed in the mysteries of Persian. Enlllsh and French cookery. He is trank and |ay.
good-humoured person, as well as an csccUent relet and a skillull oBieet- Hu reputation as *
tkilfuU governor bad been well escahlisbed in the Puniab. and even reached India, when be s«»
Inchatge of the town and diirrict of Waiirabsd. and Ranjit Singh showed bis usual ssga=if’
when he entrusted the government cl Peshawa* to him soon after its conquest. He is a
pnncely habits, and his dress, chargers and equipege aU partake of the splendour which is
calcuUted to uphold and give tclai to bis antfaonty amongst a people like the Afghans."

* UT,lU(v),p.542-43.

. * Avttahile'a career in the Punjab. patticnUtly after Rsoi''

Si^s death side generaUy. Grey, p 13l ff. : Memar,,, of Alexander Cafdx’^‘'-

p.^f.. M.tkmnem. Mdxrer, Serrice in Afghaninan. p. 200 ei se«. ; Havelock, Narrative

33.^15.725^11 (P) 110 :43 ; 73 i 270 1 « 1-

ARaiiTEcr or AftriLURY

179

quarian and geographer— “a shrewd man of high literary attainments and retiring
disposition.*’ How he arrised in northern India is not exactly Lnown, but while in
sersicest Persia, he made AvifabUe’s acqaintance. and It Is generally understood
that he entered Lahore service along with him in 1827. He was entrusted by the
Maharaja with the organisation of Siiib artilicry for which he possessed considcrabfe
talents and scientific knowledge. He distinguished himself as an artillery commander
and an ordnance ollicer. Court taught the Sikhs to become excellent gunners
irrespeclise of their habitual atersion to that arm of miliisry service. “The striking
improwment in the Sikh anillery,” observes Pearie, “which was elTected in the
twelve remaining jeari of the Maharaja’s life must be largely attributed to Court's
exertions, for all accounts of Sikh army agree in stating that he was on excellent
olTicer, and entirely devoted to his professional duties.’’!

Under Court’s supervision guns of high calibre and brass shells were cast in
the ordnance factory in the Lahore fort The foundry produced batteries of heavy,
medium and light guns, small arms, zumburks, howitzers and shells. Oiricersof
Lahore army were sent to India to receive training in the manufacture of guns and
small anns. Shells were cast in pewier and brass at another manufactory at the
Idglh, The guns were copies of the British models presented to Ranjit Stngh at
various times.* The copies appealed almost equafiy good. Lieut. WiKiam Barr who
ww a parade of Court's artillery at Peshawar in 1839 observes : “When it is
considered that alt we taw was the work of General’s own knowledge, and we
reflect on the diflicultiet he has had 10 surmount. It is matter of almost wonder to
behold the perfection to which he has brought his artillery.'**

Court received a salary of 2,500 rupees a month besides ayagir. He was
promoted a general by Ranjit Siogh in 1836, and continued to serve the Lahore

* Memfrittef Alraanitfr CartTlMf, London. 1436. p. 326.

* Si» Fto Kohli'stircUmt tecounc (d«nrwl •/ InJi«n /tiriarr, Sepcembet 1922 ind
KtmjM S^’it^Cminarf Mtmatia} Vetymi, Amiiti*!. 1939, p. 71.77) eiiiiott«i (be attcnSib of
:b( Sibil enitlto at r«fiou* periodioi KtalltSiaflt’erotAanil ■{»( m under :

Y»«c Stfem th No cl Ciwi t Mo wbly S«l«fy

Cum S«i«et»

1813.19 ayt

1IJ».24 3.779

ja3S-» 4,1»

1M3.4I 8.2S0

1845.4S 10.324

22 190

130 230

J83 290

292 30)

376 SOO

S.S-IO tup«et
23.49)

Rtmubi

IWtiJet thii
three vcce
abo,;r oat bundled

of (he iTlaeioca

Heeximtet tbeeonof cattlnfegun of lifht cellbTcto tbout3240 ruptci. Tbc cinnont
of barf etllbce, bowerer, eotc mueb more. Haiti fp. 329> recordt Renjir Sin(b htTine
atbei Court to provide a miiiile toe kit ■itilUtp, whkb ehell eoet about 30.000 rupeet.

t i/ouraif of « Mtreb /ren ktetkt loPaikawer rte., p. 149.

2S0 THE FIRA/JGI OmCERS ATTBECOURT OF RANJITSISGH

Govermncnt till the time of Maharaja Sher Singh's assassination in September 1843,
when fearful of his life, he fled to Ferozepur in British territory. The army
pancharats promptly confiscated his jagirs for desertion. Court was a man of
literary tastes. He composed a AfenJoIr o/ a Jeurney from PersU to Kabul via
Herat and Kandahar, the manuscript of which was purchased by the British
Government for a sum of 5.000 rupees.* Another paper entitled /< Brief Narratire
of the Anarchy in the Punjab, 1839-1845. originally written by him in French, has
also survived.*

8. The "Y*nVee Doodle”

Dr. Josiah Harlan, an American, who after quitting the post of an assbtant
surgeon in the British army, had drifted towards Afghanistan in search of adventure
and diplomatic distinction. He styled himself as a general, and made a vain
attempt to become the king of KabuL He intrigued both with Shah Shuja and
Dost Muhammad Khan, occupied a frontier fortress, but was made a prisoner by a
Sikh force sent against him and then bfooght to Lahore. Major Pearse describes
the scene : “Raojit Singh, seeing his ta'ents, said to him, T will make you governor
of Gujrat and give you 3,000 rupees a month. If you behave well I will increase
your salary ; if not, I will cut off your nose.’”* Harlan accepted the offer.

He was appointed the , governor of Jesreia and Norpur for a while and
given tie command of a brigade of infantry. He served the Lahore Gosemmeat
for about 7 years but in 1835, after a vain attempt at acquiring as a grant the
t^aluqaoi Peshawar from Ranjit Singh,* he proved untrue to his salt, and left
the Punjab and entered the service of Dost Muhammad Khan of Kabul. Harlan
has written a Memoir of India and Afghanistan, which is described as a turgid and
bombastic narrative, though of some literary merit. In a Hotice appended to the
Memoir, Harlan observes that he was extremely dissatisfied with Ranjit Singh, who
was a monarch "absolute and luxurious” and "In possession of treasured wealth
and military power,” that he resolved to avenge himself and to “cause him to tremble
in the midst of his magnificence.”

Harlan fought the Sikhs atJanirud in which the valiant Sikb commander
Hari Singh Nalwa was killed, “Tbe Sikhs were defeated,” boasts Harlan, “and
Ranjit Singh’s Commander-io-Cbief with 2,000 of his men was killed. The Afghans
lost 1,000 men. The proud king of Lahore quailed upon his threatened throne, as
he exclaimed with terror r This is all Harlan's work; he has avenged himself

» SUenijhrea to W»a«. 25 Jooe. 1338.4?) 138 : Ij.

* Both the papen, Ihr Memctr end the Nerrenee bsTe
(Earereeit Aieeeivrete in NorcSem /nJw. AppendU ii-lii).

* Petm. Alemanei of AUxtnJer Gardiner, Loadoa. ISM.

* K»jf. Hinsf, of Afs^eniflon, 1874. i. p. «3 Cl sc?.

linse been printed by Grey
p. 330-31,

GA&DOSA SIHIB

231

Yet the antaEoninn exhibited by this turncoat “Yankee Doodle” for his Sikh
employer is understandable. While in the service of the Lahore Government,
tiarlan had acted a double secret agent of both Amir Dost Muhammad Khan and
the exiled Saddozai monarch Shah Shnja, then a pensioner of the British at Ludhiana.
Jn 1835, the news-writers reported to the Maharaja that Harlan, the governor of
Cujrat was guilty of extortion and oppression, llewasolsocoininsbase money
under the pretence of studying afehemy.* Ranjit Singh forthwith removed him from
the nipfimat of Gujrat, and sent him along with Faqir Aziz-ud Dio on a mission to
the camp of Dost Muhammad Khan, who bad crossed the Indus and was threa-
tening Peshawar. There on accoutttofhii double-dealing and treacherous conduct
both the ensoys were arrested, but were later retrioed to safety by the Amir's
brother Sultan htuhammad Khan. On their return to Lahore, the Maharaja dismissed
the American adventurer, and be left Lahore towards the end of 1836. He arrived
at Kabul and entered the service of Dost Muhammad Khan.*

9. GiritoM Sibib

Of all the jirungl ofTieers of Ranjit Singh. Alexander Gardiner who served
the Maharaja as a Colonel of Artillery. Is a most contrcFvtrsial figure. The veracity
of his experiences as a traveller and a soldier as recorded in VtiTSi’i Mmeritj
o/^/rronder Cerdiner is challenged by Grey and others.* According to Pearse,
be sms the son of a Scottish emigrant to the British Colonies in North America,
and after a short stay In Russia, he crossed the Caspian Sea and entered the
career of an adventurer and a soldier of fortune m Central Asia. He then drifted
to Afghanistan where he look service under Amir Habibullah Khan, was involved
in the civil war, and when in 1826 Dost Muhammad Khan defeated bis master, he
became a refugee wanderer among the Kbirghiz and travelling through Yarkand to
Leh and Srinagar, he appeared at Peshawar m 1831, where he remained with Sultan
Muhammad Khan Barakzai for about a year. In 1832 be was summoned to
Lahore fay the Maharaja who desired his services.

On his way to Lahore Gardiner remained for a few days with Dr. Harlan,
the then govenior of Cujrat. At Wazirabad he was the guest of General

* 5«* Hcoifbrrirr. TUrif^FlrtYforf it* £«/>, Losdon, )£S2, p. 35 ;

told DC ifatt Dc. AUca (ra Aactleca aad (orcniot el Ceojice) omiI iccrttlr to CDplorbi*
tine Id tbc rnctie* of ctrbemr. 1 eeoU aotfoibcet liusblot at the idea of bu npcctia/ to
eonvcTt eemBOo octali isto Sold, ii tbc conceniod ol quickiilret lato tllrer »ai (oDod to be
qoitc iaipoiiibte. Subeequeatlf, nr aMcrtion WMTCtified by tbe ducoverr bt aide, tbtltbe
doclot’r aUbemx coneirted la niDufeenitlDl Isltc coini."

* Indian reootdt atao ibe« Katlae at tbe epp and teeitt ireot of the Britiib Goermsmt
vbile at Kabul. See. patlicuUtlr, (P) ItS: 49 : 97 : 63. 120.

* Feane. Major Hu|b — Jllmamt ef AUatndtr Gardiner. London. 1S99. Grtr—furopeoa
Adeenturrri cf Nerthtrn India, Labott, 1929, p. 263 f.

N-36

283

THE FlRANGl OTFlCEaS AT THE COURT OF R ANJIT SINGH

Avitabile, and at Lahore he met Court and Ventura. The Maharaja employed
him as an instructor of artillery, and it appeared that at that time no one was
able to handle the two guns, which Lord William Bentick had presented to the
Maharaja at Rupar. Gardiner displayed his skill to Ranjit Singh and his Court
how the time-fuse shells could be fired from the guns and was employed as a
colonel in the artillery in full command of an artillery derak or camp. At Lahore
be was known as Gardooa Sahib.t

While Pearse, Henry Durand and Richard Temple* support the authenticity
of Gardiner’s iferneries. Grey rejects them altogether and has taken laborious pains
to show the unreliability of Gardiuer’s narrative.* He dubs him a fake— an Irishman
and a deserter from British army and describes his adventures tn Central Asia,
Gil^t, Yarkand etc. as fictitious. Grey has endeavoured to shatter the Gardiner
m>lh and that he occupied a position of any consequence in Ranjit Singh’s
service : “The truth is that Gardiner look his incidents, adventures, and travels
from the oral narratives of contemporary adventurers in Ranjit Singh’s army, and
from books of the period with which, as he survived for over thirty years iftee
the publication of the most, he most have been perfectly familiar, and has
supplemented these by drawing on his own imagioatioo.”* Against this out'
right rejcctiou of Gardiner’s Memories is the fact that his minor rile In the
Punjab U mentioned in the British records,* and Henry Lawrence also mentions
him as an adventurer in command of 6 guns with Gulab Singh’s artillery at
Peshawar, who supplied him information,* he could not altogether be described
as fake and his Memories fictitious. Whatever may be bis antecedents, he did
have a career of service under Ranjit Singh; later the Maharaja transfered him
totheserviceofDhianSingh, after whose death be was most probably dismissed
from Lahore service by the Jalla regime in 1844 along with most of the European
officers in the Punjab. He then settled in Kashmir and entered GuUb Singh’s
service as a commander of artillery. He died at Jammu in 1877 and was buried
in the Roman Catholic cemetery at SlalkoL

Whatever the truth about his travels elsewhere, Gardiner’s account of
experiences in the Punjab is too characteristic to be ignored altogether. His
description of Ranjit Singh, his Court and the Army is vivid ; and the political
events in the Punjab described by him following the Maharaja’s death till the
■ first Sikh War appear to be first-hand and accurate if not authoritative.

Feine, p. 133.

i*f« af Hmtf Durand, ii, p, 230

Gres. P.Z79.

iitd.

See leoenU,. (P) 137 s 44. « -IB - 1 . « . Lpo, u. p. 29. 92 ; i,, p. 52.
Lift ef Htnrf larrtnfe, i, p. 230.

OTHER FliANGlS

10. Ocber firangU

Apart from these principal j7fan^ officer* of the Lahore Government, other

notables were General Van Cortlandt, G»loncl Ford, Colonel Foulks, Captain
Argoud, Colonel Thomas. Colonel Sielnbach, Captain de la Font and others.

1 T*o eoopUte liiti of offiert. ite ivttliMe-one luppl.rfbr

M.jet r«neinhU SmritcrffuMof 5.-*S «<i HU lVkit€ Offietrs (►!*.

ApjxnJU. p. 235-6 to Mimtritt cf Cafd.ner). tod the otb«t bf Ciraitb.cl Smyth in

bl3AHI$torreftkeReitiiiiilFemilyafl^*r* AppenJii. p. imti “T* * •'

tWee the hit oI the follumnt offieen to the eetvice of the Uhote GoverttBent s-

Nioe N.tiooeUt, Seteed _R^rhi

1. Atyarinc

2. Cordon
3 Venture

4. AUerd

5. Court

6. Avitabilf

7. Hotamui
S. Voefaea

9. Koalibetfet

10. Dettcoviie
It. Hatlia

12. De I'uit
13 Helmei
14. DubiSoon

Anflo-IadLaa

Itiheo

French

Fteoch

lalUn

Spaolttd

Rgaiitft

Gecoio

Aoencen

French

Ao(lo-lad!«B

15 Heat

16 Hurcleck
17. McFbenco
]& Cetiihitt

19. Kunaiah

20. Cortlendt

21. Fittioy

22. Bstlow
23 Moucon
24. Steinbach

Cieek

Gieefc

£n(U(h

Aoerlvin

Americen

Anllo-lsJian

Aotto-Indien

AnSlo-Indiin

25. De la Roche French

26. De la Font lit

27. DeUFont2od

28. FouVkea

29. Huibon

30. Uilie

31 . Martindale

32. Ford

French

EnglUh

Spaniard

Anflo-lndian

Aogli>>Indma

EnfUeh

Infantry

Caeatry

Infantry

Caealry

Ariilirty

Infintty

Infantry

Infamiy

Medical

Enfinter

Civil

lolintry

Infantry

InJinixy

Artillety
ArtiUerr
Infe titty
Infantry
Infantry
Cevalty
Infantry

Infantry

Cavalry

EnSineera

Infantry

Died at Lahore
Do
Uft

Died at Peahavei

Left

Died at Labote
Left

StiU to lervite

Left

LeH

Left

SHU in Ktviee

At ptcaent a merchant
at Lahore
RiUed at Lahota
Uft
Left
Uft

Still toaetviee

Still in teivicc

Left

Uft

Left

At pteaent in Gulah
Singb'i aervice
KilUdbyafUlfrom
bia borce
Uh
Uft

Kilted by the Sikha
Uft aervice
Uft aervice
Uft aervice
Died of woundi recei-
ved fiofli the Sikbs

234

THE FlRAtiGl OFTICERa AT THE COURT OF R ANJIT SIKGH

According to contemporary observers, the posHton of the Europeans in the service
of Ranjit Singh was, notn itfastanding their enhanced salaries and Iccurious mode
of living not much enviable. Obliged to live in comparative luxury and under
restrictions imposed by a capricious ruler, none of these could make a fortune.
Although Ranjit Singh remained attached to few of them, as for instance, Allard
and Ventura, be always suspected tbe^nagl officers’ lo>-alty if not their devotion.
Generally, the Khalsa soldier resented the bumiliatton of obeying foreigners, and
the Sikh commanders who received one-tenth of the pay of European officers were
silently indignant on account of the pecuniary advantages and jsgirs granted to
them. Extraordinary deductions, were however mads on special occasions Irom
the pay of the firemgl officers, which were kept in arrears ; and Ranjit Singh was
jealous of granting them leave to visit their counlrj'.*

33. tSe Fube5C Fieiifh

34. Ditto t»on3 French

35. Ot. Htirey Scccch

36. ]cxTiU French

37. Moemon* Fruisicn

SS. Bianchi lullxn

34. Arfoo Flench

* Icteacsont, p. 56.

CoTtJty

Canltr

Mcdic«I

Injtntty

Iniulrr

Died at Lahore

Lett teretee
Lefttemce
Left tetetee
Left aeteiee
Left terrice

Cnimt 14

ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

]. tai ttrvctBr*

THE SARK^R KIlALSAJi ot Rinjit SingVi fiovernmsnt may aptly be
dewribetl aa a perionaliicd niliury dstpotim baled on popular will. At the
«rae lime, it wai a highly centralKcd deipoiiun. Shahamat Ali. vjjited
Lahore in 183S, at the zenith of Ranjit SiftsVs power describes it as a pure
despotisni, wherein the entire direction of its alTain. political, foreigri and
doffleilic, according to the oncniat saying retted “on the tongue of His Highness.’*
The Maharaja, he qualifies, has his share of contideration and respect of hit
couniryinen, but he is possessed of a vigorous mind, and having great reliance
on his panetration and judgement, be is grneraffy guided by his own opinions.*

The replaetmefit of theocratic eonfedcraeies of the mid>ISih century by
an absolete monarchy by Ranjit Smgh. howeser, had nt sclfdmposed scennogly
InelTectise but eds-antageous (irnttationt. In theory he adhered publicly to the
mjitic ideals of the A'Ad/ru or (he Commonwealth at enunciated by Guru Gobind
Singh, but his govemineoi (acted any principiet or a determined system, and in
all matters of internal and external policy rested on the will of the supreme despot.
In all ofTicial (ransanelions his government was designated at the Ssrtar Kha!M}i,
he bimscifbeing a "drum'* or mouthpiece and a devout servant of (he A'Adfao. A
positise subservience to the Faith won him popular support amongst the vast mass
of his militant and unruly co-retigionists. As a devout SiUi he customarily took
an augury from the holy Rook in making important political decisions. The
liquidation of the Sikh Misals had endowed him with great political power; be
wielded it unhampered for (he common weal of all his subjects— Sikh, Hindu,
Muhammadan and others ; in alf administrative and pofilical matters, his decisions
were often tempered with toleration, coniinonsense and acumen.

For all political purposes the Cicrmarm or Diet for conclase having been
rendered ineffeetivc since 1805, its occasional edicts from the Akal Takht at
Amritsar merely regulated the social and religious conduct of the people- In all
msltcrJ Ranjit Smelt cxhibiitdpablic/ymproiterfetfsettffaibosiasniaodilcrfftha
to his Faith, partly perhaps to gain rell^ous sanction for his mulufarious activities
of conquest and war, and partly to cover up his arbitrary actions and usurpations.

I Tht giHj and ikr A/ihni>. LcBdoa. 1M7, P> H-

ADMINISTRATION OP MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

In actual practice, howc\'er, such pretence was no bar to despotic actions ; and
dexterously be used it to his own advantage. Ranjit Singh was neither a religious
fanatic nor a zealot : his conception of the Khalsa was fairly broad-based. It
enshrined the ideal of a Sikh monarchy unencumbered by religious intoleration or a
lure of preferential treatment to those who professed the faith of the monarch, and
benevolence to persons of all creeds unless they stood in the way of his ambitious
political views. In political matters it was hard to think of Ranjit Singh being
guided by religious considerations, or troubled with the theory or the practical
niceties of administration. He would more readily subdue an adversary and add a
province to his rule rather than think of evolving a system of government, though
he was assiduous in proclaiming that the arms of the Khnlsa had been most
favourably sustained by the will of the Aka} Purakh and the ordination of the
' Providence.

2. Concept of Sikh Montcchy

And yet, (he concept of a benevolent Sikh monarchy was upheld by him
in offering equal opportunities of employment to all his subjects without the
distinction of caste and creed, his devotion to saintly persons of all denominations,
and a generous distribution of endowments and charities to the temples and shrines
of all creeds. Though ihe Sikh monarchy did everything for the with the

help of the Lord {Akal Saha'i), its chief merit was religious moderation and
practical efllcieney.

The Sikh monarchy was extremely popular. It was primarily based on the
military might and warlike temperament of Ranjit Singh and sustained by his
successive victories. To the Sikhs, it was an embodiment of the ideals of the
Faith— the ; to others, Hindus and Muhammadans, its awsome capacity to

rule firmly and tolerenlly became highly acceptable. Yet, it was an individualistic
and personalised monarchy of an extraordinary kind, sustained by a keen sense
of vigilance and the knowledge of what was happening in the wide kingdom. It
kept the provincial satraps in check, the kardars and other civil and military officials
widely awake and alert. It was ruthless but to a degree equitable, utterly despotic
but benign, devoid of high-sounding principles but based on an individualistic
concept ; and above all, it was singularly secular keeping a benevolent regard of
the well-being of all classes of people. In an age when in political affairs, cunning,
, artifice and treachery were deemed virtues rather than vices ; when inhuman
barbarity exhibited by a ruler in the extermination of his rivals and enemies would
be applauded, Ranjit Singh either designedly or because of an inborn humanity
in his character, introduced an element of tenderness, prudence, and a sense of
justice in the concept of Sikh monarchy whidi he had set up.

The political background of the Sikh monarchy established by Ranjit Singh
has been so well described by the historian of the Sikhs ; “Ranjit Singh found the

ROYALMAXIMSOFCOVEaSMENT 237

Punjib a n-arring coQTirdcracy, a prey to factions of its Chiefs, pressed by the
Afghans and the Maralhas. and ready to submit to Cngiish supremacy. He
consolidated the numerous petty states into a fcingdotn, he nrested from Kabul
the fairest of its prosinces, and he gase the potent English no cause of interference.
He found the military array of his country a mats of horsemen, brave indeed, but
ignorant of the «-ar as an art, and be left it mustering fifty thouund sscll-armed
yeomanry and militia, and more than three hundred pieces of cannon for the
field. His rule >sas founded on the fec’ings of the people, but it invoUed the joint
action of necessary principles of military order and territorial estetulon; and
«hen a limit had been set to SiLh dominions, and hit commanding genius ssus no
more, the sital spirit of his race began to consume itself in domestic conlemion.*'t

X Sojil mitns o( tovrtBAcat

Such a distinctive concept ofSikh monarchy and rules of govemmeat are
outlined by Ranjit Singh himself in an admonitary epistle to his provincial >iO;(mr
lo ipiritedJy and lolemnJy worded.' ‘'Now ghe the car of attention and heart of
obedience to the orders that follow. My kingdom is a great kingdom. It was
imall, it is now large ; it was scattered, broken and divided ; it it now consolidated.
It must increase in prosperity and descend to my posterity. The maxims of
Taimur have guided me ; what he professed and ordered t have done Dy
counsel and providence, combined with valour, I have conquered , and by
genefotiiy, discipline, and policy, I have regulated and consolidated my government.

I have rewarded the bold, and encouraged merit whereser it was to be found.
On the held of battle, I exalted the valiant: with my troops I have shared all
dangers, all fatigues. Doth on the 6ctd and tn the cabinet I shut partiality from
xny soul, and closed my c}ei to personal comfort. With the robes of empire,

1 put on the mantle of care. I fedyagfraand holy men. and I gained tbeir pr3)'ers ;
the guilty as the innocent I spared, aod those whose hands were raised against
myself have met my clemency. Srt PmkhJI has therefore been merciful lo his
servant, and increased hrs power, so that his territory oow extends to (he borders
of Chin and the limits of (he Afghans, with all Mu'tan and the rich possessions
bey ond the Sutlej. To be the favoured servant of such a monarch is an honour ;
to serve such Raj is dignity.”*

Rules of government are embodied ca a royal advice tendered 'to his
officials and public servants : "The wise man neglecteth not his duty towards his
master; and taking his seat in the hall of obedience, remembereth that humility
and faithfulness cause exaltation. Falsehood brings a man to shame, and lying lips
dishonour their possessor. Be (hen contented with the fortune that has poured over

S Cuaninlhim, Hitttrf tf tkt 5iH«. Dcibl, 195S. p. 200.

* L*«KSCe, AJymturtt tf tn Ofittr in iht Pimjauh, Loniea, 1846, 1. p, 6445.

ADMLN’ISTEATIOS OF ilAHARAjA RANJIT SINGH

thyfcsad. B« faithrul, honest and tnie, and maniind will praise thee, and ray
favour wU follow thee. Think of thine end, and oppress not the poor ; so shall
thy name remain when all else of thee is gone.”*

4. Sytteniof GovemmeBt

The entire system of government was highly personalised. It was bailt
aroacd the Maharaja’s will and his magnetic personality. He chose his own
counsellors and ministers from amongst persons of proven loyalty and des-otion
irrespective of their adherence to any particnlar religion. The elimination of the
powerful feudal barons of the Misals, the end of the old aristrocracy and the
Gumuzita's edicts on political issnes, enabled Ranjit Singh to direct enfettered all
Stale afiairs by himself. He conld inherit little of consequence from the crude and
rudimentary S3’steiD of goyernm:nt of the Misals ; the adoption, at least in theory,
of some of the fundamental principles of Mughal system of administration, would
have vitiated his own concept of the State and abhorred the Sikhs, who hated
anything aldn to the government of their former oppressors and persecutors.

Under these cucumsunces grew up the despotic but a benevolent and broad*
based secnlar monarchy of Ranjit Singh. Hindus, Brahmans, Muhammadans, and
e^cn Christians who enjoyed the confidence of the Maharaja were entrusted with
the task of governing the Kingdom. The Jammn brothers— Dbian Singh, Golab Singh
and Sochet Singh were Dogra rajpots ; Jamadar Khushal Singh, Tej S'lngh, Sahib
Dayal, Gangs Ram. Dina Hath and AJedhia Prasbad were all Brahamans ; the
Faqir broihers-Ariz*ud*Dia, Kaf*ud*Din and laaa-ud'DIn were Muhammadans ;
and Allard, Court, Avitabile and Ventura wereChristiaus of dnerse dsnomioalions.
The ruling class at the Court of Lahore was a creation of the Maharaja ; it was
allowed to remain ia power and authority so long as it evinced absolute loyalty and
subservience to its master. The ootely crowd consisting of the officials of Ranjit
Singh’s central goscruiaent- secretaries, ministers and others, therefore, existed on
the breath of the pleasure of the Maharaja. Tbere was no daneer of a combined
opposition to the throne from them or from the noa-btrtditaiy feudal lords of the
Kingdom who Ihed ia constant fear of extortions, contributions, confiscaC'ons
and fines.

5. CiTil Service

Under the Sikh rule, there was nrither an imperial cor provincial civil
sers'ice in the strict sense of the term. A Urge number of officers were emp!o)-cd
by the State both at the centre and in the provinces. Some of these officials were
paid salaries, other recouped themselves as best as they conld from the territories
farmed out to them. A dual system of pajTueats either by land assignments or

* Zhi.p.63.

EVOLCmOM OF DAFT ASS

ZS3

fi.Tfd saJarifs frets local revenues lessened to some MJent drain on central resources,
but it increased the political power of the governors and local ofRcials. who not only
took more than was their due, and as tbeir land assiesments were of ttmporary
nature, they rackrented the peasants and imposed ahuaha or additional burdens to
enrich themselves.

Appointments and promotions of all major civil and military oiCcbls of
the State rested Viith the Maharaja. The continuance in office of the civil servants
was more or less dependent on paying in time the stipuhXed amount of their con*
tract and retaining the goodwill of the Maharaja. Some of these provincial officials,
who were vested with enormous civil and judicial powers, amassed large amount
of riches, but generally the dread of the alhpowctful Maharaja kept them within
reasonable bounds of restraint in oppressing their subjects.

1. CENTRAL GOVERN.VIENT

6. Evolution o< 0«/i4rr

The Central Government designated as the Sarkar Khalsa was located at
Lahore. The Maharaja was its supreme bead in all matters'-eivil, military, and
judicial. He was also the supreme commander of alt armed forces. The system
of government adopted by Ranjit Singh may be described as a combination of the
crude and highly irregular administration prevalent amongst the Sikh Misals and
that based on bis own convenience. The government was run under ten or twelve
daftars or departments of State, which varied from time to lime.

1. The Z)tf/rar or the Royal Secretarial to which was attached the
Naqal Da/tar or the Copying Office.

2. The Daftar'i Toshakhona, or the Regalia and Treasury.

3. The Daftar'i Darogha or Octroi and Excise Department.

4. The Daftar'i Raznanvha or Audit and Accounts Department.

5. The Daflar'i Moharyani or Royal Seals and Commission Department.

6. The Daftar'i Taujikat or Royal Household Department.

7. The Daftar'i Ab\iSb-uI-Mol or Land Revenue Department.

8. The Daftar'i Ma\s ajib or Pay and Accounts Department.

9. The Daftar'i Abwab-ui-Taht^il or Income and Expeaditare Department.

}0, The Daftar'i Mu’ala or Mte Daftar’i Khsj or Special Royal Department,

The evolution and growth of the daftars and the machinery of government
at the centre was a gradual process. Till the conijnest of Lahore in 17S9, Ranjit
K-37

290 ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

Siogh had no experience of the intricate arts of finance or administration. His
forbears like the other Misald5rs had managed their aH’airs with the assistance of
a diwan or minister and a set of munshls, accountants, and deofhidars under their
personal superintendence. They kept their troops under their own management and
command, and appropriated the revenues of their territories as they willed- Ranjit
Singh followed this practice for a few years of his early rule, but as his territories
grew extensive with his conquests, the problems of revenue, finance and adminis-
tration also become extensive. But the process of evolution of the do/Zarj was
slow, as except for the province of Lahore and other centrally administered areas,
the whole Kingdom was farmed out. This obviated the necessity of evolving a
uniform and comprehensive machinery of government for the collection of revenue
which was allowed to vary from province to province.

The process of revenue-farming at such an extensive scale, though bad in
principle and highly vexatious, was less irksome to Ranjit Singh’s government at
Lahore, for, it brought a fixed amount of revenue without encumbering it with
the task of land-revenue settlements, and evolving a divergent machinery for
the administration of equally divergent land-revenue systems in the Kingdom.
While we have commented upon it elsewhere, suffice it to say that the system
worked well.

As the administrative problems of central government increased, men of
talent and ability drifted to the Court of I.ahore— Bhowani Das and Devi Das I
Misser Basti Ram, Kirpa Ram, Ganga Ram, Dina Kath, Rattan Chand, Shankar
Das, Ram Dayal, Abdul Karim and Dewan Singh. These men were employed by
the Maharaja as it suited him best— in secretarial capacity or as army commanders.

Some of them rose to eminence, as is evidenced by the fact that the <fa/forj under

their charge were known by their names and seals of offiice.*

Misser Beli Ram held the post of Chief of TojItakhSna or Treasurer.
BhowaniDas and Devi Das brought into some semblance of order and regularity
the deplorable state of finance which had scant records of income and expenditure.
Bhowani Das was appointed Finance Minister in 1808. Dina Nath took charge in
1811 10 organise revenue admioisIralioD. He was the nephew of Diw3a Ganga
■Ram and later became finance minister. Misser Beli Ram, a nephew of Basti
Ram became in charge of regalia and treasury {Toshakhana). All these persons
enjoyed great confidence of the Maharaja and shaped the financial and revenue

I Cepanments were 10 pcnonallMd that the 7 were known, at for instaoee, DaffOf •
Dfvl Diu. SariiKta'i Bhovant Dii, Dafiar'i Gonca Ram, Daftar'i Siiahiada etc. The
Kkalia Darbar Rieords, in geoeial. Indicate the oi'nin and gtowch of the departmental
ofsanlaation of the lime, vfde. Sita Ran Kohli—Ran/tt StnSb, FirstDtat\ Centtnarf
MmarUl Vehmt, p. 99.211.

CHIEF niNCnOMAaiES

291

policy of the administration, “nw Maharaja supervised personaHy the working of
all the daftars, discussed with the of&ciah m charge of them the minutest details and
determined ultimate settlements.

7. Cbiet FuDctiootries

The Maharaja was assisted by a Coonmt of Ministers appointed by him*
self, and although they cacercised considerable political power in their speciSc
spheres, yet in all matters the will of the Maharaja was supreme. Their counsels
were advisory geared to a roilitarydespotisro and a system of administration, which
was benign, efliciently strong and vigorous. His principal councillors or ministers
were as under ;

1. The Foaier or the principal minister of the Crown. RajS Dhian Singh
who was appointed to this oScc was taler given the title of /M/a’/ A’ff/rJn. Next to
the sovereign, the Vazitr was the most important person in the Kingdom. In all
political matters he advised the Maharaja and enjoyed great privileges of power and
patronage. AH high level state papers, petitions and representations passed
through hit scrutiny before being submitted to the Maharaja. He supervised the
functioning of all the departments of the Stale barring finance and foreign affairs.
All civil, military and judicial departments were under his control. AH important
matters an which the orders of the Maharaja bad been received, were executed
by biin.

2. The D<offiri MttaUa or the Lord Chamberlain. This office

was of considerable importance and prestige. It was first held by Jamadar Khushal
Singh, but later on rSja Dhian Singh manipulated to replace him.

3. The DSrogha'i Toshakhana or the Minister-in-charge of Regalia, Trea-
sury, and Royal Robes. He was also Keeper of Records— important documents,
treaties, and copies of important royal orders were held in his custody. Misser
Bell Ram held this important post.

4. The Dahir-ui'it/om/ikat or Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. This
was an important office dealing with the relations of the State of Lahore with
foreign powers, particularly with the East India Company, Sind and Afghanistan.
Some of the Cis-Sutlej States had very amicable relations with the Lahore Darbar
and kept' their vakUs at the Court. Faqlr Azie-ud-Din controlled this department.
AH communications received from foreign powers were read out to the Maharaja,
who indicated orally the lines on which the draft of reply was to be prepared, which
was presented to him in final form for approval.

5. Auditor-Genera! of Citil and MiUtary Accounts. Dlwaa Ganga Ram held
this post, but after his death, his nephew Dina Nath was appointed to the post.

6. Councillors on Religious Affairs and Religious Endowments BhsTs
Cobind Ram, Ram Singh and GurmuUi Sin^ held these posts.

292

ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAIA RANJIT SINGH

In making appointments of his mmislcrs and councillors Ranjit Singh was
his own judge without the consideration ofcastc and creed. He chose them from
Brahmans, Khatils and Muhammadans. Though he trusted the Jats as soldiers and
gave them positions in the army, he seldom entrusted to them the task of civil
administration. According to one authority, Sardar Fateh Singh KSlianwala before
his death counselled Ranjit Singh to confine them to military service. The current
opinion prevalent at the time was that a Jal was “as stupid as his own buffaloes.”^
And ‘‘he could do no more than plou^ straight and fight. In inteUectual compe-
tition with the Brahmans and the Muhammadans he was a cart-horse matched
against thoroughbreds.”* Ranjit Singh gave the Jat Sardars eminent military com-
mands with land assignments, but seldom consulted them in matters of Stale.*

It is often alleged that the Maharaja chose persons of low birth and upstarts
for appointment to high olfices of the State in preference to men of aristocratic
birth and Sardars belonging to noble families. This may be true to some extent,
yet the principle adopted fay him was that of trust and loyalty. Furthermore,
efficieocy was the main criteria of his selection ; race, religion and caste had
no consideration. Most of the persons who rose to the highest positions were
his own creations. Thus the Dogras of Jammu, the Faqir brothers, the Bhns,
the Missers, the Divraos and others. The Dogra brothers entered his service as
footmen— Dhian Singh ultimately became the principal Vazier and Chamberlain,

Gulab Singh the rajS Jammu, and Suchet Singh one of the foremost nobles at the

Court of Lahore.

2. PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION

1. FroriocSal ^irisioiu

Confusion still prevails regarding the constitution and character of the
provincial administration of Ranjit Singh on two counts. First, because of non-

* GiiHir.p.in.

* Ibbetnn (Funjab p. 103-3) (rcouon oaiaeco'ji ibrmiog proreibs «bout the

quatititi cf « ]at. rix., ia acticultute be U prc.cmincot •.•'The Jnt’t babr hai a ploujb handle
for pUylbinf.”— ’‘Tbe jBt itood onbiacom heap and aaid to the king** alephant drteers—
“Will jCTi lell tbeie liltle doakeja T* a Bbsi, a ca^^rpiU^r aisj « wiJfw wootta i

tint !oat an best banfry. If they eat their fill cbey do barm.”

* A* for Imtacc*. Satdar Hari Sinjh Nalaca ; the Majlthisa-Dcsa Sinth and l.cbna

SiBfh ; the AtclEiivElSa— Cbanai Singb. Sbam SinCh and She t Sin|b ; the SindaillnwBlJts— Ajit
Sinfb. Attar Sinjb and Lebna Smfb. the fCatiEnvalsi. thePoboindutndotbera.vboccD*-
titutrdtbelEtSikboobilitT at theCeutT-aUhadiaiticatT cotBioaDdi and were employed in
miliiiry eipeditlooa. Ttey held litfc nutc* or ja/tr* and tendered feudal pilitary t«tvi«e
Vvt aiiilnnieotf of oril nature were fctdom |iact>to them.

PROVIKCIAL DIVISIONS

difi'erentiation of units of provincial administration controlled direct end those
farmed out. But it is generally accepted that the kingdom was roughly divided into
four principal luhhjj- Lahore, Multan, Peshawar and Kashmir. Secondly, part
of the kingdom comprising of the hill principalities and those of the conquered
Sirdars assigned to difTsteot persoas oa specific terms paid tributes direct to the
State.*

If we accept a subsh as the main unit of provincial administration, we
can leave out the theory that the whole kingdom was divided into districts. Each
Subak had a NSiim or governor at the provincial capital ; and KBrdars in the
sub-divisions called pargannas- Further division of the pargannaa, with its function-
aries, was on the Mu^al patlem. A pargantia consisted of a number of fa‘u/aqas,
each of which contained from 50 to 100 manias or villages.

9. Naum ! m miDlatnrc potentate

The NSflm or the SubeJar was a centrally appointed functionary but not
so the fCOrdir. The former who farmed the province for a fbted amount of money,
wielded more autocratic powers than his counterpart under the Mughals. He was
the highest authority in the province and etcercised vast civil and judicial powers,
and was allowed to maiatatn a small force and appoint faujdars in charge of
garrison troops. Usually the persons appointed as were those in whom the

Maharaja reposed full coofidenee, and except for the punctual remittance of the
stipulated amonat of revenue to the Central Exchequer and furnishing of troops
and provisions in time of war. the State seldom interfered in provincial adminis*
teatioa except ca reports of aaUadtniaistratioa or cruelty to sobjects.

> Tnbataij btllitatcs w<te Bilispor. Su1(«t uaiu Leiiaa Singh (ttihute ■ 1^,000):
Cbtmt«.Ef]auti. Liiakhsod t>har<tuuD<I«i Gulab Siagh (tribute : •I.ZS.On). Muiili. ttulir.
}afWiB, Kingie, KutUhat, Siba, Norpur. Hanpui, Datarpur and Katlab paid an annual tribute
ot 17.10,003 rupees ircie under Satdar Leboa Siogb MarichlS— the rtjas and tbe ttmiUes ol
the isiss held jsrm equivalent to 1/4 of tbe farmed out revemies.

The important hiU jagSri of tbe Jammu brothers amounted to 16.20,000 rupees, the
Chiefs wete tssigtied /eglre equivalent to }tb of the revenue. These were: Jesrota, Fader,
Bhadarva. Mankot, Bbaddu. Bandraira. Cbamni, Jammu. Samba, Kishtvar, Akhnui, Bhimbar.
Kotli, Sunaeb. Kbanpur and Santti-

Baanagat.'Mttha Tiwana, Bbrra. Kbusbab. Find dadan Khan, Gujrat, Wazirabad,
Sialkot, Jattondur IToab, Sheikbupora farmed out ta ebe jemmu rSjBs and ether Cbie/i brought
an annual revenue of 1,79.85.000 rupees

Other tributaries and jaSirdsrs voitb 39.15,000 rupeea annual]; were the Sikh Sardara
Lehna Siogh Majlthls. the AttitiwBlKs, tbe SadhifnwtUlt. tbe KsliBauslss. tbe MalvSis, the
Batakzai brothers, tbe Faqltbtotbeii. tbe H>;al princes and tbe mueeltacetFUs favourites cf
the Maharaja.

294 ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

The Sikh Nazims ia the provinces lived in style and splendour. They built
palatial residences for themselves, as did Diwan Sawan Mai at Multan, General
Avitabile at Peshawar, Hari Singh Nalw^ at Wazirabad, and Colonel Mian Singh
at Srinagar.^ If they held the goodwill of the Maharaja, they could act as
miniature potentates, wear rich robes and ornaments, hold darbars, and receive
nazrSnas on behalf of the Maharaja, ride on elephants on public appearance,
keep harems and numerous concubines, and surround themselves with mounted
bodyguards. Some of them accumulated riches, but generally they were made to
disgorge them in razrBnas or payment of fines at the displeasure of the Maharaja.*

Proriodal adniiahtratioa at work

We have already given some account of the actual administration of the
provinces of Multan, Kashmir, and Peshawar ; of the Jullundur Doab, the
trans-Indus districts, but it u'ould be necessary to reassess the variations ia
provincial administration in general. Thus we find that Diwan Sawan Mai, the
governor of Multan with its dependencies of Leiab, Dera Cbazi Khan, Khangarh
and Jhang— the whole called the 5ahaA*i A/id/fln ruled humanely and benovaleotly.
He paid to the State an annual sum of 27,26,300 rupees exclusive of 7,00,000
rupees for troops and 2,00,000 rupees in land assignments. He is described as
“a beneficlent and wise” governor and the province sometimes called the
/imsn or the Abode of Peace and Plenty on account of the general prosperity which
followed the benign land and judicial reforms.*

The Suhsh'i Peshmar including its dfpeadeacies across the Indus and the
Yusafzai territory was the most turbulent and restive province. It brought to the
State an annual revenue of 12,21,630 rupees, but most of it was spent on the
maintenance of troops and cost of admiubtratiou. It was ruled successively by
Sardar Harl Singh Nalwa and General Avitobilc. Both of them were stem and
ruthless administrators, and reduced the fanatical and fierce tribes of the region
to submission and awe of the Lahore Government at a high cost. However, as
governor of Peshawar, Hari Singh abolished the Jeziy'a imposed on non-Muslims,
evenly distributed the province into 5 pargannas for administrative convenience,
ordered wells and canals to be dug. and made land revenue lenient for the benefit
of the peasants. Avitabile's adminUtration of Peshawar has already been described

» ■ Hufel tT revels, p. 115-16) tires ■ fnpliie description of Mian Siath’s eastern court at
Stinsfxt in 1835 eKcoded by *11 the hiUtributarr i&iBsot Lahoze.

* As for in, ranee, in 1333 Kitp* JUm, tbe goremor of Ksshairwas reesUsd rod
eonfintj to prison. He puieWd b,s release by piyin* m priee of 15.<»,0(» rupees.

* Vide, imra, Cbspret 5 .

PBOVI.VCIAL ADMINjSrRATIOV at WORJ.' »5

intJesail.i SuHict it lo sdJ here that he «r» a ruthless and stem ruler. As the
governor of Peshawar, he Is described as “a savage among the sasage men of the
N. W. Frontier.” A tail and passionate person, he was s man of taJenls and
well-serscd in oriental languages. He set up a fine but rough and ready administra-
tion at Peshawar. He curbed the unmlyaetmlief of the turbuJenl ciements in the
province by a i>'stem of “glbbeti and gallows'* as a mode of summary punishments,
coliective fines and reprisalf. AvitabiiesiieMed uniimited authority of an oriental
despot without any strings being placed upon him by the Sarkir Khaha. He
had previously held charge of the Rechna Doab and afterwards, he became the
governor of Peshawar, where, “his stern and ferocious methods reduced the wild
tract to something file order for the first time in its history.”’

The Suhsh'i KojhmSr with its dependencies yielded an annual revenue of
21.15,590 rupees. In 1820, according to Moorcrofl its revenue amounted to
36.00.000 ropeei. It svas divided irtto 20 rorgannas. Its administration is
universally described as the most rapacious and extortionist.* Hari Singh Nalua,
the most ceiebrated general of Ranyit Siogh. who eommanJed the hlaharaja's last
expedition apinst the Valley in 1819. was appointed in IB20 its governor to bring
relief to the people from the oppteahe measures introduced by (be Lahore deputies
Moli Ram, JamaJlr Khushal Singh and Sheikh Mohi.ud'Din by farming out the
province for -10,00,000 rupees. Nalwi’s short rule m Kashmir and h/s beoeficient
reforms, particularly In the realisation of the arrears of revenue, standardisation
ofUses on wool trade, and (he reduction of land revenue as an ameliorative
measure further reduced the revenues to 13,00,000 rupees. He replaced the old
rupee by a newly coined one which bore (he mscripiion of bis own name. He
was recalled toon, as the Maharaja did not approve of entrusting civil assignments
to his military commandert.'

The ZoAore contained (he MSiljha region or all the territory lying

between the Jehlum and the Sutlej and the important cities of Lahore, Amritsar,
Wazirabad as also the Jullundur Doab. These were centrally administered districts
divided into pargannas and la'luqos with separate KerJors bound to pay to the State
a fixed sum of money. At the same time, the Manjha parganntu were excessively
held in }Bg\rj by the Ahtaw3liss, the Majnhllx. the SindhiinwSISs and others.
The Sikh rule was stronger and more equitable in the centrally administred province
of Lahore. In the Mail jha region, the Sikh population were soldiers almost lo a

> IfxJe.iupra, Cbipttt6 ; tiro Cbipccr t3(S).

s CrlSin, Stti'iit S)ngh, tr, eli, p. 139.

S ViJtt $upra, CbiptttS,

* 5itb nil-«(inia!>(r(tlea at (bf AAdAV Aaritfair bii been deetibti te lomeltartb
iaCbiptet 5(16.20).

ADMtNISTRATIOS Ot MAHARAJA RANJIT SIKGH

man supplying to the Khaisa army its recruits, lie city of Lahore was the centre
of all political activity ; here resided the Maharaja and his court nobi'ty; and to
this town came merchants, artisans, tradesmen, diplomats and visitors of
consequence.' Lahore and Amritsar had their independent local administration
based on the Mohalladari sj-stem. The KotwoJ or the Commissioner of Police,
and the Qssi or Judicial Magistrate were their chief functionaries. The former
was responsible for the mamtenasce of law and order, while the latter, decided
civil and criminal cases.

• 11. The KSrtlJr

Below the NSzim in the provincial administration, the Ksrdar was a pivotal
functionary. In csery parganna, usually appointed by the Ndzim, withonl any
fixed scale of pay or remuneration, he exercised fiscal, res'cnce, and judicial powers.
He was a Collector, a Settlement Officer, a Treasury Officer, a Magistrate,
and Customs Commissioner, and a Welfare Officer. He also held land on farm
from the State. His main function was the collection of revenue, and after
discharging the cost of establishment, to pay the balance into the provincial treasury.
His tenure of office was often two or three years, enabling him a chance to
reimburse his labonrs in the profits of office or extortions. He had an establishment
of an accountant and a writer, and twenty or thirty sepoys were at his disposal,
for the maintenance of which an additional cess was levied on each village under
his jurisdiction.

The delegation of almost unlimited powers to the KardSr under the Sitb
rule is a subject of severe criticism. As he did not receive any pay from the State,
he usually lived on graft, extortion and squeeze. He made arbitrary assessments,
collected multitude of cessess and often squeezed the poor peasent of every penny
he could pinch. According to x-arious Punjab Land Revenue Reports,* the
rule of KSrdsr appears to be highly oppressive and despotic. As there was
little check on him if he punctually deposited the revenues due to the State,

* Tbete ifccoccosus of opiaicnbcld b; seWan of histoTT TiSardicg tfce oMfulnes*

aod atio of tbe ooe-sidedafaa of tbe acccuota fiusiabed b/ tbes« Repozti Brrail/ apeakiJii
tbey dasenbe the Sikh rule ;n tbe proriesra aa npacioot fraipiDS anl inhomia. HoweTef,
the tcTLieaer of the accooata (orni>hol bj theae Tcoerabte ciTil serraats-ninica Lyall. Purser,
Thornburn, Ibbetw-i, O'Btten ani ot&tn. >cxts:«cti«e of their atatUtiral infonaatioa. u to ei-
hibit tbe ditk aide o£ tht pierote uxie* the Sikh rate, and uaJae eragferatiens of the fcleajinga
of the Btitiah Raj in the Punjab. Oa the enhiect. aide. particuUtly. Barnes’ and LyaU’a
Xerenvt Settlement Report en Kangra : of Captain lamei’ on Fetkairar ; of Craetoft and
Bnndteih’a on RavJlpiaJi and rfeWam D.«r{m ; of Ibbetna on the Central I>TMffCti;of
O Btiea’a of Marr.'/arf jrb ete. The etvJiiof adsiinen of equitable Sikh rule In the Central
Puni,M.iathecla«ieob«t,ationbyIbbet»ns~Their rule aru jnat and etea In that they
tjned out oppTCf lion to all arith an equal bud f

EVOLUTION OF DAFTAR5

he wa» prone lo exercise hii wide power* which he misused cxlensively. Alth-
ough the AT, heard appeal* fl^inst hi* decisions, yet in the far-flung districts,
the reports of his high-handedness would seldom reach the centre. The K&rJar was
assisted by numerous petty oflicials— the miqaJJams, or tax-collectors, the QanUngo,
the Pati\ arl, and village thaudhatis.

3. riNAKCIAL ADMINISTRATION

12. ETolutlon of dj/iari

In the matter of finance Ranjit Singh followed no set principles. During
his early rule, no records of ftnancial or political transaction* were Lept, and
oflicial business was transacted on the oral orders of the Maharaja. There were no
departments of State, no sccounti were kept, and provincial governors, except for
paying the stipulated amount, had a free hand in the tetilement of revenue, civil
and judicial administration. Gradually, as the successive conquests enlarged the
domains of the Kingdom, the administration of finance became necessary svjih
the svidening sources of income. Men of talent and proven ability gathered
round the .Maharaja— Oiwan Devi Das. Diwan Dhowani Das, Dlwan Oanga Ram
andDtw3n Dina Nath, Misser Deli Ram and others.

A rudtmenlao' Sarlthta'I came Info being in J80J, when Devi
Das svas appointed Dlwjn of /fu;or. and records of major financial transactions
began to be kept ; vouchers of expenditure and pay orders were put before the noble
SarkOr for approval and sanction. To it was attached a Naqa! Dafiar or a Copying
Ofllce. An opulent banker of Amritsar named Rama Hand controlled the
entire financial alTairs of the Stale. In limes of financial crisis, as in ISOS, the
revenues of the State were mortgaged to the banker and advances secured to meet
the civil and ntilitary expenditure.

The evolution of the department of finance, however, was a gradual
process. A Sarishla'I Dlwanl came into being in 180S, under Kirpa Ram. In
1803. DTw3n Bhowani Das became the head of the ila/lar named after his name
the Dcfiar'i BkemSn) Voj. Dhowani Das organised the fiscal system in the nesrly
conquered territories. He was appointed Finance Minister in 1811. The same
year a new da/terentilled the SerfsAta'I At/ror was established to control general
expenditure and income. Dhowani Das was the architect of the financial adminis-
tration of the Lahore Government. He created a Daftar'i Mali'ot, which
controlled the land revenue (ta'aluqat), and alt other sources of income (Jama'
kharch'l jafra/)— tributes and presents (noTarOnai), escheats and forfeitures (?ab(J),
excise (BhkM), registration fees (irojBhaj't-muqaTarl), and custom and excise duties
(chaMyat).

N-38

299 ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARaJA RANJIT SINGH

With the control of the major sources of income the Doftar'i MBiCst
branched out. In 1817, when Ganga Ram joined service, a Military Accounts
Department came into being, and other da/tars followed in rapid succession.
A dafiar to control the accounts of the royal household (louzihai) and the
Toshakhana came into being in 1818 under Misser Basti Ram. In 1821 the
Dfl/mr’iSftfl/jzada was created to keep account of the income and expenditure
of the assignments and of the royal princes. Soon after a Daftar'i Darogha

to look after the octrai, custom and excise duty receipts was established. A
Daftar'i Roznomcka established in 1816, recorded the daily credit and debit
entries. Soon after the Daftar'i Moharyttni came into existence. Its function
was to afibc royal seals and charge commissions on documents of payments. In
1822, the Daftar'i Mu'ola or the Supreme Department was created to supervise the
overall functioning of the financial administration.

The evolution and stabilisation of the various daftars of the finance
department gave it control of almost all financial transactions. All pay orders or
panvanaj of pajment passed through the relevant daftor, whose seal had to be
affixed on them with date of issue, appropriate cut imposed, and pre*audited before
paid ; a copy was kept in the tiaqal Daftcr.

4. REVENUE ADMINISTRATiON

13. SettlcBient Reports

Opinions sharply differ with regard to the nature and general characteristics
of the revenue administration of Ranjit Singh. It is variously described as an
organised system of pillage and extortion: “the country was farmed to contractors,
who were bound to pay a certain sum into the State treasury, and were permitted
to collect as much more as was possible for themselves.”* Against this view is a
milder one: ”He (Ranjit Singh) took from the land as much as it could yield, and
look from the merchants as much as they could profitably give.”*

Early Settlement and Administration Reports of the British officials soon
after the annexation of the Punjab give an adverse account of the land revenue
administration under Ranjit Singh, particularly in the northern districts of the
Central Punjab -Peshawar, Rawalpindi and Jehium ; in the hill districts, and also
in Multan in the south. The general tenfir of these reporu is that the adminis-
tration was highly oppressive, extortionist and corrupt ; that the government took
all they could extract from the cultivator and subjected him to numerous cesses,
that the corrupt Xflrdarj and petty revenue officials accumulated ill- gotten wealth,

* Griffin. TA« Rfljsi of i\e Punjai. p. If,

» OnmifithaiB. Hiriorr c/ iKt 5tkht.p. 151.

SErTLE.M£NT SETORTS

299

that there «raf so regular auditing of revenue accountr, and that there was a natural
tendency lowatdi erabczrclctneni of the rc'xnue money collected by the revenue
officiaU.*

That thcM reports, irretpectUe of the %'aluabte social, fiscal and historical
information they furnish, are highly ertoneous and prejudiced is apparent from
their one-sfdedncss, as for instance, O'Orien's account of Sith rule in Multan :
"Diwan Sauan Mall’s government ^ns better than anylbing that had preceded
it. Its sole object was the accumulation of vealtb for the Diwan. The cseculion
of public works, the administration of justice and security of life and property
oere a secondar)’ eoBiiderat/on, and stcre insiited on only because ssithout th«n
agriculture would not prosper, and the revenue would not be paid. When one
examines hit numerous cesses and tees how he levied dues to pay the people’s alms
and perform their religious duties, and then paid the poor and the Brahmans what
he thought a fair amount and pocketed the rest ■. how he levied a cess in return
for keeping his word ; and how he encouraged his olTicials to take bribes and
then made them duly credit the amount in public accounts, one’s admration for
the great Dlwan is less than it nould be if bated on uriiten history.”

O'Brien’s account of (he beneficent and just administration of Sawan Mai
it typical of the most unfair treatment; others vie with each other to express
adverse opinions on Sikh revenue administration. Captain James, for instance,
la hit otherwise admirable Lend Beriwur 5<rrf<mr»># ^rporr c/ feshaner describes
the Sikh ruleas that ofAtlila. the Ifun ; ’T/om 1800 to 1820, Peshawar remained
in a constant state of excitement and confusion, passing from one ruler to another,
none of whom could exercise any real control over its wild occupants, and the
hill tribes trattsferring their allegiance to the highest bidders .. The periodical
visits of (he Sikhs were calamitous to the people; their approach was the signal
for the removal of property and valuables, and even of the windows and door-
frames from the houses. Crowds of men and children fled frightened from their
bouses, and the country presented the appearance of an emigrating colony. As
the hated host advanced they overran the neighbourhood, pilbging and destroying
whatever came within (heir reach and laying waste (he fields. There is scarce a
village from the head of the Valley to the Indus which has not been burnt and
plundered by the Sikh Commander- llis visitations were held in such awe that
bis name was used by mothers as a term for affright, to hush their unruly children,
and at the present day, in travelling through the country, old greybeards, with

t S«c SenttiUr, the tour Piiii/eft Attnuairlralten Reporu, tStt—lSiS ; tod ltiM« o(
IbVetK>n.FiifiJe& g<Mnu< Srillemtol Kepfrlrol vtcioa* dutricit : and Oarnet ind Ls*lt— t-iind
Revenue Seillemeni Rrp^ri of Kenlra, Captain Jaaei— Land SerexKe yrtitemeni Report of
Pn%a»or, Cracrolt and SnnSroih— Report pf dtamlfnadl pni if Mum Pieiricfi, O'Brin— Zend

ytitlrmeai Reperi of ^(uiafar|jr& etc.

500 ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

many scars, point out the hills ovcrwWch they were chased like sheep by the Singh,
and young men show where their fathers fought and fell... One of the terms on
which the Chamkain chief held his tenure of the Sikhs was the annual production
of twenty Afridi beads, and the old man relates without a blush the treacherous
methods he was sometimes compelled to adopt to fulfil the conditions of his
tenure.”

British Settlement Reports arc full of such grisly accounts and gross exag-
gerations of the brutality of the Sikh rule. Cracroft and Brandrcth in their Settle-
merit Report of Rawalpindi and Jehlum observe in their masterly style: ‘‘But it
was the rule of the Sikh Kardars, too far off from Lahore to be under any check,
that reduced the Rajput and Ghakkar alike to their present state of poverty. Their
rule was a military despotism, and their aim to exterminate all classes and families
with any pretension to ruling power, and their strongest measures were accordingly
levelled against the Ghakkars and all the gentry who shared with them in the
management of the country. Accordingly wc find them mere exiles or reduced to
abject poverty, insomuch that they are now often compelled to become tenants
under their former ploughmen. The high toads were universally unsafe. Passing
through the limits of different tribes, travellers and caravans had to satisfy the rapa-
city of each by paying blackmail, or they bad to submit to be plundered, outraged,
and ill-treated, happy sometimes to escape with life.”

These accounts appear to be highly exaggerated to justify the imposition
of British Indian revenue system soon after (he annexation of the Punjab.
Contemporary evidence and the Khaha Darbar Recordt, however, show that the
r^enue administration of Ranjit Singh, even if variable from place to place, was
neither unjust nor unequitable, at any rate, it could not be designated as highly
rapacious and oppressive. The customary land revenue system with its various
modes of assessment and collection inherited by Ranjit Singh from the Mughals,
was maintained by him, with minor modifications to suit political requirements
and local conditions in the various parts of the Kingdom. There is hardly any
evidence of wilful and callous over-assessment ; the system already prevalent in
the subahs was allowed to be continued ; and it would be mischievous to assert
that the Sikhs who were the major landowners in the Punjab, tried “to wring
from the Hindu and Muhammadan cultivators the utmost farthing that could be
extorted without compellmg them to abandon their fields.” The cultivators were
assessed according to their capacity to pay ; in times of famine and draught the
entire revenue was remitted and ameleriotive measures of reliefand free distribution
of com ordered. The oppressive Kardars and grasping revenue officials were
punished when reports of their misdeeds reached the Court. Orders were issued
to the commanders of troops marching the country to take care that crops were
not damaged. In short, the Sikh farmer of revenpe, observes Griffin, did not

RCVCSU&rAKMtS’C

£31

«Lih io litl the th^t laM the foliea eft*, but he plucLed the feathers as
cJosffy as he darexJ-*

It. StrvrBuc l(tnle(

The s)Hen of resenue-fiftnjDg in the Punjib was not jnlroduced by the
Si Lbs. {( was adopfeiJ by them fron a system prevalent under the hfughals
without, howTser, its deterrent insituments of the decennial assesstnent of the
ascrare of the product. The sm contracted was pererally half of the actual
produce roufhly tecLoned, which a'lo tmolscJ serrout breach of the tiphls of the
pcJiant-esilliiarori. who were sabjected lo additional burdcni (af’iOis). Daring
the Miul period, the Chiefs distributed their lands to their followers, thus eliminating
the actual ttfht-bolders, Ranjit Sinyh did not disturb the pattern in which the
proprietary right was nothing more than a tiction, though its csistence, in theory,
at least, was rrropnised by the Sdbs. The land revenue was realised froio the
actual occupant, be he a wmlnJir, a Icnaol. or a ploughman The proprietary right
could he claimed by the occupant of the land, who generally paid a share of the
produee direct to (heStote.

I). I.4id'ttT*aa« SHt(niB««(s

Approtifnately encdhird of the total revenue of the Stale was in the form
ef iand'resenue ass/gnmettfs. These were mostly of temporary tenure, fiotwrih*
standing the right oflhe larger assignees to male similar grants out of their holdings
to their followers of persons of their choice. Ayjjlr was held during the pleasure
of the hfaharaja or for life-lime, and on the death of the holder it was normally
resumed by the State. Rotilicat considerations or esigeneies of service compelled
Ranjit Singh to malie land assignments to SiVh and other Chiefs, whose territories
he had taken : to local influential men. to the pnoces of the royal family and (he
eollaterali, to his favounres, to high-ranlrng Sardars. end (he miscellanea of Coari
nobility. Assignments of land were also made to cover the pay of the troops and
officers of the Stale. Apart from these, estates were assigned to religious shrines
and holy roerr, and persons bc'onging to the royal household. The ass/gnees took
the Stale share of the produce under prevalent customary rules.

16. l^nd.rr*«ou< lyttim

Keilbcr unduly benevolent nor exceedingly oppressive, Ibe land revenue
system of Ranjit Singh was highly practical and suited to the requirements of the
time. It was unrelated to any concept of the economic development of the people
or the couolry, yet the Maharaja kept it within reaionab'e bounds of moilention
and traditionally linked with the general well-being of the cultivators and the farmers.

I Ratijtl £in|t, g. 144.

302

ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SlNGH

The system had been inherited from the Mughals ; it was retained and adopted
with minor modifications to bring large fixed revenues to sustain a highly
personalised military despotism. The whole country was farmed out.. It brought
to the State an estimated revenue of 1,25,00,000 rupees, an almost equivalent
amount required to maintain the armed forces of the State.

In theory, the government took one-half of the gross produce of the land,
but the system varied in various parts of the country to suit local conditions. For
the purpose of collecting the revenue the Kingdom was divided into subihs. Each
subih had a number of pargannas further subdivided into ia'aluqas comprising
of a number of mnuras. The functionaries for revenue administration were the
KardStr (Revenue Collector) in a ttt'aluqa assisted by the Muqaddam (Headman), the
gannngo (Registrar), the PatwSri (Assesser) and the ChaudharJs.

The State was the mBlik'i ‘ala or supreme owner of all cultivable land,
and the zamindar or cultivator the malik'i adna or inferior owner. There was no
uniform system of assessment, and opinions differ as to the exact share of the
govemraent. It is. however, generally believed to vary from one-half to two-fifth
because of different modes of assessment prevalent in the country. As the whole
country was farmed out on various specific conditions and terms, the revenue
administration differed In detail in a variety of ways, as for instance in Multan, m
Kashmir, in Peshawar and the trans-Indus regions.

17. Modes o! aasenment

Various methods of assessment hitherto prevalent under the Mughal rule
were adopted, vie., (1) the Bata’i System or the division of the crop, under which
the State appropriated its share in kind as land revenue at the time of harvest. The
obvious disadvantages of this sysicni were Ibe uncertainty of the State share, and
the opportunity of corruption and dishonesty it afforded to a host of petty revenue
officials who supervised the division of the crop. (2) The Kankut System or the
fixation of State’s share as land revenue in kind on the appraisal of the standing

crop. This obviated the tedium and expense on the division of the crop, but gave
incentive to corrupt and wrong assessments to dishonest revenue officials, who
often deprived the Slate of its due and lined their own pockets. (3) The Cash Syjient,
over both the previously described systems was preferred the payment of revenue
In cash, which Ranjit Singh introduced towards the later period of his reign.
It facilitated the collection of revenue from larger estates ; although its fixation was
both whimsical and not too often arbitrary, it brought a considerable amount of
money to the State Exchequer.

In the Jullundur Doab a mixed ^stem was adopted where standard crops
continued to pay land revenue under bata'i and kankat, sugar-cane, cotton, tobacco,

-ni£ MmvAjm

*»

ca»h bam. In the northern
(3istr>ctf->Att(<clc, llarara. Gujrat snd r«)a«ar. the old t)stem of land rc%enue
rcRiatned unchanjed. It conilsted of the N(ha-raie, rIemsh-raSf or the

unit of aiicttment being a about 15 uhich coutd on the a%erage be

curiiAsted by a team of oteo iktth plough, or 25 Mhtch could be culn\-a(ed
by a well,

Wjttiam Mocrcrof) who >hite(l the Punjab in IS20. obtened a new method
of rating of land re>enue In Kangra ditttict, which mutt be commonly prevalent in
thehilU. It coniitted of a rough analytic of the toil. A ficen quantity of earth
wai put into (ine tnutlin iiece and wathed with water until all the mou'dw-at
eaaied through and nothing but und wai left. Theartcrrment wat defcffrtfned on
the tkhnett of the toil at 3. 2K and 2 rupeea. The tyctem. obierces Moorcroft,
was preferable by the people to (be attettmcni of out-turn of the tianding crops.
The persons appointed to form the estimate, made use of their power to oppress
the cultivatots and to Ies 7 from (hem heavy' esactions, in which (he umtndlrs not
vnfrequently were sharers, defrauding (he State without benefit to the peasantry.*

The vagaries of the revertoe aimmiurauon umSer a wholesale system of
land'farming were numerous. It could, however, be hardly described as oppressive.
Ranjit Singh “took from the land at much at it could readily yield, and he
took from the merclufiti at much as (bey could prchtably give : he put down open
marauding: the Sikh peasantry enjoyed a light assessment . no local ofTicer dared
to oppress a member of (he KhSlsa : and if elsewhere the farmers of revenue were
resisted in (heir tyrannical proceedings, they were more likely to be changed than
lo be lapported by battalions.”'

IS. TtMjitivaj.Si

Abstract generaliutions about (he land revenue system of Ranjit Singh
would fail to emphasise its uniformilies and its disergenciet. Like all oriental
monarchies it sufTeced from the common ills of land'farmisg. Ustorlions, and
exactions rack-renting under various local convenient names -the muwajii'S, the
afnvBis, (he the manJIrl, the raiBm-l-ilaftar, the the torSni and

sharBii etc., were all customary burdens willingly accepted by (he peasants and
rightfully imposed upon by the farmer of land rcsenue. The divergencies of the
system were apparent at Multan under Sawan Mai where the land rcsenue was
benevolently tolerent, in the Jullundur Doab where its was less arduous and
favourable to the cultivators, in Kashmir where it was rapacious and chaotic, in
the province of Teshawar where it was uncertain and uneconomical, and in the

S Tr<*fl>. p.73.

S Cutuilathtn, p 151.

30, AOMlNlSTEATION OF MAHAKAIA RAN3IT SiNGH

,rans-Mus region »here it ate-ays in arrears and had to be coileeted n el

amis.

19. Rcsonrcesoithe State

An earlier estimate of the revenne resources of
(1832) computed at 2,58,09.300 rupees as under*

Land revenue and tributes
Custom duties

MoharSna fee for stamping the
State seal on papers
Jagirs and fiefs

the Punjab is by Murray

1^4,03,900 rupees
19.00,600

5.77,000

1,09,28.000

Total 2,58,09,500 rupees

Later estimates, hosvever. pbee the resources of the State betueea ■

and 3 25 00 000 rupees annually. Shahmal AW (1838) computes them at
iute’s '^rmovinee of Multan under Sawan Mel yielded au annual revenue
of 38 98 550 rupees ; the Jullundur Doab under Misser Rup Lai 18,72.902 rn^e ,
I dS , he Cheuah and dehlum under ^e charge of Gulah

btought 25,45,000 rupees ; the district of Wazirabad under rap Suchet SU
brought 10,55,724 rupees; the Manjha and the h.II temtones ben.«u the SuW J
and the Ravi under Lehoa Singh Mar.thia 14,87,475 '"P'« i
Colonel Mian Singh yielded 36,75.000 rupees; nod Peshawar under M. Asitam
18,34,738 rupees.*

3. D. Cunningham, who in 1844 drew up An Outline Sketch of the hUhtary'
Resources uod Folmcot Condi/tons of the Runjub.' estimated the °

the State at 3,24,75.000 rupees— tributary stales 5.65,000 rupees; farms I,7y,»a,
rupees; eleemosynary 20,00,000 rupees ; )sfirs 95,25,000 rupees ; and customs etc.

24,00,000 rupees. Though these figures were compiled in 1844. they are ^9““ 7

ap'pUMble to the revenues of the SUte of Lahore under and immediately after the

death of Maharaja Ranjit Singb.

20. Cnstoras »nd town duties

It is necessary at this place to give an account of the custom and excise duties
which brought to the Central Exchequer an annual revenue of 24,00,000 rupees.

1 li.p. 192-93. JtrcucaoQt n seatculiesestiaited tbes »t 3.O0,OO.OW rupee*.
Mibartja, be edd>. leceived e tic»t deal in kind, eoQtcibuiicn of boT*es. camels, clotb, (rain
and lastly cf soldiers wbicb the petty rajaksof hts creation lave to supply in ease of war; the
Tsluc of these was, hoverer. dtSicult ta estimate, ^eumsl, p. 49.
s Tki and tie {I.21-23.

* ISP (I) 23 March. 1343, No* 55 and 56.

PROFESaOMAl. TAXES

305

These TncCu Jed the uli mine duties, (he 4M4rf or excise duties, town and transit
duties, the Mohartina or stamp fees, and the octrai duties of the towns of Lahore
and Amritsar. These sources of revenue were fanned out to the highest bidders, and
for that very reason their administration was chaotic and balHing. The system
though convenient os a form of eoltecling a fixed amount of revenue, was highly
arbitrary and vaxalious. Duties and taxes were imposed, though cot for the most
part immoderate, on all articles. Ahhoogh the merchants and tradesmen were
given protection, they were not immune from the exactions of petty customs
officials over the regulated tolls and taxes.

Town duties of Lahore and Amritsar farmed out averaged 8,00,000 rupees,
and transit duties 5,00,000 rupees. The s}-stem of octrai, however, was ruinous.
Farmed out to the highest bidder annually, arbitrary rates were imposed by him;
all commodities coming in and local products going out were taxed. Every article
was subjected to tax; no diiTercntiaiion being made between an article of luxury
or of common use. It was subjected to duty on entry to the town, then on being
talren lo iht shop, and ibe rhi/d lime on being tt^iponcd ot iskea ovt of ibe
town. Jacquemont describes the system : **Ai Lahore, as at Amritsar, there is a
lortof octrai system, not only on nomoadities coming in but on local products
going out. It is easy to see how arbitrary the rate imposed is ; there is a precedent
which forms a rule and that is all. Ranjit hat adopted a most ruinous system m
order to tnaV.c money. He farms the revenue of octrai to the highest bidder. The
latter has to make what he an out of It, and rarely does so without a thrashing
at the end of bis contract and without disgorging several lakhs, though not
without retaining a certain amount from his extortions. The result is that, after
the royal avarice has been salislied, there are always plenty of competitors when
each contract is renewed."*

21. Pro((«iieBtt tisea

Additional income accrued from customary alnvabs and ta.xes on professions.
In the villages a cess on wells was imposed and a tax on marriages and festivals.
Taxes were also imposed on people following various professions, e. g.. shepherds,
weavers, barbers, blacksmiths, tailors etc. A tax was imposed on water-mills.
Tliese taxes were levied at a flat rale, as for uisiance, traders were taxed at 2 rupees
per bead ; a weaver was taxed per loom, a tanner per hide, and barbers, washermen,
potters, blacksmiths, carpenters etc. per family or house. Not too often, the
J3girs were subjected to a succession tax or resumed at the death of the feudatory ;*

* Jotrnal of TrareU tie,, p. 59,

* This *is t common prsetUe, utoitiuuiKC, on the de>th ol fencnl Ksii Stn|b
Nilwl, Ranjit Smfh eonfiacitej titi uWt* wonli 8.(J0XX)0 annual;^ in 1837.

N-39

306

ADMINISTRATION OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

and in time of financial stress, public servants were ordered to forego a part or
whole of their emoluments.

22. An abstract

An abstract of revenues of the State of Lahore under Maharaja Ranjit Singh
prepared from the British records is furnished below : —

1. Tributary hill principalities

2. Contracted lerritorries inclusive of land
assignments and troops

as under : —

Kashmir and dependencies
Peshawar and dependencies
Multan and dependencies
Jullundur Doab

Tank, Bannu and Dera Ismail Khan
Hill Farms, Kangra, Maodi, KuUu etc.
Blsholi, MuzafTarabad, Chach Hazara
■Wazirabad, Sialkot, Ramnagar
Gujrat and Find Dadan Khan,
Rawalpindi etc.

Cis-Sutlej Farms
Miscellaneous Farms

rupees 5,65,000
1,79,85,000

30.00. 000

10 . 00 . 000

45.00. 000

22 . 00 . 000

7.00. 000

17.60.000

6.25.000

12.50.000

4.50.000

6.50.000

15.00. 000

Religious Endowments and grants
Jaglrs and Assignments
Jammu brothers

Court nobles, Princes and Sardars
Excise, Custom and Stamp Duties

20,00,000

95,35,000

16,20,000

79.15,000

24.00,000

24,00,000

Total

.. 3,24,85,000

5. JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION

Ttt*Ada\as4 A'ta

The Judicial Administration of Maharaja Ranjit Singh may aptly be
described as a patchwork of old and new systems based on local custom and
caprice. There being no legal code, little differentiation was made between civil and
criminal law and the judges decided cases by custom and usage. Also extensive use
was made of the Dhanria ^Ostfoani the Short'ol in deciding cases of litigants of
various communities to whom ibeir customary law was applicable. But although
administration of jusUcc was normally regarded a local affair, an Adalai-f-^'lo

PK OVJJJCIAl. COUJITS

>37

t>f Soprcrntf Court *31 tot op at Lahore, W3i aalaly eoncerveii v:ith the

hnrin; of appeah atsinU the drciiioatofthe provincial utrapi or ihe \>;fmjand
Ihc commiJMoncr* or the Kardirt. The Maharaja »-at generally regarded the ioarcc
of all juiiice, and heard in the open DarhJr appeaJf againit ihedeciaionjofthe
‘Adalai-t-A'Ia and the provincial conrti.

74. TtMAi^lju

Apart from the Supreme Court ret bp at the melropolii. the State had
eatablhhfd Of Special Cobfit in important to»ni like Lahore, Amritsar,

Multan and Peshawar to hear and decide both civil and criminal cases. Prominent
persons of the locality were vested with civil and judicial powers, but it it not known
bow and in what mannerihey etcrrciseil joritdiclioti in the provinces and districts
where both the A'a;lm and the A'Ortfdr etercised similar powen. \’Igilance could
not be nainlatned to supervtce the work of the provincial judiciary, }-c( the Sikh
ruler generally issued strict orders to the Ada»lata to be just and tnereiful in their
decisions.* We do not know whether they derived their powers from the sovereign,
the ioeaf governors, or (he ‘AdJfai-(-A‘ta ctcrcised any control over them.

S3 Pn>Wa<t«l Caatti

In the provinces, sub-divisions and in the feudal territories were the KSgim'i
Court, the Klrdir'i Court and the Jdglrdlr's Court. TbeNl;im‘s Court exercised
jurisdiction /n ail civil and cftminai (natters withia (he province. All eases at the
provincial capital came up before it. and it also heard appeals apinil the decisions
of the Kkrdlr't Court in the tuSdivisions. who in their respective regions rterelted
wider civil and criminal jurisdiction.

76. Jaiftiliti Coaitf

In the villages, the old traditional fa^havals continued to administer
justice in petty civil and criminal caKS or Kitfed disputes by arbitration. Large
judicial powers rested with the JSt^rdan both in civil and criminal matters,
although we have little iDformaiion how the litigants sought redress against their
arbitrary or capricious decision*. It is almost certain that Nl;ira’* or the KSrdJf's
courts had no right of hearing appeals against the JdgirdSti courts. Much criticism
is rightly levied against the existence of the JlglrdXrl courts of law in the feudal
territory which made the estabhsbment of regular courts almost redundant. A
feudatory chief was vested with powers to administer civil and criminal law, and m
the absence of fex aerfpra, the feudal judges administered justice according to their
caprice or whim.

3P. Crito* and

Crime was generally atoned with fines, whkh the judge appropriated, making
It ns additional source of income. lie would normally avoid capital punishment

t f rrxir at rtt Court of Koulit SiufJt (Mooofttelt Nw 17). No. 63. p. 2$S.

308

ADMINISTRATION O? MAHARAIA RAN JIT SINGH

for murder, and for other crimes fine the offender not according to the crime but
his means to pay, and would often place the family of the accused under restraint
till the fine was paid. Mutilation of limbs— cutting of bands, nose, ears, a common
mode of punishment could thus be avoided by paying compensation money. As all
crime could be atoned by money, the system ted to graft and extortion of the worst
kind. A litigant was fleeced both ways— if he won, he paid the shtJerana or a present
of money in gratitude; and if he lost, he paid the jurmcna or fine. ‘TTie wealthy
may secure justice,” comments Prinsep on the judicial administration prevalent
under the Sikhs, “but the indigent are likely to obtain something less. The larger
the bribe the more chance of success. A case where right is clear and undeniable,
is often allowed to lie over, that the present may be augmented. All officers under
the chief, and employed by him in districts and departments, follow his example;
but they are ultimately thrown into a bora, or dungeon, and required to refund, and
when they have satisfied the cupidity of their superior, they are generally permitted
to resume their functions, honoured with the shawl as mark of favour. Capital
punishment is seldom inflicted. The most incorrigible culprits are punished with
the Joss of either one or both hands, and deprivation of nose or ears ; hut the
mutilstiOR Is rare, for whosoever has the means to pay, or can procure a respectable
security to pay for him within given time, may expiate the most hetaous
transgressions."*

Justice in Ranjit Singh’s time is desaibed as crude and simple but mulct-
ridden and of considerable source of income to the Slate. But although no uniform
system of judicial administration could be said to have existed in the whole Kingdom,
the pattern was the same. .Fine was the mode of punishraent, and in criminal
cases punishments were quick and summary.*

23. Variftioa*

In sharp contrast to the highly just and bumane administration of justice by
DlwanSawan Mai in Multan, we have borrowing accounts of general Avitabite’s
cruel and barbarous one in Peshawar. As elsewhere, in Multan, it was not much
severe. Crime was generally punished with fine, if the criminal or bis family could

* Ori^tn ef Pwtf in ifcr Punjtd. Calcutta. ISlt, p. 154-25.

* Osborne, p. 67, describe* the method of sumasr^ punjsbnients iitpensei hj tbe

Msbaraj*. at tot instinca. in tbe case ef a state aMniu ndin* a ciitcl (shuier wiora

tbe AValu had rebVd 7 miles from Lahete— deptised him of his camel, attas, elotbea and one
finset. He teceWed hundred rupees for bis camel, aucther hundred tor hit arms, elotbei and

fiftTfothiifinrer. "HU erecuttofts ate vecy prompt.'- Osborne obsetre*. “and folio* quitils
•to. • I 01 MmAI, .11 It. nicth,.,, ,,

U»,rfl,too.o,.io,„.»J i.,W.l„a.„,ioo.l.l..loo<,nt,l.l.t

VARIATXOH5

pay it. Mutilation or imprisonment svere commutable for money. A cattle thief
was beheaded in public. Highway robbers were usually hanged and quartered.
The repression of crime was generally carried out by the members of provincial
levies. Prisoners when confined in jails had to beg for their food, the government
was not bound to maintain them.*

The code of civil and criminal justice followed in the turbulent dbtrids in
the north-Peshawar and Hazara, was somenbat harsb and cruel. We have numerous
accounts of General Avitabile’s capricious administration of justice in Peshawar.
‘The pleasure which he took in seeing people hung by dozens must be attributed to
the affection of his brain.’* Observes Dr. John Martin Honigberger. “General
Allard told me that the Maharaja once reprimanded him for having executed some
Musselmans, whom General Avilabile had ordered to be hong because they were of
the opinion, that, under the protection of a European governor they might be at
liberty to eat beef. The opinion of Ranjit Singh was. that he ought to have impri-
soned the criminals, and then allowed them to escape.”* The manner in which
justice was administered by Avetabife has been narrated.* S.hahamat Aii also
describes his methods.* A gang of dacoits having broken into the city of
Peshawar, and carried away some valuable property beloogiog to a wealthy Hindu
merchant, one of whose men was killed, and one seriously injured. General Avitabile
prevented the deceased from being crematei, oa the plea that bis family deserved to
be punished for not repairing the wall, through which the party of dacoits came.
After much discussion, a fine of 2,000 rupees was exacted from the family before
the deceased was allowed to be burnt. Such fines, however, were set apart by him
to improve the fortifications of the city 1

S M*cla{ia (Xlultdn DItIriet Cajelirrr.p. 223) tccousU one of the niRDetou* ttoriu
•bout DIvnn S<v>n Mar< t«oieo( juttice : **Ab Diner*, one of the Di«<n*i useoott. «bo
vcntuciJ to rttid on bebitf of a baodtoaie foung rabbet, wbo vM under ttiaf, vitb ibe result
(bat under the Di wen's txptest otJentbexobbet was bunf at A!> Dao|t*'e own dcor.”

* rentz-Fire Veari in lie £d>t, London, 13S2^ p. 53.

S Vide. Charter 13(5-6). svnrw.

• 7A( Siih and lie Afgktnt, Lepdoa. I$t7, p, 206.

Cbaptes 15

THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

1. Its Geeesis

STATISTICAL DETAILS re^fdiog ihe army of Maharaja Raojit Singh
are available from the pay rolli of ihe OarJar RfcvMr as well as from the

stray accounts of contemporary writers. The army of the 5jrlrcr Khjlsa grew
out of the army of the Misals whom Ranjit Singh wiped out systematically,
howe%'er, absorbing their soldiers into his own army. The soldier of the DjI Khslrn,
or for that matter, of Ihe individual Sikh Misals was a soldier of forluce ; hts
loyalty by with the powerful Chief who could lead him to conquest and glory.
Having acquired the stamina, endurance and experience of predatory warfare
during the good old days of the Hal Khatia (1739-61) whet* the recurrent Durrani
invasions convulsed the heart of the Punjab, he had pined conSdence and
experience of war.

We can straightaway dismiss Lawrence’s derisive description of a Sikh
soldier of the Misal period as highly misconceived, grotesque and erroneous :
“Go to a bazar. Take a dirty scoundreL Twist up his hair, give him a lofty
turban and a clean vest. Put a clumsy sword by his side and a long spear in his
cowardly hand. Mount him on a strong clumsy iwo years old, and yon ha't *
passable Sikh soldier."*

2, Tbe Dal Khalta

Nor can we accept the ralegorical view that the fighting men of the Misal
period were "mobs of predatory horsemen forming a religious theocracy."* Such
notions are the product of an all prevasis^ tendency to misconstrue and belittle
the fine body of horsemen, which the Dal KhaJsa at the zenilb of power could
muster to destroy its enemies. The confederacies of the Dal Khalsa who had
acquired political power in the Punjab mustered 70,000 horsemen as under : the
Bfaangis 10,000 horse, the RamgarhSs 3.000 horse, the Ah!n»alSs 3,000 horse,
the Kanahajas 8,000 horse, the Dallewa&s 7,500 horse, the NishanwlSs J2.000

* Adrtniur*i«f «n Officer im (KePMnjalA.i, ff,

» lenenlly cntbe»uV)«ct,the obtervuiont of Gi*j. p.l7f ; Malcolm, p. UO

rtiet-lFuacklin tif*#/ Oterrst Fomer, frm BenSal ta tnilani.

t»ei>A£ RHilSA

311

horse, the FyzulpuriSs 2,500 horse, the Karor Singhias 12,000 horse, the Shahids
and Nibangs 2,000 horse, the PhulLians 5,000 horse, and the ^ukcrchakias 2,500
horse.*

"The military force of the Dat Khalsa essentially consisted of cavalry ;
artillery and infantry were practically unknown to the Sikhs when they rose to
power. A powerful Misaldar could merely boast of a few cannon sod some
inch zamburaks or camel swivels. A Sikh soldier despised to be a footman;
infantry was held in low estimation, and the few who joined it were assigned
meaner occupations. The Sikh horseman fought with matchlock, spear and sword.
He seldom received any pay, carried sparse rations and had scanty accoutrements.
He owned his horse and weapons, and was amply suited for plunder and desultory
warfare. Theoratically he was a soldier of the ATAa/ra, fired by the mystic ideals of
Gobind which he little understood, and he had no politics. He was also a soldier
of the PentA out to destroy the enemies of the Faith in all religious fervour and
patriotism. Above all, he was a frcc>lance, a republican with a revolutionary
impulse, and being the master of own horse and weapons, he had the freedom to
transfer his loyalties to whomsoever he willed.

The armies of the Da! Khalsa uneocumbered by heavy ordnance possessed
no amazing manoeuvribiiity. The gAorcAorat were sturdy and agile men who could
swiftly load their matchlocks on horseback aod charge the enemy at topspeed
repeating the operation several times. They looked down upon the comforts of the
tents, carrying (heir and their aoicnal's rations of grains in a knapsack, and two
blankets under (be saddle as their bedding, (hey marched off with lightning rapidity
in and out of the battle.

The oppression of the nominal Afghan rule in northern loda combined
with the persecutions of the Mughal governors bad aroused the primitive insiincis
of the Mahjha and Malwa Sikhs for self preservation. Since 1739, when Nadir
Shah’s catastrophic invasion bad Upset (he political equilibrium in northern India,
it had been the scene of recurrent Afghan invasions violently disrupting the social
and economic life of the Punjab. Every village became a fort. A farmer would keep
within reach bis sword or lance while ploughing his fields. la villages able bodied

* Tbii ii a eenftmtivc aiciatcc taard on the kaavn mengtb of the major Sikh
eonfedeiaciei. TbeDat Xhalro. «bi<b bacamoa domiaaot force in tbe Punjab in the mid.lScb
ccncutr. could in a reitrieted ienre be (cemed as a tbeoctacic nilicar? confedecic;. Eail;
ettfmiresof the temiee of the Miaals eecD to bebiCblv ezarrentod. la tTSJ, W'arren Hairinfs
waa the first to rralise tbeir potential sttcp(th; Fentec in 17S3 estimated it between
2.00.000.3,00, COOtAafaurTievfronPeaSai i» Foalend etc. London. 1798, i, p 333) ; Browne
(fndin Tracli. ii) in 1733 at 93,000; Fiancklia (Hislerp ef lAePeifn ef SAah Mam, p.75 ff.)
at 2.50,000. Tbe Bntisb adecBtutei Gcortc Tboans (Afiliiorp Afemaries of Ceorte Tlumei.
Calcutta. 1803, p. 274) who fought the Fbulfcisn Sikba Is 17M tt 65,000 betie.

312

TMEARMY OF MArtARAfARANHT SINGH

mcD. ia cites and towns men withoat any fighting experience, without proper arms,
swarmed around any one who could lead them to challenge the oppressive ruling
Muslim authority or destroy the Afghan invader.

Such was the genesis of the army of the Da! Khatsa, which Ranjlt Singh
inherited from the Misals. Its soldiery had learnt the lessons of fire and sword,
of plunder and rapine, of primitive barbarism, of national and communal unity
under leders like Jassa Kalal, Nawab Kapur Singh an others. With the growth
of the territorial power of the Sikhs, the ranks of the Da! Kha!sa swelled, their
organisation perfected, and the hardihood ©fits soldiery tested.'

The Daf fChaha was founded on a common faith and a common political
need. In time of emergency, the naraerotis small levies of the Sikh Misals, who
were otherwise independent, combioed and acted in unison. The threat of Afghan
aggression and combined resistance to oppressive Muslim authority kept it ahve
and active, yet the Misal system possessed no inherent strength. It lacked any
permanent cohesive force and its civil and military organisation was highly
Irregular and imperfect. But for a rudimentary ajake-bellef of Justice called
gaha or self-redress, the Misal System offered to its njcobers, who derived their
revenues from a levy of rakhl or protecilon-eess, war-booty and plunder, no
sounder principles of administration or conquest. The system worked well so long
as common interests actuated its operations, or there was a common enemy to
destroy, or tertitones to conquer and spoils to share ; without them it fell to pieces.
As the dominions of individual Misals enlarged, the whole region was parcelled
out into numerous states. The Misaldirs still regarded the Mughals and the
Afghans as their foes, but in the absence of a binding force, they began preying
upon the territories of each other. Personal lust for power, mutual jealousies, and
wrangling for territorial aggrandizement bad reduced the idea! of a Sikh Common-
wealth to mockery. Neither the Curmatta or Sikh National Diet nor the Sarbai

1 We tufC >nt(rritieS ^etaiU«t»MttfaeotS«ouitioa n! the Dal Kkolia. Everr Cbiet
ojeintained an iedepea^cac terse, enei in cooccr in time of tutieo&l emergenij. 1°

ererr Misti cheCbief wes the lesJer in v<r. c-t<l tn rimes of pee:e. their judge enieibifec.
ThesoMletsendiQfetior chiefs «nc free in change their ellegiance or loyalty to another
poweHul ChUf at win. Allunces took pUre for reeiprocal benefit berweei the Ssrdaraof
vsiioo* eonfedetsties. for each MUit was cqaat ot the other end coold »:t mdependeatly fox its
***•*^^‘“2* Threat of Afrhan iaT»»oos and tehiions bigotry of the local Mailico ruling
aothontyunifiedrheS.khChief. wbobaJ ruealo voUt.al rower They periodically rnet
at Aatitsar. and at the Bauailil and the O.srjfi fesneaU for coacoocse and to settle ptohletas
of teutualintetest. At the Sarhat RAaha „ . General Aswmbly. all animosities and outuU
*^*^^^^* *^*^ **^ **^^* • ^he otdiaalioiis of the Gurmaiia on all national political isroes
0^11 not be lAaJeoled hj any one. The Dat fSkaltaoz the joint farces of the Chiefs rock
CO e. leea.ttoana chosen leadat agatattecatnon coemy. collected rOiil t>r ptotection
ww and in predator, expeditions tUeided the .poB. anong.t themselres.

ITS OV£aALL«T8£NC?nJ

Khalsa or a General Auembt)* oP the Sikbt could hoM it together. As a political
force the Miial system had become decayed and lifeless.

3. Cortol itajlt Sle/h'itrmr

The disintegration ofthe Aa/ followed. The individual ambitions

of the Miuldars, their private distrusts and mutual recriminations transformed the
Misal system into 3 highly disruptive forccdivorced from the basic ideals of Sikh
Commonuealth. The various units of the Aif fChalsa degenerated into instruments
of territorial enlargements and personal lust for political power, Ranjit Singh
took advantage of these unstable political condirions. One by one he destroyed
and liquidated the .Misals ; he not only annescJ their territories but al«o took into
sen ice the foldiery of the Miials. Thus, the flouer of the Sikh cavalry' of the
Bhangis, the RlmgarhiSs, the Kanahayas, the Fyiulpurias. the Karor Singhiis,
the NishSnwllas, the DalleuaiJs and other petty confederacies was ahtorbed by
him into hti own army. The hardened soldiery of the Da! Khjisa, therefore,
constituted the core of Ranjit Singh’s army.

The mass of Sikh horsemen of the Misais had hiihertofore served their Chiefs
without regular pay ; they generally subsisted on piundur, rapine, or a share in the
booty. Ranjit Singh gave them regular employment, subjected them to drill and
discipline, created units and regiments, and gate them military training under his
own personal supervision or that of his trained military olTieers. The introduction
of the Mehadifl system of payment of lived monthly salary changed the entire
concept of the loyalty ofa rmtcr (horseman) recruited by him, who had previously
lived on plunder or whatever booty he could grab or was doled out to him after a
successful expedition.

4. t((arrr<IiftrraS<h

From the statistics available, it is well established that the Sikh Army
created by Ranjit Singh at (he zenith of his power, though not staggering in
numbers, was a formidable force. In I83S, itsovcrall strength was about 1,00.000
men— 3S regiments of infantry (28,7Z3 men), Afcair fanatics (4,000), irregular
levies and garrison troops (32, (XX)) ; its cavalry strength being 30,0000 horse,
which included 9 regular regiment$ (5,400 horse), irregular horse (11,800), the
Chorchjrchi or matchlock horsemen (10,795), and 5 regiments of trained Jagirdari
contingents (3,000 horse). Its field arliltcfy and heavy guns amounted to 2SS
(4,250 men), and tight artillery exclusive of mortars and swivels 87. We have no
exact statistics of the garrison ordnance placed in the fortresses in the northern
districts, but a rough estimate as evidenced from the British records after the so-
called Second Anglo-Sikh War, would put it over lOO.

T-40

the army op maharaja RASJlr SIKGH

5. Ntster ol M^cbiae

Ranjit Singh was the architect of this colossal military machine built op
with consumate still. Part of it was modelled on European pattern, but most of
it retained its traditional Sikh character. It was the fond child of the military
despot who had nursed it with over l/3rd {1,27,96,482 rupees) of his entire
revenues which approximated little over 3,00,00,000, rupees * It was composed of
mixed racial elements — Sikh, Hindu, Muhammadan, Hindustanis, Nujibs, Hillsmen
and the Gurkhas.* It was also commanded by Sikh, Hindu, Muslim and European
officers. Ranjit Singh was the master of this efficient machine, and he was his own
Commander-in-Chief. Metcalfe testifies to it as early as 1808 : “His command in
his army is as implicilly olwj'ed as perhaps it could be among the best disciplined
troops. Every private Of footman b compelled to look upon him, as his master,
whatever Chief be may immediately be attached to, and the Chiefs arc as much
subject to receive ordm as the private soldiers.*'*

**His orders in his army,** Metcalfe observes in an earlier despatch, “are
universally and instantly obeyed ; the greatest Sardar and the lowest soldier seem
to pay the same deference to him. At the same lime his manners are afiable and

* TbM< ibuta. ;t«pai«4 fto» the ft«<o«aut7 tl tbe KisUa Darisr Records

•ad rartfse teeeunti Kcatdcd ia tbe Btitub Tceotd*. ;ut>cvUt)r tbe Xnita Stent Preettdtngs
(7) e*; ititl be niar<Jcd ■» tcBtttt**. Pot ctnteajiont^ »cEeuBu is psmcoUz,

Sbabanit Ali (The 5«fcki <tnd tne Aftbans. p. 2S*2S} ; Oibotae (Cmrt eni Catrp of
JR«niic SfnsA.p.39,41 f.,60f.«tc >; hUtrty (Huiorr of the F\inyaS, »i. p 1?2 f.) ;?na*eS*
(OripH cf the Siih Fever in the Punith. p. IW f). Other reUvaot •Bthoritje* berfae
djTeifeot »ccau«s »te ; E»j*» (Military Snietn cf the Delbi. 1E€4). Giiriin (Ra«j’«

Sinjh. P.132 e( leq } : Qiapn (Punjab ai s Soyereien Slate, Lahore, 1833); and Sita Rao
KohU (Jeumol ef Indian Hillary, i, li, 1921—22).

BiitUb rccorda fuxouh acaoty iafeTnurica aVOTt tie itreuetb and eotDpositioo ot
Sikh Atiay ciJI 1339. Pirrr reports ob the UtUtatr Retcaren ef tke Puii:aS were compita^ by
Cotocel RicbjDond, the ASact to the Goremci-Ceaeral. N. W. Frontier Agency ia
Tide. lS?(n23 March. 1814, Na 577 ;2i September, IMj. No. 143; 26 Octohei. 18W. No.
113 ; 27 April. 1841. No. ISO-lSl and 29 Deceobez. 1844. No. 143. Lieutenant J. D. Conn-
inshaa. Aaistant to the Agent, dreie op an oudine aketcb ol the MiUtaty tUsourees obd Fd^
i.eel Conditions ef the Ftmjet.nJe. IdP(Ii23 Marsh. 1845. No* 53 and 66. He also prepared
aa A>/(raet shewing the dupeeiiios ol thehtlh Arety in/nly 1344. ihd.

Aceotiing ta tht ciUected by tht 8nt.,b ofSruis at rbe N. VV. Frcottei

Agency mlS«. the tegaUiaiayol the State ol Lahore »a» dm only foraidshle hot 7oi«-
**ediapt«iTefghtiagpowet-afattwhtcbbeU4the earlier emmeotxs emnates of Clerk
thatir*.silU4i.ipp«d«td«.h;.adth.tttw„ oete«i*,y. iadUeiplined and licentious.

* ''“.*^“°'“"“®'*^*''*-®^**^'^rA«eordeandBntish official ttforts regirding

iafaacty aod caTalrj -as 60% Sikh, 33% Muiha
I,. „„ ^

— ett eOBDanded by Europeans.

• Metisife— 1 Ociohet, 1808. Deipatcb Ko. 25.

MAIOR OlVtSlOSS

313

fjtnilijr.*'* In aJinou evcriihir.g la fuiUlng ep hi* army, li* diw/pNne and
ofpaiMlIon, training and tactical dctai!*. Itanjit Singh nccrciud pcrtonal and
direct rjpeniiion.
a. hitiat Dlrltlaat

IlroaJIy ipcaltnr, the Artny of Renjit Singh «rat of two categoric*, r/r.,
the rcay-l-/?'/n or the Reniiar Atny, and the ot the Irngubf

rorcT. It Kid four major dnhioo* r (I) Infantry, (2) Cavalry. (3) ArtiUery, and
(4) the ot the Special tlrigade.

A-INTANTTIV

lafjriiry of the r<a/j .J'ln orihe regular army, ahoot 30,000 strong coniUted
of 3S refiment*— a force which w-as practicaliy Don'«\I«tctil in 1799. A Silh
was a ioMirr on hor*(bacV. and hi* avrnion to hecoming a footman hat already
heen dcjcribed. Ranjii Singh soon rraJi»ccJ that in fci* achnne of wars and
conquetts infantry wa* equally important a* cavalry He, therefore, bepa railing
trained and dneiplmed hattahen* of infantry, in which due to the aversion of
the Sikh* to tene at footmen, he enlnted TOrhiSK IlinJuvtSDlt, Muhammadass,
Gurkha* and Afghan*. Theearlier pay-roll* of the Wl'ij IXifhSr record* coofirm
that Sikli element in the rank and fi’-e of the infantry battalion* »a* icarce. Gene'
ral Ventura sea* put in charge of raiving and diillmp new regiment* of infantry,
and gradually it became the mott perfect arm of the Sikh Army Ranjit SingVi
pcrtonal influence over it «a< quite estraordinary Constant parade*, drill*, and
jraneetnfirg eiereJte* kept it i» a state of readicei*. reriodica) reviews were
held i battalion* were inipected regularly, and their constant deplojencnt in wira
and etpedition* hardened its core and made it highly diicipfined and effective.

We have numerou* contemporary observation* regarding the infantry
battalion* of Ranjit Singh. Otbome, a* for inttance, describe* them as a fine
body of men, *5i»fip)ifled and trained for warfare. They had fewer prejudice*
and a* soldier* : “were bcaulifully steady oo parade and fire with greater precition,
both volleys and file firing, than any other Ifoopi J saw." Compseiag them wiJh
the Company’s sepoy* he observe* t “TlteSikb army povtettet one great advantage
over our own— the cate with which it can be moved. No wheel carriage is allowed
on a march ; their own blrlri carry all they require ; and thirty thousand of their
troop* could be moved with more facility and lest etpense and fou of time than
three Company's regiments on this side of the Sutlej.**'

Steinbach characterises two outstanding qualities of a Sikh infantry
soldier— bis ficuUy of tabiiUing upon very rmall quantify of food and a capMlity

t :Hi. 15&rtx«B>b*r.tW3.DMpiKh He. 16.

I Csna and Crvrt «f postil

316

THE ARMY O? MAHARAJA RAHJTT SIHGH

of enduring great fatigue: “The Si&hs, baw indeed, acquired, from their remarkable
pedestrian qualities, the epithet of iron-legged.**' Cunningham gives the opinion
that General Allard and Ventura, whom Ranjit Singh took into service gave a
moderate degree of precision and completeness to the Khsisa infantry, part of
which was organised on European model. They introduced French words of
tommand, a code for recruitment, tegular parades and long endurance of fatigue.*

A review of Ranjit Singh’s battalions of infantry in 1838 is described
thus ; “It consisted of about tv,’clve thousand men and reached to the city gates,
about two miles. 1 never saw so strai^t or beautiful line with any troops.
Thc>’ were all dressed in white with black belts, and either a red or yellow silk
turban ; aimed with muskets and bayonets of excellent manufacture, from
Ranjit’s foundry at Lahore. Their movements arc steady, but much too slow,
and a European light infantry regiment would find little difficulty in walking
round them.”*

The phenomenal growth of Sikh infantry is apparent from the /oIlowiDg
table showing the strength of Sikh Infantry and its monthly salary :*

ye«r

1819

1823

1333

1833

1843

18-U

SrreBSib

7,148

Il.«31

20.S77

26.617

37.791

53.962

Me>a>b]; Salu? la Rapees
60.172
84.162
1,16.234
1.67,962
227.660
4.83.056
5,70.205

These figures prepared from the Khalsa DarbSr Records almost tally with
British Records and other contemporary sources, according to which the strength
of Infantry in 1810 was taicly 2,825 men which rose to 29,617 men in 1838-39.*

^ The Pvnjah, London. IS43. p. 67.

■ * ffutwyc/ tJe StW», p. 157.

S Ostsstne. op. eit. p. 58.

* Sit* E»m Kohti. •ho b>s picpsiej Ratiscics ftocs the p«r-roIls of the Khsisa

Dorhar (ride. JounusI of Indian Hinorp. Parts IJl. 1921.22; and ASo%oro;a Ejaii*

Sinfh Firit Death MowOT.ifi I’elwne-tJie OrfanCiattOn of KltaUa Armr, p. 70) sti'e*

that the sttuslftreogchcf an iaf*otryhaft»Kcn«,» 560 mea with »a average monthly saUrT
ct 4,27?

s Cunainthao in 1341 iccordi a funbet »Ue in the Sikh infantry. It eonsi«ed of 60
rertment* of 7» men each <42.0M). Rsojhn!,, Afcsn* 5,030 and irtelulat leriea and Sarriion
eompanie, 45.000 totU 92.003 wen. inde. Appendix, xxxix). Pro® the JCAJJ/a DafhJr
Rercrdr. theeonRttutioncftheS.khamyi, apparent. The tejul.T atm, undet a comm-
. “'*"‘**' •“'* eelioenu arith an appottinnaent of h«»y

la placed under a feuetal who tedered an aeeraje pay of 450 rupeei

e appointed ctrotaendant* cf the

and liiht amUery. liw

Very often notable meahen of the DathV wet

Cetpi.

MAIOR D1VIS10S5

517

In due ccrtjrw of time the infantry became the flouTr of ths Sikh army m a
fair state of discipline, stubborn, hardy men of tall stature capable of great endurance
in long marches and experience of exposure to bot and cold sseather. Regular
infantry men siore scarlet costumes and blue linen trousers. They wore a blue
turban and carried a locally made musket and bayonet. The organisation of
infantry was borrowed from the Hast India Company. It consisted of regiments
of 700 men each. It ssas comanded by a KumfJen (commander-pay about 100 rupees
per month), under sshom were an MJuianf and a Afajor. A regiment svas further
subdisided into? companies of 100 men each. The aserage monthly pay of a
stpoy ssas 7 rupees, of a yyti iO rupcti, oT a J/ari/JJr i3 tvpccs, of a JensJs^
1 5 rupees, of a 20 rupees, and ofa Jlfd/e/’ 50 rupees. Regimental accounts

Here kept by an accountant and each tepatettl had a grantht and a copy ot the holy
Crenth, Non-combatants and menials attached to a regiment were cooks, ssalcrmen,
standard-bearers, blacksmiths, carpenters and masons, A suAfdar, a hnilJar,
a nisA^nehi and a nd’M* «ere equivalents of non-commissioned oOicert. Estimated
annual cost of maintenance of a regiment according to the scheduled rates sanctioned
in the KhSlsa DatKr Rtcorda aseraged about 82.100 rupees.

B-CAVALRY

We can easily classify Ranjit Singh’s Cavalry into three broad categories,
r/r., (J) Reguiar Cavalry Torce, (2) the GhorfharSt. and (3) the Jsglrddrl horse.
The regular cavalry about 4,000 strong, was a highly disciplined and organised
force under (he overall charge of /can Francois Allard. Both its cuirassiers ond
dragoons were a fine body of men. The CAorrhoraj (see fn/ra) were a mixed fare.
They retained their old methods of warfare, the dare-devil's dash and reckless
courage, and resisted the introduction of European methods of drill and manoeuvres
which they contemptuously termed as "harlots’ dance.” They numbered in (83S
10,795. The dagIrdJri horse (sec tn/ro) whose exact number cannot be computed,
is estimated at 32,000 in (S3S.

The known strength of the regular cavalry and the ChorchtreOa is as
below t

Tabtr(h0wfna(b« growth of R^altr SthhCtnlrr
Year ScrtBftb Monibr StUrj to Ruptn

J819 . 7SO n.ra

l.bM

OtS

3,014

4,000

5J11

6.73S

1.W.970

86.S-I4

90,374

1,61.660

1.95.9J5

1 Sita Rim KoMUor. (ii. Notaiet statUtict ot the daztrdirl botte are, bewntt,
ariilablc.

31S

THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA BANJIT SIKGH
Table sbo^oj tbe growth o{ the GkorchatB Faaj

1813

1S17

1319

1823

1838

1341

1S45

374

2.464

3.577

7.300

7.200

10.795

14.353

19.100

Aaaoal Salar? i° Kupees
l.fS.117
2.78313
11,13,782
22.45 000
21,94.00)
31.65.714
44.is.e40
5S.S7.S97

Tt IS admitted by all competent aatboritiss that Allard w'as responsfble for
building up the regular caTOlry. From 1822 when he joined service till 1833, the
strength of the regular cavalry increased four-fold. So was the ease with the
GhoreherS FouJ and the Ja^rJsn horse. Contemporary obseri'crs, however,
describe the Sikh caN’alry decidedly very Inferior to the infantry, as for instance,
Steinbach : “They are mean-looking, ill dressed and wretchedly inounted....Tfce
horses axe small, meagre and ill shapcd....They arc totally deficient of finnness m
the hour of struggle, and only charge the foe when 8 vast superiority of numerical
force gives them a sort of warranty of success.’’^ Osborne also bolds s similar
view ; ‘’They aie men of all ages, ill-looking, ill-dressed, and worse mounted, and
neither in appearance nor reality are they compared to the infantry soldier of
the Punjab.*’*

These opinions, howe>-er, are not shared by ethers. Lord Auckland, who
N-islted Amritsar in December 1838, gives a very favourable impression of Ranjit
Singh’s cavalry : “...horsemen innumerable, wjtb their metal caps, horse-like
plumes and silk dresses, the most picturesque troops in the world... .Their forming
up on about four miles and a half in length was be3Uliful....In equipment, in
steadiness and precision of manocovres, they seemed in no respect infsiioT to our
own army.”*

Osborne’s and Steinbach's view appear to be eirontous apparently based on
a general impression of Ranjit Singh’s irregular cavalrj', raised by the Sardars on
feudal terms, who recruited their favourites without conforming to the standards
of fitness and capability prescribed by the army regulations. The irregular horse
wasiroverned by old rules yweralenl durur® period oF Ibo hrmh, »**? lbs
troops provided their own horses, and although seldom paid a fixed salary, no
prowston was made for their dress or equipment. Most oflea they could provide
iH-brtd, small and weak animals and were miserably dressed.

* Tlf Piraja»i>. pp. rSl.. p.

* C«7sp Oil tf £ 01 / 1 : Sinfi. 61.

* AoettUfld to HotliwM. 9 tVeenter. JS38-Etwih! tn (EM). fcL 359 ff.

THE GHORCHARiS

313

7. Tb« Gkarc^aritt

The term was generally applied to the irregular cavalry, which

was classified into two distinct categories rii., the Chafehars Kkas and the
Mlsaldar SawtiTi. The former consisted of specially raised and trained regiments
by Allard between 1822-24,* while the latter originally comprised of the aouflra of
the various Sikh chiefs whose troops had been taken over by the State. The
ChereWd troops were devided into independent units or the dtrihai of various
sues each under a eommaader paid by the State.* Each deraha consisted of a
number of nifso/aor companies of various strength onder a subordinate leader who
acted as its commander. The strength of a company varied between 20-80 soytars.
The sowBts of the irregular cavalry owned their horse and musket. Each band of
horsemen or mfso/ had their own type of dress and were totally unencumbered by
European discipline.

Compared to the Ghorchataa, the cavalry maintained ia European style
is not highly spoken of. The iactcers, croirassiers and dragoons raised and trained
by Allard could never match the daring, and the audacity of the ghoreham
dare-devil. Although the men chosen for this wing of cavalry were most
noble-looking, who wore short blue coats and pairs of dark blue trousers with
glittering steel cuirass and breast-plates, they could hardly harmonise with the
Sikh infantry men. "f took the lapponvniiy of ioohng at Allard's cavalo'.”
observes Osborne, “regioieats of which were on the parade. They were the
first ofthem t had met with, andl was much disappointed with them and their
appearance. They did not look to advantage by the side of infantrymen They
were men of all ages, ill-looking, and worse mounted and dressed. Neither in
appearance not in reality arc they to be compared with the infantry of the
Punjab.”*

The GAorrAorjj wore velvet coats and a shirt of mail. Some wore a belt
round their waist. Others wore a steel helmet and a shield bung on their

s Kkoho Diu’I’S/ HitB'ii, i. p. J6,

* Tbe KAalm Darter ReearJt cod UT record ITdWaSsr of the CftortSarBi of diffetent
>i:e, Impoctsnt ■meoSx there betnf : tl) (be Per4Sa*i Kkar. (2) the OerOAa'i CAoreSarji't Ktai.
the Dtraha'i Ardll'an, (3) the Dtraha'i Kaitlalkaor the Oerafts'i Ctarjiarr. (1) the OersAo'i
Findrv.ils. (S)the OeraSa'i fiamSarSrS. (6) the 2)<rd&a'i (7) tbe Deraha'i

Atiarlvala etc. SDilterdera^erundei DiDor tarden eUeeziitcd. AcectdioS to tbe XAalta
Dartar ReearJi, (i, p. 109 el tee.) (be Hienfib of tbe CterctarS Fauj at the close of
Reniit Slash’s reifB stood It ebout 12,000 bone. See steo HuSel, p. 330; Sbebsenst Ah, p.
23 : Steiabieh. p. 9f. Aecotdias to tbe British rceotdt (vide Fereisn Seem Precerdinsr, 31
Deccmbec. 1547 No 33S : 4 April. 1845 No. 59) the itrenSth sod tbe eipenie on tbe
Ckorc&era Feuf stood St 21.29 bone sad 53.83,116 rapees snoutlv, vbicb wss psiclj pstd
IQ esih sod ptttlr in Isnd sssiSomenU.

S Court and Comp ef Fanjil SinsA p, 165.

3a)

THE ARMY OR MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

back. A bag in the belt held the balls and a tall bayonet held in band or carried
over a shoulder when mounted. Baron Von Hugel who inspected the Chorchordi
in 1836 observes: “1 never beheld a fairer, nor a more remarkably striking body
of men. Each was dressed differently, and yet so much in the same fashion that they
all looked in perfect keeping.”*

The chief characteristics of the GhorcharOs were their swift and lightning

offensive tactics. They rode forth towards the enemy at a staggering quick pnee ,
they halted and discharged their deadly matchlocks, which they loaded on the
horseback, swiftly and retired. They repeated the operation several times. The
matchlock horsemen were used to a life of hardship and endurance. The larury
of tent life was unknown to them. They subsisted on frugal repasts and were
unencumbered with baggage and were accustomed to rapid marches. The mass
of the G/iorcWa* of Ranjit Singh’s army remained unspoilt by European methods
of drill and discipline ; they retained their individualistic Sikh character. These
self-trained daredevils of the Sikh army performed feats of amazing skill and
bravery in the field of battle as they did in the days of the old Dal Khalse. After
the death of Ranjit Singh, their strength grew to 20 regiments (12,000 horse) sod
they distinguished so vallantry in the Anglo-Sikh Wars.*

8 .

The Fauj-UKhas was a model brigade commanded by General Ventura.
It consisted of 4 battalions of lofaotry, 2 regiments of cavalry, and a troop of
artillery (24 guns). It was a part of the Fauj-i-A'in, trained and drilled in European
discipline.* It was composed exclusively of the Sikhs, though its officers were
Muhammadans and Europeans. Its artillery was maintained on European model,
the cavalry included a dragoon on British model, and infantry trained in French
style. 11 used French words of command, and a Sikh flag with an enblem of eagle

t Trofflr in Ksihmir end rhr Punjab. ii.33lff.

» Ar the b«tte of F«ose*b»li. the Sikh Coominder Tej Sinih is reported to
hsee a GAereborO siienStb ot 30.0W horse (Lord GtngVs despsteh to the Goveraor-GenertU
22 December, ie-»-H«fdtnte DewicA#*). but du« to eow.tdice he fought shy of their
emplojment in the battle. Ae Cbill«n»aJ» ihe dtredeni GAgre^araf neufy tcaced tbe
BritUbattny and proetd iheoselT*, „n\j superior to Bt.tisb caTslty. (U.de. generaUy.
Dalbousie r 7 Hobhouse. 22 January, 1545-Btouihton (DM), fd. SKa ; and tha Punjab Papers,
p. 2 «). A' **“* •*“* *‘'”** ‘' »'>« not be loTgotiea that Mnltan, Peshawar and Kashmir bad

aw*"* ^ caralier. See. Cunningham,

p, 156 and Mooteroft, Traselj, i, p. 93 ,

'*'*^^'***1 *.*** Foui-i-KAaa and ectoaeouely described it as the
.nd C«iTt b.*- ’» ** vomatnded by (out Eutopem generals, Allard, Ventnia. AsittbUe

^^^nb.t,ngamengtbof20.0Mmeala««e,«f eaergency. V.ed. G.ridnar-^fmarira,

ARTIlXERV

S21

with the troth Guru's conuBandmrots iascribeJ on it. It was a show piece of the
Maharaja’s army, well-dressed, weM-artoed, and well-equipped.* Ventura brought
the FnuJ-i’Kfias to a high degree of perfection.

9- JattrdJrt Horse

The JagfrJo/i FtaiJ was based on the grant of fiefs to specific persons on
specific terms. All grants of land were governed by deeds and the /agfre/ar was
required to enlist, equip and maintain troops for the State. Nearly half of the
ysgir was generally assumed to be personal, and the other half was utilized for
the maintenance of the troops. A Jaglrdur was assigned land for life or at the
pleasure of the State, and on his death, the State resumed the Jsglr and the troops
were transferred to the State.

Generally, the Jaglrdar maintained horsemen, but the Jaglrdiul contingents
of the important Chiefs consisted of all the three arms— infantry, cavalry and
artillery. Big dtlgirdara had the privilege of granting portions of their Jagirs to a
number of smaUer feudatories on similar conditions of military service, and o/lro,
in time of financial stringency were entitled to appeal for supplementary cash
graitts for the support of their troops. The daglrditra maintained irregular cavalry,
but their infantry consisted of both regular and irregular troops, the former traioed
and disciplined in the manner of State troops. Tbeir artillery consisted ofboUi
guns and swivels and regular Slate gunners were employed to train them.

The increase of theyagirddri forces was progressive since IS09, when they
amounted to 15,000,* Gy 1821 it bad grown to 20,000, and by 1831 it had increased
to over 27,000.* About this time feudatory sardats and princes were ordered to
maintain fixed quotas of trained battalions of artillery in addition to contingents
of gfiorcfiarej and infantry. This considerably strengthened the efficacy of jagirderi
troops which now consisted of all the three wings of the army.*

10. Artiltcrr

The artillery of Maharaja Ranjit Singh grew from a scraeh. The army of
the Dal Khaha had few guns and the individual Misald3rs exhibited marked

* GtitTuk (p.t41) SiTCi i deKiiption et ibe coairositicin of tbe Fau|.i-KAar. Itioelodcd

4 battallicni cf infanttr (3,176 itt c***1t7 foKC was eooipoieii of a gnoadict rrSimenc
(730iB«nl, a du{ooa KSimcot (750 m«o) and • troop of lilc-Suatd>(197 men). Itt aslillerr
*int eoaiUted o( tha eofpi of Utahi Babbab with 34 funa (055 men). The annual czpendi.
tuie on the Fauj KhOi waa raiimited jr rvpeea.

* Mcteattc, Detpateb No. 25.

* p. 400.

< Aa ibe desetiptive lolU in tbe RfialaaPorber fiieoeda do not mention the feudatotp
forces malntafnedb; the State, exact fituiet o( tbeit ittenSth cannot be tteettained wiclt
N-4a

322

THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA RAHJIT SINGH

indiOerence towards the empSojinent of heavy cannon as these were an cncurobrance
for their swift-moving horsemen. Moreover, the slender resources of the Misals
prevented the acquisition of heavy cannon for the efficient emplojiuent of which
trained personnel was practically not available in the Punjab. Ranjit Singh,
however, realised the role of artillery as an effective arm in warfare. He neter
missed an opportunity of obtaining a gun, and after the conquest of a fort, be
would order the guns to be dismantled and carted away to Lahore for addition
to his small field train.

In 1799, Ranjit Singh had practically no artillery ; the best his numerically

small army could boast of was a few zamburfcs, some buffaloe-drawn light field

guns, and about 100 camel swivels (shulamsls). The regular department of
TopfifiOr.a in charge of a Superintendent (Darogfia) was established as early as l£<W«
and ordnance factories at Lahore and Amritsar were set up in 1807. Gunpowder
began to be manufactured locally and so were brass and iron shot. But the Sil-h*
ill-imderstood the use of artillery; the soldiers were averse to becoroing gunners
orfooimen,hence, Ranjit Singh employed Hindustani artillerymen, and ordnance
factories were reinforced by importing Muslim workmen from Delhi. Horse
artillery became a separate wing of the Topkhona in 1811. By 1821, the Siih
artillery had 200 field guns and 200 zamburks and it was organised Into derShes
or batteries under Individual commanders.*

The Topkhana consisted of 5 dfrahas in 1823 with MSS men and an annual
expenditure of 1,47,240 rupees ; it steadily increased to 13 derakasby 1S34 with an
annual expenditure of 3,00, 9d8 rupees. In 1538, it contained 300 pieces of cannoa
and had an annual expenditure of 4,00,152 rupees.*

accutacy. Not Us complete lUtof (be jaflrdarasTsUsbte. Hrw^ver. tee gineriilf. Mooietofc,
i,p.93;Piioi€r, p. 151: Grey. p.2Q; Shahsmit AH. p 22 sod S. R. Kohji’s paper Jn ‘b*
JeurnaJ of Indian Hitcory. xsxi (ti).

1 See eeaetally, Cat.of Hhalta Dariar fiecprda. (t), p. 13 ; UO. P- 2 : UT, II. p- 197 J
III (0. p. 65; PtUtep. p. IM; Hujel. p. 4» ff. ; B^mei. Tre«i» Boihara eic-
I. p. 165 etc.

* The.tterSihoftbe Kkalta srtiUetj aWt doubled in 18 !4. which accordifl«M
Biitiih records stood. ieeluaWe of eeittson tuna, «t 5S p.ecej of cinnca tad 975 twireh with »
total annual expend.wte of 7,20.360 topera. It had 171 garrison guns 156 heavy field guft»
and 223 pieces of light artillery. Vide. Foreign ; WSSetTet Consultations (I) 27 April. ITO-lSO.
fiitaRsmKohh. who ha, prepared the atatutico* the SCh.lsa .toy from the KSbIsu Varhdr
Retofds. furnishes a somewhat dtreigent account of the growth of the Sikh trtOlery.
which erclude. the garrison Strengrh-SH ; gun. 22. sw.velslW;

S™.£.h-8.2S0 ; Ma Z3J. KO ; „«,U, ..U., B2 893. 730-46 :

323

Ths Silht bfing unuKd to pinnefy, the Maharaja vm perforce compelled
to employ Muhamma Jans end Curopeant to train, organise and perfect the artillery
corps. General Court, a Frenchman, who joined Lahore senicc in 1822, and
Colonel Gardiner, an Irishman are said to have raised, trained and organised the
tactical pcpwer of Ranjit Singh’s artillery. They also inlroduccd European drill,
manoeuvres, accoutrements and discipline in it.

The guns of the artillery were cast M Lahore,’ and some foundries situated
in the JuHundur Doab, where Muhaiaaiadan mechanics copied from the models of
either E. 1. Company or the captured Afghan guns. They bore tjntatising names
inscribed on then like the Rdflihdn, the Fctehjung, the ^ilshbJr, the CuIjfshSn etc,

Anil'ery was a mixed arm. Heavy batteries were drawn by elephants : this
wing was known as the Topiliiana’i /H i : light artillery was drawn by horses known
as Ihe rop£A>v-d‘l orpi : swivels or zambutks were mounted on camels called the
TopfAjsaV shutri ; and light cannon w-cre drawn by bullocks known as the
Tofl^hina'I gait. The bad a special wing of the artillery comaunded

by tfahi Rrkhsh. Further, for organisaiional purposes, the artillery corps were
divided into various drAr&r or repkhjAds. Important JrrcAjxr of the artillery meti-
tlored in the A'Aj/« A.vAjr the V/rtotfgf-tif’Ttri-ir/lfi are : (1) DeroftaU

tUahi Bakhh, (2) Deraka'lJodh Singh, (3) Deriha'l Shir I'atshad, (4) Detiha't
SyeJ AfuSan-Mil, (5) Tcpkkeno'i An^r Chand. (6) TopXk/v-.a'i 'AH,

(7) Topt^hanoit SutiAf! Mihamr.ad, <8) Topkhana'i Cuts}’ KhSn, (9) Topkhona'I
5crda/ Hh/ona/iitfl. (10) To fkhSr^’l Amir Singh. (II) ToflhUna't Im£m Shah,
(12) TopkhSna't CuJJar Singh, (13) Toplhana'l Cuteh Singh, (14) TopitAfina'I
Afl’an mill JJaXArA.*

It is the concerted opinion of some of the contemporary observers that
Ranjii Singh principally owed the rraUy very advanced state of the equipment and
discipline of his artillery to Allard, Ventura and Coort Court is generally credited
with the improvement of his artillery and musketry to perfection.* Bumes lestiGed
to the elTiciency of this branch of the ATAa/sa army with the observation that the
whole equipment, arrangement of the military Topkhana was favourably comparable

524 THE ARMY OF MAHAEAJARANITT SINGH

in e^’ery respect to the BriUsh artillery.' However, after f be battle of Ferozesbab,
the earlier British estimates that Sikh atiillery was of inferior stamp, badly trained
and its field-guns badly mounted,* proved grossly inaccurate. It was found that
the Sikh artillery was better equipped and manned ; that its ordnance possessed
much superior calibre to the British 9-pounder batteries.* Lieutenant Barr speaks
highly of the strength and efficiency of the Sikh artillery. The orders were given
in French and the system of gunnery used was adopted from Europe, that the
gunners perfonoed their task with celerity and precision that would be honour to
any army.* The Maharaja, observes Osborne, was justly proud of the efficiency
and admirable condition of his artillery, and justly so, for no native power had jet
possessed so well organised and targe a force.*

T»ble Bbowiag tie Ctowti o( the Sikh A»t5!I«T »n<J Iw moBthly eaolnaent**

Year

Screnttk

Kg. of C«"*

SleniMf Selati f"

tniiu

Stfireb

rupee*

ISIS

834

170

5.8t0

1878

3.778

130

2S0

r8,3W

ISIS

4.S33

263

230

22.‘<«

1843

8.2S0

582

3CO

82.8*3

1845

10.524

376

300

89.251

22, TktZtnanaCant

One of the “capricious whims** of the Maharaja was his Amazon Corps.
It consisted of a detachment of one hnodred and fifty warriors— the prettiest girl*
from Kashmir, Persia and the Punjab, magnifidently dressed, armed with bows
and arrows and mounted on horseback en catalier, to amuse and entertain the
Maharaja and his distinguished guests during drinking bouts. They arristd with
music and fire-works and mimicked combat and amused the Court. “There JS
one regiment 1 cannot manage,** Raojit Singh confided to Osborne in JS3S.
“They give me more trouble than all the rest of my army put together, and those
arc the Amazons.’**

The Amazon Corps came into full display at royal festivals and feasts and
entertained the .Maharaja and the guests. Edward Fane describes them in attendance

» UT. lit (i»J, p. 561.

* S«erartiwUryCleik*»de»;Bteh««— UFeit«aT7.1541-ISP(l) Mirck. IMI. No.l37.
133. 22 Apnl-lSP(I) 3 kUj. 1841, N«».122«ie.

9 Harimje DtsvaitStt, p. 36— Tk« Jtetwrji ef Orimtnet.

* Jomxfof a Marcfc eie,p.259-

» Caw.ve*d.Ctn,r\of RAfiittSingKv.SVt,

* Sit» R»a KoMi, CP. ci«. p. 74. Tietv Eguies ate ncluiire of (airuca ordnance and
rtma In vaivoua fen* in tie Punjab.

t C»mp and Ccim cf Jtenjit Stnlk. op. et», p. 72.

TKEAICJU5

325

00 the Maharaja St ths //o/tee!ebcration%hlch was sttended by Sir Henry Fane,
the British Commancfer-in-Qiief ncd bis patty I'n 1837 : ‘The bfafsaraja was
sealed iurrounJcd by his Court and the guard of pretty Anuzons. some thirty or
forty in number, armed with bows and arrows, which they drew the moment, the
British party made its entry.'’t

J2. Tb«/»s/r»

A h'(di!y turbuient (hoagh highty valiant wing of Ranjit Singh's army was
the A(.ai Sena, a paid body of Irregular horse numbering about 4,000. These were
the immortah of Cum Gobindand the soldiers of God, each individual proclaim-
ing bimseir rrjuhatent to 1,25,000 so'diers (sona Iskh). Jnsliluird by Gum
Gobind Singh as the amicJ guardians of the Faith and the Golden Temp'e, the
Ak3iU took ^ver the task of censors of public morals. They relinquished worldly
pleasures, adopted meekness and humility as their cardmal priociples. They styled
themseKei as the sers-anls of the FcntA and would perform any menial ollice in the
sersiceof the Golden Temple. Bat gradually, a class of zealots and religious
fanatics grew- out of them. Osborne gives an apt description of tbeAk3Ksta
Ranjit Singh's time : “They are religious fanatics, and acknowledge no ruler and
no laws but iheir own; think nothing of robbery, or even murder, should they
happen to be in the humour for it. They move about constantly, armed to teeth,
and it is not an uncommon thing to see them riding about with a drawn sword in
each hand, two more in their belt, a matchlock on their back, and three or four
pairs of quoits' fastened round their turbans."*

Ranjit Singh found the AkStis unruly, arrogant and unmanageable. He
dubbed them as loafers and despentdoes, with no share of wisdom or intelJi^acs
from Cod,* They were the recipients of royal bounties as well as chastisements*
Often military detachments were sent to curb their unlawful activities. Large
bands of the AkSlis infesting all parts of the Tunjab were systematically broken
up, and their turbulence was channelised by recruitments into some of the
irregular regiments.

TheAldlls fought like the devils and were unrivalled in the frenzy of
enthusiasm on the baltle-Cetd. Griffin compares them favourably with the fanatical
GkSiIs of Afghanistan and Suodau. who drew their courage from drink and

i Fix Yiars In Un^ni. ]»t2 . 4 p. 90.92.

* A tterl tiot *boue6te9 laehftla JUn^tr, •boat »a inch la tretJib. weif thin, and
edges SToood veiy i&itp s tic; (&ee« it witi ootc CoK* t&in detreory to lop off a hta& te
liiryoreilber rerde. S'lde. Steiebteb, p.69.

S Camp and Ceurl of RanjU FinfS, op.ctl ,p.M.

• UT, jn (i»>. p. 455.

S nid. UUli)p.2T8.

326

THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA RANJIT SINGH

maddenins drags than religious enthusiasm.' The Maharaja employed them in
most dangerous expeditions and their daring and fearless exploits proved their
worth. In ISIS, as for instance, Akili Sadhu Singh, with a few companions,
during the siege of Multan, advanced to the fausse brayc without orders, fell
upon the Afghans on watch, killed every one of them, and the Sikh army carried
the citadel.

Though Ranjit Singh had somewhat moderated the fanatical temper of the
Akalis, yet he could not effectively curb their insolence and arrogance. One common
characteristic of their fierce enthusiasm was their haired of the Europeans ; they
hurled abuses and insults on them whenever they accosted them in public. They
made a fanatical attack upon Metcalfe’s Muhammadan escort in 1S09, but also
distinguished themselves in 1823 In the battle of Naushcra when pitted against the
equally fanatical Afghan Ghazis. Many times they made attempts on the Maharaja s
life and openly fiouted his authority. At review of the Akall regiments on parade, it
was a common occurrence that on marching past him, they would throw handfuls
of musket balls at the Maharaja’s feet hurling abuses on him. Ranjit Singh bore
these impunities with perfect coolness till any one of them was detected in crime,
and then he showed no mercy. He immediately deprived him of his nose, ear, or
arms and legs according to the degree of the offence.*

The Muhammadans were another target of AkSlt hatred and insolence, so
much so, that the Maharaja was compelled to prohibit the call to prajer or
in all parts of his Kingdom to which they detenaioedly objected.

The Akalis were a very useful wing of the army of Ranjit Singh. As soldiers
they were brave and as fanatics unparalleled. The Maharaja would let them loose
against his Afghan enemies, as he did in curbing the turbulence of the V*’ah3bl
fanatic Sayyed Ahmad in 1830. The accounts given by European visitors of these
dreadful immortals are highly colourful and amusing. Henry Edward Fane calls
them “a sort of military madmen.” "It is utterly indescribable,” he observes, “the
dirt, rascality and filth, which these brutes seems to glory in. Even in the presence
of their master no one is safe ; and the Chief himself shewd his doubts by ordering

up a guard of regular troops, and placing the fanatics between two large bodies of

cavalry. To prevent their fanaticism, fcom being dangttovss 's.btn they in
nutnhers, Ranjit Singh had dispersed them among different regiments.”'

» RaninSmiH. P.13S, AffCorlinj to bim (p. 86). the Akalis were exched by the use ci
betnp w.tejenmU, the first to storatbetowtt. ,oi ef„n did eiceJlent eerrue ; hut tUT
wet* Unless and uncertain, and in pejceJol tunes, enjoyed .lajost boundless lieeote.

* Oihoine, p. 55.

' f'»» Iiidia,t.endon,lW2,i.p.82^

Pay mEnts and cuts

337

Strong antipathy tahibiled by the Akallf towards the foreigners* have earned
them cqaalJy adverse accovnis of their charader and approach towards current
probtems. Maegregor who also suRcred abuse from them bewails: “The Ufcalee
is a wiM-looVing character, displaying In his countenance a mixture of cunning and
cruelly ; these two propensities, arc accordingly the leading impulses of his life.
The Ukalees are ostensibly beggers, but differ from this race as found in other
parts of India, in their extreme insolence and independence. To the sight, even of
an European, they have a strong antipathy :and never fail to load him with abuse.
Runjeet has done much tow.irds reducing this race to some degree of order ,* and
though the task is a difficull one, they have even been trained as soldiers, retaining,
however, their own peculiar arms and dress. The Ukalees wear but little clothing,
and are sometimes divested of it altogether. Their turban is of a peaked, or conical
form, and Invariably of a blue colour : over this arc placed steel cire'es, made so as
to fit the shape of the turban, diminishing gradually in diameter as they approach
the top. Tile outer edge of these weapons is very sharp, and inllicts severe wounds
They are thrown, by giving them a rotary motion on the finger, and then projecting
them forwards with velocity. In addition to these weapons, by which they may at
all times be known, the Ukalees carry a naked sword in their hand, which they keep
flourishing about their heads like madmen. When thus equipped, and mounted on
horseback, they present a nov-el sight ; further increased in terror, if they happen
to be under the influence of spirituous liquors, which is by no means a rare occur-
rence ; their discordant yells, wild gestures, and the brondshing of their swords,
give them, on these occasions, more the appearance of fiends, than of human
beings.”*

ra^Bkceti tad Cats

The training and discipline of the heterogeneous mass of unpaid levies
absorbed by Ranjit Singh in his army was a gradual process. He remodelled the
entire crude military system which he had inherited from the Misals. He built up
both infantry and aitillery as separate divisions of his army, introduced European
system of discipline, reorganised the cavalry as state troops, and established rules
for the control of the fcudalistic Jaglrdart troops. A system of cash payment or
fatkhtafi was set up, though payment by land assignment was retained to a larger
extent. A method of direct recruitmcDt was introduced, and steps were taken to
improve the organisation of control and command. A central ofSce maintained
military records, and to it was attached a Pay Office.

* TEit Atalit I»&inisU} Tung abuM anil iatubed ebe foteicneii. "rbere go a pair of
Eagliih tbUvri t A coupleof pig> I*' tcportiaTititor with the obicrration: ‘these faoatiesl
geaticmen iie pneilegel tn theic o«d coimtt} to mt whateeet tber like, and wt were cootent
to poeket the ({front'.” —Barr— A Jaurtiat af Matfti frtm Dilhi to Celul tic., p. 53.

* Mtctittor,i,p.236f,

23 THE AKMV Of MAttARAIA KANJlt SINGH

In general, cash pajmenls were made by ^o'Jci'Tyslems less

the salaries of .he troops srere calenlated on n ".."ps w ere paid in kW

commonly prevalent were the system or paj-ment P«

twice a year at the time of harves , approaimated

diem to temporarily employed armed personnel. " received on the

those of the East India Company. A genera ■^”'” f tl., 3 „dant about
average 500 rupees a month, a 7^vild5r IS rupees, and the

150 rupees, a major 40 rupees, a subcdar3 p . - ^ ^.g^lar cavatr), a

monthly salary of a sepoy averaged ' .„d the sSrry ofa roai'

colonel received 300 rupees, a commandant 150 rupees, a

averaged between 20-25 rupees.' T:,.,ngvan

By contrast there was a sharp diffcrenc^f pay y^ntura 3,^

officers. General Avitabile-s monthly P’f mouth.

Xees, of Court 2,750 rupees. Dr. "^^'^Ifoweter,

and Steinbach.Mo..ton and Cortland, '“f ™ ^ “o ^

the general oplaion is that pecuniar advanbtges enjoyed ‘k ““

Sn. enough to eompeusa.e them forUte arduous res.r,c.,ons placed

The bane of the whole system was

imposed on the salaries. Oftea Ute troops were Icregu-

but generally it was disbursed to «■' “^“"mOTporaty

lariw of payments to troops have been adversely commented “P™ ^ Jney

„bs«vers,fl. 0 U 6 bit is hard to believe Uta. Seek

or the avarice of the Maharaja. I. conid >« ^ “ ”°i'd -The

desertions or insubordinations so commonly prevalent in to M.sal . „

whole army ge« len monrhs’ pay a year and that rs very
Jaequemont observes. -Pay is always four, fiw, or SLV months m a^- j,

a year or fourteen months, particularly in the case of to cavalD- TO
that to latter are veD much in debt and. when they receive orders of ttansie .
sometimes refuse to march, for it is impossible for them to subsist <>" to
and in new places they arc untnown to merchants and cannot obtain credit.

_ . *ryr, of

Major Lawrence is more specific on the subject r “The keystone, too^^^
an army is wanting ; tore is no nndisputed, punctual pay. The
Uinly better looked to than the other teoops ; but while the coffers of the it

1 Col. ef (hr Khatia D jrbar Krc^rtb. I (it), p. 153 14 .

* ISP (D 23 Mmrcb. !&«. No. 522.

S Si* pirticulttly, J*e<ju«moot— Jciwiial. p 56 , who is o! the epinica ih»t the u(
cffictn ««« oblijed to Iiee la too mueti loxatj tobe sble to saTc anjtbing The-
did not tllow tbem to Iwtc the Pun]«b. and lot this leuon theit salities were nio»t
in attests. He obserres that the parolAUszd and Ventura in 1831 at the tiae ol “

was ia attest to the tune e! 1,00, 0«0 ttspees.

« nid.p.5L

FAYMtSTSAMOCOTJ

3»

o«rfl£n»ing Vfith the plunder oftMoIUn and other proincce, the army h teMom
Ictt than a tweKY.monih in arreari. Once, indeed, I uw the hfabaraja obliged to
tale refupe in Gobindgurh, from the violence of the Gurkha Battalion, viho t\ere
routed to dffpcratiofl by being lept out of their pay. Rarefy it any body of
Iroopt paid, except on repretentation from their commandant, at the durhsr, that
they arc ilarting or routinjirjg ; the antwtf then, if favourable, h a or
order on some one or more of ibe royal dotnains.'**

According to Osborne the utary of the Maharaja's sepoys equalled the
Company's sepoys, (hough they «ere frequently upwards of a year, and seldom
Jets than ten months, in arrears. Mlsen they were half-starsed, and grew desperate,
the Maharaja would compromise with (hem, and gising them half or onc-tbird of
what was due to them, half frightened and half cheated them into giving up all
further etairni*

The obscn-ations of LawTcnce. Jacquemont and Osborne and others have
some element of truth, but their generalisations appear to be gross cuggeralions.
It it true that payment to the troops was sometitsts irregular, and that cuts were
Imposed on salaries, but the vast complex of Ranjit Singh's army was paid at regular
Intervals though sometimes burden of payment was shifted to provincial and other
resources. This it substantiated by the oiTiaal Lahore Diarist - "On 9 October,
183S inquiries from Dma Nath OaRrl revealed that four months' pay for the troops
of horsemen, platoons and regiments amounted to 14,00.000 rupees and 1,00,000
may be added to it for imscettaneous espendiiure. But the rematled that
the sum was very large. Instead the salaries should be written ori different places :
Diwan Sawan Af jl 9,00,000 rvpeci. Muter Rup LaJ 6.00,000 rupcej, Sardar Majllhid
3,00.000 rupees. General Aviiabile 2.50,000 rupeei. R8jj Gulab Singh 4,00,000
rupees, and from the cesses of Lahore and Amritsar 3.00,000 rupees. Thus 36,00,000
rupees would be collected. The S(vkar declared that the amount would meet the
expenditure.”’

Deductions or contributions on salary averaged two months’ pay in a year.
These deductions and cult were not innovations : they represented customary levies
already in existence in the Punjab and elsewhere. Thete included the first month’s
pay on enlistment, royal imposts and mifaranat on the occasions of festivals (DUvaJl,

S-42

AJvtnturei tf An Ofictr in ikc Pvn/nuS, i. p. 41-48.
Oiborat. «». cil. p. 33.
irr. Ill (»). P. 12.

330 THE AEMY OF MAHAEAIA RANIIT SINGH

Dtaiehra etc.), royal marriages, and special levies in times of nar an

emergencies.^

14. European discipline

opinions rvith regard to the impac. IbhaS

iveness Of Ranjit Singh’s army sharply aiffer. ^ and British

.as highly interested ,c learn the relative qualms o e ' WttOe O'”"""'

armies as the record of his conversations »'"■ astern
Fane, laequemont and others sho.. He '™ as

ofdiscipline and .arfare, and considered its inUodaction

highly advantageons. He, therefore, took into his “ .ho

fortune and professionals who drifted into the Punjab. j-serter Other*

joined the Sikh army in 1809 is said to be Price, a British military desert
of note .ho ttiekled across the Sutlej or the N. W. Frontier .ere
raantVeatara, aa luliaa ; Coart, “ ^ 'a a4i<p

an Irishman: Harlan, an American; Steinbach, a German;

Indian i Honigberger, a German; Foulke^ an foar

Prassian. Allard, Ventura, Court and Avitabile may be “

principal offieers responsible for Ihe induction of European discipline in SdA J

Most of the others were smaller fry, .ho accepted minor commands on

pay they could gel, and had hardly any hand in shaping any section
Sikh army.

Allard and Ventura bad come to Lahore tbrongh Persia and Af^ghanist
early in 1822. and the British records tell us about the Maharaja’s
taking them into army service straightaway.* He interviewed them several i »
put them to severe tests, and probed into their professional ability and antece
Ultimately, he took them into service with apparent distrust. The Sikh Court a
nobility disliked them intensively. Notwithstanding these disadvantages,
to test, these tsso officers proved themselves as excellent trainers of his troops. 1 «
excellent management and good conduct graduaUy removed Ranjit Singh’s preju ice
against the employment of Europeans both in civil and military service.*

I See |enet»UT. Sbitisait Alt, p. 43 f., Forei/n Secret Procteitnit (l) 26 December.
1846. No. 93t : mUo (PP) XLX, 1547.

* See eeaeteUj. La\3re AMbar. 5-6 M«T. 1322 end o! 17. tS. 21, 23 M»t. t823-(P)
93 ; 53. 62. 64. 104 ; 94 : 55. See klto Prinsep, p. 132 f .

s Genetel Venture wrote * M»nn*l«l Mtlrtity Training in French which w»*

Uted into Petaian by Munshi HathhagatRaiundetthe title : Zafarnsma. The MS. t» *

Patiala Miueum and girea an ideaof tec inttodunioa of European dieciptme in part of l
Sikh anoy.

EUROPEAN DlSaPLISE

331

Court and Avitabilc came to Lahore in 1827 after many advenluroua occupa-
lioos in Persia nnd Afghanirtan.* Avitabile though an artillerj-man s^as alloted a
battalion or infantry on an initial pay ofTOO rupees a month; Court became the
Ordnance O/Ticer of the Xf'Sfja Drnty. Both in doe coose of t/ae, attained the
highest positions in the Sikh army. To Cdurt is ascribed the perfection of the art
of cannon founding at Lahore, which reached an escctfence quite cquaf to that
of English guns. As itabite remained ia military service till 1830, when in addition
to his military command, he was appointed the governor of Wazirabad and later
as governor of Pcshav,-ar.

According to one authority it was due to Allard, Ventura and Court that
the Sikh army owed its high state of discipline-* The regular infantry had all been
raised and drilled by Ventura, and its soldier4ikc appearance and state of discipline
was entirely due to him.* Ventura also commanded the FauJ-l-KhSr, which he
transformed into a model brigade. He took part in many campaigns of the hfaha-
raja on the N. W. Frontier and was later appointed the governor of Lahore. He
maintained a harem like the Mughal court nobles To Court and Ventura the
Maharaja permitted unlimited authority in the recruitment and training of the new
levies. The ultimate effect of their reorganisation on the Sikh army as a whole,
however, is debatable. They introduced European system of drill, accoutrement
and discipline into Sikh infantry, cavalry and artillery. Ventura raised new baita*
lions of tflfantry and trained (hem in European style. Allard was assigned (be task
of putting the Sikh cavalry in shape. He also raised a corps of dragoons, and the
training ofthe newly raised battalions of infantry in European discipline was atso
entrusted to him.

U would be absurd to designate Allard the Sulaiman Bey of Ranjit Singh.*
He was merely in command of some 3,000 cavalry,* and his cavalry U not des-
cribed in very complimentary terms by competent observers.* And yet, the intro-
duction of the new system of command and drill, Ibe Europeanisation ofthe Sikh
army was half-hearted and partial. It did not cover the whole of the KhltJsa force,
the core of which continued to be essentially Sikh. The Sikh army commanders
deeply resented (be unl;mi(ed autborrty wielded by Allard, Ventura and other

> Fct dttiilt. vlJr, Co«en, £</<*/ Ariiobli* . Lawrence, Adeeniuree in (te Punjauk
et:. p. 60 and 274 ; Wolff, Travel*, (i. p, 6l ; Ho(cL Travel*, p. 317 f. i HomSberSet. p. 53 etc.

See alia Cbaptct 33 lupro,

* M>e|ieSoc, I, p. 391.

* CUhomt; JV Kt

> Jecijaemoitr. Letcers frtm lndia,H, r 54.

s Maiion. Travel* In A/shan{f{ai>.i,p.4aS.

' Vlii*. supra, undet fub-t»td Cnaaltp.

332 THE ARMY OF MAHARAJA RANJtT SINGH

European officers, particularly the disproportionate salary paid to them-* For
some time, at least, Allard and Ventura exercised powers to raise new ievres, coniio
their promotions and appointments and any opposition to their orders was sum*
marily punished.

Ranjit Singh's prediliction tor the modernisation of the KbSlsa army was
a sound step, hut its partial Europeanisation was a half-measure. Though the
system of European discipline produced a ftw e/ficient regiments of troops jn
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, it could hardly penetrate the stubborn and hardy
military genius of the Sikh soldiery as a whole. “The mushroom military disci-
pline attempted by Ranjit Singh,*’ obsen-es Major Lawrence, “never harmonised
in its parts. Discipline could not be established and upheld by the utmost exer-
tions of a general standing alone, without Colonel, Captain or a Subaltern. The
building completed, the Maharaja does not think the same care necessary foe *1®
preservation as for its construction ; and boys, simpletons, and dotards are here,
as in old service, creeping into command.’**

It IS, therefore evident that the early enthusiasm exhibited by the Maharaja
for the induction of European discipline into his troops gradually waned. In the
first place, the system of training and equipment proved highly expensive. Con-
stant arrears of pay kept the regular troops grumbling and disgruntled. The
employment of European officers on drills, on dangerous enterprises, and restrictions
placed upon them made them sore and discontented * And finally, the payment
of disproportionate salaries to them generated a sense of resentment and inferiority
amongst the Sikh generals who looked upon the Jiransi officers as bounders and
adventurers. Osborne, who was otherwise impressed by Ranjit Singh’s army io
I63S, points out the dearth of good officers, too much reliance on European officers,
and the irregular pay as its main defects. “... but nothing can be worse than the
system now in vogue. The commanding officer abuses and beats the major, the
major the captains, the captains the subalterns, and so on till nothing is left for
the privates to beat but the drummer boys, who catch it accordingly.’’*

SiUi artillery was, however, Ranjit Singh’s pet child. Here the influence
of European discipline seemed to be insignificant. Erroneous estimates of its

1 The (aUcy ot the European officer* vtsdiipcopottiontte to that paid to Sifch and
other effieen. AlUrd and Venrun. foi Inttauee, weie pud 50,000 rupee* per annum The
saUty of other oRveet* aeerafed herwem 500 rupees to 1.000 rupee* per month.

* Adventures ef en Offietr tn rte Funfovb, i, p. 17 * 3 .

* These firanji cRicer* at Lahore adopted themselres wonderfully to the way* of
Indunlifa. They jrew beards and donoed torbaat iite the Satdsrs. abstained from amokifli
and estint heeL Some of them lie cd in ityle of otiental potentate*, kept hareraj and con-
torted with local eoneuhioe* and befot children.

* Camp end Ccuri ef Retijii p. 53.

EUKOFEAN DiSCIPLJSS

333

Strength and efficacy both by ISritish and foreign observers were beiied in the
first Ang’o-SiV.h War. The artillery wing of Ranjit Singh’s army has much too
often been characterised as havingposscssed inferior pieces of worn'out guns of
difTcreot calibre, wretchedly mounted and served. Jacquemont as for instance :
“The purs are much heavier than those twice their calibre in Europe, >ct they are
worn out after a few discharges. They are cast in mould without being bored. The
arsenal of this miserabteartii/ery is the Ra^’s own palace.”* Yet after the battle
of Ferozeshah, it was found that the Sikh artillery was better equipped and nunned :
that its ordnance possessed much superior calibre to the British 9<pounder batteries.*

Notwithstanding these adverse reflections, it cannot be denied that the skill
and experience of the /rangl officers improved the quality, discipline and tactical
power of Ranjit Singh’s army. Recruitment to the ormy became selective though
still voluntary : the European officers applied rigorous standards of health, suita-
bility and deportment : “fn the Maharaja's army, the infantry were the pick of the
youth of the country ; only the handsomest and strongest men were selected ». The
infantry under their (European) instruction became a formidable body of troops,
welt diseiptined and steady, though slow in inanoeuvring, Their endurance was
great, and a whole regiment would march 30 miles a day for many days together.”*

a Jaurndt, a. S3.53.

* HarJlngt Dttpatches, p. 36 : Tht Kttum tf Orinanct.

* Gii&ia.gflfijtiSirtK.p. 13443.

Chaptct 16

DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS ; INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL POLICY
OF RANJIT SINGH

1. INTERNAL POLICY

1. Its basic stiQCture

IN INTERNAL DIPLOMACY Ranjit Singh adopted a calculated policy
which was both simple and complex. Simple, because it was primarily base on
the overriding principle of self-interest. Random unethical modes of statecr-
adopted for the extension of power, acquisition of riches and enlargement o
dominions exhibited a naive political wisdom aroused to cope with its diverse
problems. As a result his internal diplomacy became complex and ruthless
though keeping a judicious equilibrium between determined absolutism an
moderation. On the whole, his policy was broadbased though wilful, humane
though despotic, and expedient though based on practical politics.

As a wilful autocrat of powerful means, Ranjit Singh could hardly count*'
nance a political rival. Neither religious sanctions, nor ties of kinship, nof H
sense of gratitude could sustain such a contingency. “Cunning and conciliation,
observes a contemporary critic, “were his two great implements of diplom**^'
whilst his consumale prudence, bis great knowledge of mankind in general, and
of Asiatics in particular, his energy and pcrsevcrence, enabled him to employ these
implements with invariable success.’**

A milder estimate of Ranjit Singh’s virtues of constancy and steadiness
would be that they were entirely subordinated to political opportunism. Ambition
being the keynote of his internal policy, he seldom hesitated to resort to diplomacy,
fraud or even rapacity in the attainment of his political objectives. Political wisdom
had dawned early in life on Ranjit Singh. Barely a youth of 15, be took steps to
annihilate the triumvirate which stood in the way of his assumption of power. He
had to contend with the wicked machinations of his father’s maternal uncle Dal
Singh, the overbearing hold of the alleged paramour of his mother and minister
Diwan Lakhpat Rai, and his dissolute mother Ma’i Malwan. With a determined

ruihlessness be cleared the path to power. Having connived at the assassination

of the minister by ordering him to an expedition of death to Kitas, where hired
assassins put him to death, he is alleged to have put to sword his own mother for

* Murtty, ii,p.81.

FALL OF AN ALLY

335

profligscy.' He freed himseU front tbe irksome inQuence ofDal Sm^h, vrho was
driven away from the seat of the ^ukercbakias to Atulgarh in disgrace, and later
deprived of all power and imprisoned.*

2. Fallot SB iHr

Such measures were, however, the order of the day. They were neither
he'd in abhorencc nor were they contrary to the ficneratiy accepted principles of
klessLip and royally. Destriictlon of a political adversary by any means was
considered a political virtue of the time. The fall of rSnl Sada Kaur, Ranjit Singh's
mother-in-Uw, illustrates further that he was unwilling to share power with any
one. Tbe rani had exercised quite a disturbing influence over the young Maharaja,
and it is gcucratly held that without her active assistance and sagacious counsels
he could hardly have risen to political power in the Punjab.* Yet, the p tiless
treatment meted out to her was in line with Ranjit Smgh's rntcfnal policy.
Gratitude for past benefactions was not a habitual virtue with Ranjit Singh's diplo-
macy which subsisted on political capediency. Jn lf07, Ranjjt Singh fell out with
r3nl Sada Knur. To offset the power of the Kaoahayas. a force sent to Dinanagar
to levy exactions on several Silh and hill Chiefs dependent upon the Kanatuyis,
gave offence to the rSot. who stilt wielded powerful influence over the affairs
of the Slate. The breach widened when Sada Kaur opened secret negotiations
with Metcalfe in 1803 for the subversion of bis son-in-law's power* Moreover,
Ranjit Singh suspected the fidelity of his barren wife Mehtab Kaur, Sada Kaur's
daughter, whom she had taken away from Lahore lest she should incur the
displeasure of her spouse. Soon afterwards, she presented to tbe Maharaji twins
Sher Singh and Tara Singh reportedly to have been born to htebub Kaur.
railing to obuin a public acknowledgement of the twins as the legiiim.vte olfspring
of the Mah.-iraja, she beg-io to sulk loudly and whisper intrigue. Jn 1812, she
designedly abstained from attending tbe nuptial celebrations of prince Kharak Singh,
tbe beir-apparent, which further cstraoged Ranjit Singh. She constantly clamoured

> Onthttuhitel,ur teneiiliT, VT, IZ. p. 31-33 <od 37 ff ; Priaiep, p. 47 . Lattf,
p. 3-16 : Otbemf. p. 10 : Ciiffiti. p> 1(2 (tc.

s CunninihaD, P.153 ; Muriay. p. 46 ztc.

* Wide <taPnDup,19Mi7,1831-(P>U7:9) iuds up the eiiarieWi ol ihiieiliiDC
•ucceuPt to tbe powecful KanibajS Mial: **Mae SadeKaut iiona of tbe oovt tenuikable
voDin of bet time. To a iceadty and enibuiiatin o( ebataetet oae added tbe bisbet
anribuiai of leatleii and enterpnaing Tatoar. After Ibe death of hat busbaad, abeconnected
beraetf wtcb tbe tiiinf dynaaty and by uatiylDe ber daa(httrto RanjitSmgb vbom ahenoc
only usiated by bet eounaela but by brt ptcscncc ta the field wheta ibe appealed at the bead
of bet troopa and diatmluiihed betiell by feats of bcavary acldom found m one of
bat aet."

* Mttcalta-DeipatcbNa.23-26 6ap(eabeT,1333-BSPC(l)2(OcC0ber, 1803. C 63.

3;S diplomacy AND POLITICS DP RASIIT SINGH

for the tccoEnition ofSher Singh as

ot the same time, eomplaints against the Maharaja to the British Oovc
having usurped her rights.^

In 1820, Ranjit Singh struct had. He demanded that

from the Kanahaya possessions he made hy the ram for both the pti

and Sher Singh. Sada Kaur demurred, but ultimately . “ J*” ”

condition that the Maharaja adnowiedge both of ftem “ ® ‘ and

Then the expected blow fell. Having fomented a dispute be sse.u Sada K

Sher Singh in October 1821. Ranjit Singh issued a she

surrender half of her possessions for the maintenance of the two p

executed a deed of the requisite assignment under duress, but soon aflc ,

attempt to Dee from Lahore. A detachment sent under Desa Singh overt th^
and brought her back to the capital where she was put and

All KanahayS territories in her possession were sequestered and , .p-gjbie

riches of the family confiscated. Thus by sheer ingratitude, though fo 1
political reasons, was brought about the downfall of the irksome M W
woman, who is described in Sikh history as a person of considerable tor
and iotrigue.

3. Modtritioa «ad compromise

Ranjit Singh’s treattnent of Sardar Fateh Singh AhlDwalia indicates Ws
policy of ffloderalion and compromise. A close friend and associate ® .

Maharaja since 1802 with whom he had exchanged turbans in an eternal
brotherhood, Fateh Singh had grown rich in territory and wealth. He bad
a constant companion of Ranjit Singh in his early expeditions and conqoesU,
cnjo>ed his confidence and esteem, but gradually the ties of friendship
and the Maharaja began to treat him a mere vassal. Fateh Singh’s direct comra
cations with the British over the question of Bbirog and Kolia chiefships,
construction by him of a strong fort at Ism, and his constant picas for Bni
protection* excited the jealousy of Ranjit Singh. Fateh Singh grew suspicious ^
Ranjit Singh contemplated the seizure of his person and cofiscalion of his territories.
Feeling unsafe at Lahore, he fled across the Sutlej in 1825 to his Cis*Sut!ej possess-
ions and sought British protection.* In the meanwhile, the Maharaja gave orders
for the confiscation of all his territories situated within the Kingdom. But soon
reason dawned on both sides. Wade and Murray counselled Fateh Singh
against breaking up the long-standing friendship with the powerful ruler of *

r Mumr, U.p, aS.Sl, 57 //.tCmminghaa. p. 153 ece.

* Birclk to Ocbteilenj, 12 March, 1 Nov. 1317; Monar to Coltbroohe,2 Ao|ust«
1S23-<P).

* Wada to MetcaUe, 27. 29 December, X525.(P)M :116,11s.

SOrH«TRYAKDaHCANrZY 337

Punjib. and the ultcr futitity of M«|tlcaf for^rant of protrclion to hii jHiswisioni
tituatcvl within the jurhiilction ofthc Slate ofLahore. They advited him to tuiTer
reconcilbtion whh the incenied Maharaja. At the asme time, Ranjit Singh realised
the impolky of a ffccipiUte »lrp which had led to the alienation of the powerful
Sardar of the Ahlawllis Miul, who might prose dangeroui in the British Camp.
A compromite was soon arrived at which led to a reconciliation between the
cstranped friends. Fateh Sinjh returned to Lahore in 1827, and the Maharaja
received him with marled honour restoring to him all his possessions,*

4. Hatntnllr aod beoevalfsrr

rcfhaps the most charaeteristic feature of Ranjil Singh's internal policy was
its moderation and humanity. Neither in war nor in peace he soiled his hands with
the blood of a fai'en foe. He treated the sanquithed with a IcnJcncy and linJness
unVnown in Oriental defotisra. Force or craft was commonly emplo)ed to abolish
feudal tenures or annex the territories of an actisely hostile risat. Heavy death
duties were imposed on the succession to the estate of a powerful Sardar on his
demise, thus depriving the successor the benefit of bequest, but invariably small
estates were left for the despoiled families, without reducing them to punery.
Ranjit Singh rendered his political rivals ionocous and not beggers Daron Von
Hugel commention this extraordinary trait of the Maharaja that he never wantonly
imbrued his hands in blood with the classic observation; “Never perhaps was
so Urge an empire founded by one man with so little criminality.''*

5. Soshliltr iBd ehidovrr

Ranjit Singh has oRcn been accused of chicanery to satiate hu Jove for
power and usurpation of territories of Ihove under hii authority by every sort of
means. In statecraft and Intrigue he was a master mind. He would incite others
to sow seeds of dissension or commit depredations in the territories of his intended
victim. In (his manner he deprived the tributary Chief of Dera Ismail Khan and
the Kawab of Multan of their major JOgirs.* A trumped up charge of treason
was a convenient method of depriving a Chief or Sardar of his possessions.* Past
services cr proven loyalty found no consideration in (he execution of this grasping
policy. Thus the estates of Diwan Mott Ram were resumed in 1825;* of Hari Singh

• Sec. S'nffallr, Mucrir to MrtecK*. JtJ April, lSa7-{P ) 79 : <9 5 alto CjxrllMr cf
Keruritdlc Suit, p Hf.i PiloMp. p. lU: Criflm, Thi Hdlal of itc PanlaS. p. S3S >4 , etc.

i Tfcr.It, p. S32.

S Wade 10 Piinirp. 18 Ma;, ]S3]'(D17J : 3: Wadtto Macnaslxen, 7Jut7, 1836-
(P) 143 142.

« Wada re Maenashtan. 13 Julp, I83t4P) 142 : 44.

* Wade to EJIlot, 23 May. 1B25-(P) 23 May, 1825-(P) 94 : 93.

N-43

DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS O? RA>1HT SINGH

S3S

Kang ia 1824;^ ofNawab Qutub-ud-DmofKasur in 1826;* and of Sardar Deva
Singh Sialba in 1825.*

In dealing with his powerful reudatoiy Sardars, Griffin aptly obssrvss
that Ranjit Singh “did not approve of hereditary wealth and honour, and lihe
Taiquinius Supetbus, struck down all the tall popples in fats garden."* Almost all
assignments were made for life, and on the death of a favourite assignee, he would
cither promptly resume his possessions, or impose heavy death duty or nazerorJt
on the successor, thus sweeping away the larger portion of the estate. The mo>t
glaring examples of this policj* were the resamption of the Jogirs and estates of
two of bis most trusted generals — DlwJn Muhkam Chand and Sardar Hari Singh
Nalw^. In 1814, when Dlwan Muhkam Chand died at Phillour, his son hfoli
Ram was allowed to succeed to hts extensive estates ,•* bat inAprillS25, on the
alleged grounds of ill management, sequestration of all the estates and possessio:^
was made.* Similarly, soon after the death of Sardar Hari Singh Nalw3, all
estates with an annual resenue of 8,00.000 rupees and the accumulated wealth of
the family was confiscated. The grounds for such outright confiseatioo of the
Nalwh estates were the incapacity of his son to manage them and (he
accumulation of wealth by Hari Singh by dishonest means.*

A calculated policy of despoilatlon was dexterously employed with eqnal
ruthless vigour against alt victims, Sikh as well as Muhammadan Chiefs alike-
As a political necessit)*, it was devoid of any qualnas of conscience, ties of bJeo*^
or kinship. In this manner was accomplished the ruin of the or Maks’! confedBrac>’
in 1810, notwithstanding the fact that Ranjit Singh was married in the family-
Without any reasons, Kahan Singh who had succeeded to the NakST possessions
was ousted from them and all the territories annexed.* In 1816, a.xe fell on the
Ramgarhia territories in Amritsar, Jullundur and Gurdaspur districts, soon after
the death of Jodh Singh Ramgarhia, with whom Ranjit Singh had sworn friendship,
and who had faithfully served him in many campaigns.* The sons of the
Ramgarhia Sardar were, however, assigned small Jsgirj and taken into
Lahore sers ice.

S Elliot to Mnxwy. 11 Norrisbei. 1S24<P) aa ; 215 .

* Wade 10 KetaMe. 23 Norraber. >S36.(P) 95 44.

» MuttayloEUict,17Maj, 1823HP)®;335.

t Ea^ijit S<nr)>, p. 96.

* MacCiegoi.i. F. 174.

» Mutiay, ii, 9 . 83.

r Sbabaaat Ali. p. 55.

* i.p. 136; Priosep, p.e3et=.

Uit of tlM poetriul eeetedetasywUl, whoa R«iK Slash tad iwornfrieadaai? Were

the toly Bock latheColdtaTeapUK Amixsax. Alter bij howetet.ht rasaoseS

MUHAMMADAN ailErS

331

6. MaKtatoaiSia Clil<(t

In the subjuption oflhe proud and finitically harcSy Muhammadan Cbieft
west of Lahore in the lub-montane resios ttetweeo the Chtnab and the Indus, the
established pattern of Internal policy «at roltowed. The first to be subjugated were
the Khcrrals in 1£03, who held eatemivc posietsiorsi in the rteiyhbourhood. of
Sheikhupun and Jhanp. Then came the turn of the Slats of Jhang, Leiah and
Chiniot. Ahmad Khan Stal had prmlously paid an annual tribute of 60,000 rupees,
but his country was taken and tarmed ovt lo Sardar TaJeh Singh Kail3nw5J3.
The Tl^tnsj of Nurpur were tubjupated in 1817, In 1821 came the turn of
Nawab llalir Muhammad Khan of Mankera. who had earlier helped the TiwanS
Chief Ahmad Yar Khan. AfanLera was « wclf-de fended fortress, but after a siepi
of 25 da)f. the Nawab surrendered He was made the governor of Dera Ismai
Khan, but a larger portion of his territories was annexed. Tlie Caihliar Chiefs,
who held territory around Rawalpindi. Jehlum and Gujrat had been tubjnted to
heasy exactions till 1811, when the Sikh fotccsouslcd them from their possessions.
The j4nBn rulers holding large territories in the disiricu of Rawalpindi, Jehlum
and Shahpur, had been Lahore tributaries till 1813, when a targe Sikh force under
Dinln Muhkam Chand marched and ousted them from their possessions. The
territories of the Chib r3>:t Umar Khan inCbuntan and Mangha in the low hills of
Kangra and Jammu were confiscated soon after. These little Muhammadan
states were uprooted, but although their rulers were deposed, they were not hounded
out. Prudence dictated to make them feudatories and subject sassals of the Stkh
OoNcmment by assigning to iheai small estates or farming out to them the
conquered territories in the region.

7. Itigl on ■ (dr sitnt

Rut although RanJitSingti's internal policy wras hutiune, resort to double*
dealing and duplicityeould be made intheatuinment ofanobjeetb'e. Ifcscalloui
and disgraceful treatment of Shah Shuja while a refugee at Lahore illustrates this
point. Ranjit Singh's conduct, to say the least, was highly treacherous and
unworthy oflhe noble (radiiions of hospitality and sanctity of asytura. Avarice
being the chief motisc behind the despoilation of the forlorn Afghan cx-king, who
was not only subjected to (he disgrace of virtual confinement, but Ranjit Singh also
endeavoured to make him a tool to serve bis political ends. As Ranjit Singh was
universally much above the depraved vices of nuelty and barbarism, his abject
treatment of Shah Shuja would ever remain a blot on his fair name.

ihe bdrt lo Dt<l hlga sc SaJiun to ttrtD« for cueectultin. AceordiDl to GrIiTin (p. 97),
Rinilt S<n(h lutrounijrd tht trcrptlon *hb Itoopt, took them rtoVDtrt, kn<l then airchcd
t tttong (sre* s|dni( Aniliut «nJ leiudsUtkc BBBl>rblitiiirtt.

340

DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OP RANJIT SINGH

The unfortunate cx'Sfaah made goad his escape from Lahore in 1816 and
found a much more agreeable asylum wiih Ihe British at Ludhiana, but the reverses
of fortuTic had in no way dampened his enthusiasm for the recovery of his lost
throne in Afghanistan. In July, 1826. Ranjit Singh opened correspondence with
the ex-Shah, ruefully regretting his past behaviour, and lured him to rccoier
bis territories v.iih Sikh assistance.* But the old Shah was no fool ; from past
experience he rightly suspected that the rea! motive behind Ranjit Singh’s ofTcr svas
to make use of his name in farthering bis own schemes of conquest. Hisosra
ambition, however, made him utterly blind !o the consequences of an alliance
with Ranjit Singh, and but for British discouragement, he would have rcadfly
succumbed to the offer.*

Yet, the bait offered by Ranjit Singh had the rrresistahle charm of a ebantt
of Inm in the ex-Shah’s fortunes. He. therefore, made a distinct overture to the

Maharaja in 1829, offering him 1 , 00,000 rupees and other presents, if he could he

assisted in recovering Peshawar and Kabul.* As this proposal was contrary to the
Maharaja’s aims towards Peshawar, he evaded a direct response, but the corres-
pondence bet«-een Shah Shuja and Ranjit Singh continued.* Encouraged by
the Maharaja, the ex-Shah continued to seek direct assistance from bio,
finally, he bluntly asked him to stale the price be would Ijave to pay. The
Maharaja invited him to a meeting at Lnhore or Amritsar for entering into a
treaty on terms so arbitrary and humiliating,* which fully exposed Ranjit Singh’s
aims. The Shah showed his utter disgust ; he exclaimed that the acceptance of
the proposed terms would plunge him into eternal disgrace: that to desire the
disgrace of a friend was inconsistent with the dictates of wisdom. If the real designs
of the Sikhs were the fulfilment of the prophet of their forefathers to advance into
Afghaiustan, then the foundaiton of their empire would certainly be overthrown 1*

Kotwiihstanding the intcmpcnite protests, soon afterwards, the depowd
Shah of Kabul was entangled in the web of his own political ambition. Highly
suspicious of the friendly designs of Ranjit Singh, he readily responded to an

invitation of the Talpurian Amirs of Sind to invade Afghanistan. The Amirs were

being threatened both by the Sikhs and the British- Ranjit Sbgh had advanced
a claim on Shikarpor, and demanded tribute from them on threat of invasion ;

V Wade to Mrtcatie.Z2 Joty. IS^(P) 95 ; 29.

* tliJ. Urs^eotser. 1826-(P>re . ^ ; Hilson to Wade. 7 July. 1S27.(P) 113 ; 19-
UT. lU (ts). p. 33 s ; Wade id Hawkins. 21 J«ae, 1533-(P) 93 . S.

t/ fs * reloMre la ike Expediiiffr, of 5knl» Skaja-vl'

Xibts tnle Afghantsum, Ia33.133i.

* V»de. Chapter 8, twrtj,

* Wade to Prinaep, 21 NoretaWi, 1831..CPP). ail. No, A.

POUCY TOWARBS HILL STATES

S4l

and t^e BrHuh, ondcr the cloaV of connnefcial ncjolbliont, wre haraising them
to Miabh^h their polItie.il influmct iaSird. la their dire oeed to »te themieS'Cs
(ton heth. the Sindhtsn Amir* found it convenieftC to iflvire Shah Shuji in live «m
hope of diwo'erinf a tito’ar monarch for their taivaiion.t

Shah Sioja rcsifi’y fell into the TaVurtart trap. DittfTccteti element* in
Afphanittan had Bttured him of their to>a’tjr> Oalauchivtan itood for him. Faint
t»hi'r<ft from Herat and Kandahar »efc favourable to hi* C2u«. Hope and
ambition revived, and io a1*o the remote chance of SiLh he^ in the attainment of
hi* cbjectiiee. He wrote to Ranjit Siitfh at oace in a lupplicatory tone
for help,*

JlanjitSinpb took fol) advantage of the litoation. In aprtebg to help
the Shah, he wai motivated by two convideration* : first, to consolidate hi*
rovitioa in the conquered Affhan poiiesvion* in the north by luppotiing a weak
pretender agiintt the poncf of Do*t Ktuhammid Khan, who wa* threatening to
wreit Peshawar from the Sikh*. Secondly, it would afford him an opportunity
of obtaining a larper chunk of Smd with Shikarpur thrown in, should the Shah
occupy that country.* It It also remotely povvible that Ranjit Singh wished to
fforeiUl) Dritiih Influenee In Sind and Afghaaitian, io%3iiSt which Burnea'
journeyihad actively arouwd interest at Fort WiHiam. The Shah‘» predieameBt
was augmented by lack of funds the British tupport amounted to a mere advance
of 6 months’ stipend amounting to ii.OOO rupees* H: h.sd neither an army nor
means to sustain him in his march on Smd Ranjit Singh promised him pecuniary
help In the vagnest terms, and the hapless Shah was made to sign a secret
Arreement on 13 March. 1833. embodying almost the tame terms previously
spurned by him. He relinquiihed all claim* to the erstw-hiJe Afghan lerritorie* on
the right bank of the Indus then held by the Sikhs ; the future of Shikarpur was left
open to settlement through British medmion.*

a. roller lowiriSf liiti fCitcf

Sikh penetration in the Kangra hill* being octuated by a policy of
aggrandizement, Its chief aim was the subjugation of the Hindu Rajput states
Thi* is evidenced front the ruin ofthe Katochi of Kangra. R*^ Sansar Chand’s
grandfather Ghumand Singh had been the miliury governor of the JuHundur
Doab, on whom Ahmad Shah Abdali had conrerred the fortress of Kangra. His

* /iiV. 9 y«rrnDh<r, 137:27; atieknoocs W«ite. i2 0c(olwr, tUt.lCS ■ 23;

C^ef/raent to tt-Wc, S> Sepmaber,

* W*4c to MaCBiShtcn. 11 OttelifT. tKB-(P) 133 1 S3.

t Wtd« to M*CD«st>t*a, 27 Match onJ 9 Apnt. J83S-(n 137 : 17. 19.

* n.AUNoTrtab«f.t832.(P)lJ«.fc5.

» ;HA 5 Tihratry. 13>WP> 137 : 5 : J7A»o*. 183«.(Py 1*0 ; 7.

342 DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OF R ANIIT SINGH

father Tegh Chand had extended Katoch territories from the banks ofthe river
Sutlej to the borders ofXashniir. Sansar Chand had inherited a sizeable kingdom
with an annual revenue of 35,00,000 rupees. He was a powerful Chief and the
lord of the hills. He possessed a force of 4,000 horse of Robillas, Afghans an
Rajputs, trained by an Irish adventurer O’Brien,' a manufactory of small arms,
and a disciplined infantry corps of 1,400 men.* A stroke of misfortune befell the
powerful Katoch Chief which led to hh ruin.

In 1806, Amar Singh Thapa, the veteran Nepalese commander, carried on the
crest of Gurkha wave of expansion to the banks of the Sutlej, took the Kangra
hills by storm. He invaded Sansar Chand’s territories, and in a battle routed
and dispersed Katoch forces at Mahal Mari. Sansar Chand took refuge in th-

strong fortress of Kangra, invited Raojtl Singh to aid him resisting the Gurkhas,

who had in the meantime laid siege to the fortress. The fort of Kangra was
offered to Ranjit Singh as the price of bis assistance. Fearing duplicity on the
part of the Katoch Chief, Ranjit Singh seized Anrudh Chand, the rSja’s son sent
to him as a hostage, and marched on Kangra in 1809 with a large force. Sansar
Chand shrank from admitting the Sikh forces into the citadel ; but Ranjit Singh

drove the Nepalese commander to the left bank of the Sutlej and took possession
of the fortress. Thus the Sikh allies of the Katoch ruler not only established a
strong foothold in the Kangra Valley, but also deprived Sansar Chand of his largo
territorial possessions in the hills, confining him to Katoch, Cbanga and Palaffi
with an annual revenue of 70,000 rupees. The Katoch Chief became a tiibuiary
vassal of the Lahore Kingdom liable to render military service whenever
required.

With Kangra as an integral part of the Sikh dominions, a rapid penetration
into the bills took place. Sardar Desa Singh MaJithiS was appointed the fort
commander to subdue the Katoch dependencies; and by 1812 in pursuit of a
forward policy, Ranjit Singh brought under Sikh subjugation the hill states of
Mandi, Suket, Chamba, Kulu, Bilaspor, Kalhur, Jaswal, Siba and Guler— all
Katoch dependencies.

As a matter of policy, Ranjit Siogb was content to render these hill states
Uibutaries of the Sikh Government. When the possessions of a hill raja were
annewif, he wxf AtiarfjWy itssigacd an estare jn fiis territory for mai'ntenancr.
GeneraUy, the older Rajput families in the Kangra hills were not allowed to die

out or languish in punery. The tributary hill Chiefs were left the civil possession
of their territories paying a fixed sum and the inevitable nazaranas. The hill

‘ ■ <?ar*juer of Kangra Dainct, Lthore, 1504. Mooieralc and Ttel^tV.

Tra«U .« .*0 Hfmalaran P,cy.«c«i of ani ,Ae London. 1311. M.cSterr.

I, p. 144 ff. ; Liwtonce, Adtinturet of an Of/wrtl(^ p.

jammudtlu

policy of Ranjit Sinph waj eminently succetiful ResJJet the jubju^lion of
the lob-llimtJapn region, it brought smple (c^enues to the KingJora. Terri-
(oriel «ere farmed out and Sardar Lebm Singh hfajiihu wai entrusted with
the management cf the hill district*, niiaipurpaid an annual tribute or resenue
of 70, COO rupcei, Suket 70,000 rupeei, Cbatnba 2,00,000 rupees, Kutu 1,20.000
rupees, Jaswan 1,25,000 nipcci, and Kangra 6,00,000 rupees. The rlj.i of Mandi
was permitted to farm his own territories for an annual pa)^^! of
4,00,000 rupees.

9. ]>B>aah»Ji

In the Jummo hills, and further oorib along the base of the Snowy Range—
towards Ladakh and Iikardo, howescf. for no obvious reasons, Ranjit Singh’s
policy diserged to an catraordinary ettent. The conquered hill rajai were not
reduced as tributary sassals but their lerritonei annexed in tuccessise stages,
were bestowed upon the favourite Dogra brothers. In ISOS due to domestic
dissensions and disputes, the territories of raj] Oiet Stngh of Jammu were taken
possession of, a juglt for lifetime having been conferred on the deposed Chief for
hii iubsitlence. In HI6, Mfan Kisbora Singh, the father of Dhran Singh. Gulab
Singh and Suchet Singh was made theChkf of Jammu, and on whose death Gutab
Singh was otTiciaKy made (he r£^ of Jammu. Dhian Smgh the r3^ of Bhimber,
and Suchet Singh the r3]J ofBhadarwal.'

RSj3 Sultan Muhammad Khan of Ohimber* was a close friend of the Bhangt
Oiief Sahib Singh of Cujrat. and after the latter’s reduction, his defiance and
arrogance had given oITence to Ranpt Singh. When summoned to Lahore, he
had refused to attend the Court. An expedition sent against him under Taqtr
Azie-ud-Pin having failed, recourse was made to treachery. The Sikh general
Dlw In Muhkam Chand made overtures of peace to Sultan Muhammad Khan, and
assured of the safety of his person and posscsvions. he was lured to Lahore.
Ranjit Singh showered upon (he unsuspecting raji presents and gifts in the public
Darb3r, but soon afterwards, he was denounced as a dangerous enemy, and
ordered to be confined, in which state he remained for 6 years. The Bhimber
territories wae broken up, and larger portion of Sultan Muhammad Khan's
territories were assigned to the Dogra fayouriies Dbun Singh and Gulab Singh.

A similar fate befell Rahmatullah Kban, the Chief of Rajouri and Rohilla
Khan, the rSjS of Bunch, and other hill Chiefs. Ranjit Singh’s obvious aim in

S Auiborlilei s Kiipt Raft— GvIskMOina (SnoaCar, R. S. 1432) : Ricbmcnd’i Memoir
c« Jammu Rajai (ElUnb^rcruf K Paoett. FaUie Rceera Office. London; TROpillZ-tO) ;
Snrth, p. 219-63 : A CeneaUtieal Jfiiierr of irMimy Pniaitp etc,

* Ptiasap, p. 72 ff. ; Mutias, it, p, SO a4. and olbeia.

SU DIPLOMACY ANDfOLlTlCS OFRANJITSINGH

brealcing up the small hill states in the Jammu region was obviously to pave way
for the conquest of Kashmir. Their territories were sequestered, and the Chiefs
rendered dependents of the Lahore Government as petty jagirdars. but surprisingly,
their possessions were assigned to the Jamma brothers.

The policy pursued in respect of the Jammu hills was in sharp contrast
to that followed in the hills of Kangra. Pampering of the favourite Jammu
rSjas was a fatal mistake. It increased their power, w'ealth and intriguing
capacity to dangerous proportions which ultimately posed a serious threat to the
Kingdom soon after Kanjit Singh's death. That the Lahore Government wilfully
connived al the upsurge of Dogra ambition in the Himalayan kingdoms of Iskardu
and Ladakh customary tributaries to it, or whether Ranjit Singh was unable to
restrain the schemes of Gulab Singh and his deputy Zorawar Siagh to establish
Jammu authority in that region, exposes the understandably tolerant and effete
policy. The Sikh governor of Kashmir bewailed the extension of Dogra power
in the Ladakh Valley. He complained that the annual tribute was not forthcoming,
and due to the stoppage of shawl wool from Ladakb, the manufacture and trade m
Kashmir had dwindled.^ No notice was taken of the Dogra usurpations by
Ranjit Singh till the British Government lodged a protest against the Dogra
forward movement complaining that Gulab Singh proposed to monopolise the
shawl and wool trade to the deteriment of both Sikh and British interests.*

ID. Fulere with Afghaos

Although a sense of moderation and diplomacy guided the shrewd counsels
of the Maharaja in dealing with his political opponents, yet as a matter of policy,
there could be no compromise with the Afghans. Recourse to diplomatic negoti-
ations with them to settle political issues was ever infructuous. Thus, Ranjit
Singh’s negotiations with Shah Mahmud at Sahiwal in 1811 were fruitless A
weathercock alliance with Vazier Fateh Khan of Kabul in 1812 for a joint Sikh-
Afghan expedition to Kashmir resulted in sore disappointment. Fateh Khan
broke the solemn agreement and appropriated Sikh share of the booty ; but
Diwan Muhkam Cband, the Sikh general, secured the person of the unfortunate
ex-king Shah Shuja as a solace against the Afghan perfidy. As a letalsstory
■ measure, the Afghan governor of Attock was bribed to surrender the fortress
to the Sikhs.* A battle had to be fought with the Kabul Vazier in July 18IJ ia
which the Afghans were defeated.* In 1822. negotiations with Muhammad Aria

P- 203 • Cunoin|b«!a. p Vijne. TranU in Kashmir

' Smyth, p. 19S ff.-. and Mjcnithtra to W»d«, 22 Novemt^r. 1337-

* ISP(l>16ABrun.J843. Nw.SJanasA

* Oshtetlonj to A(5»mi,K Matcti,1813-CP) 13s29.

* Dii. 1 July. 1313.tP) 13 s S3.

rARLEV WITH AFGHANS

S45

Khan, vho had sucnedcd his brother Vazier Fateh Khan at Kabul and aimed to
bring Peshawar under firm Afghan rule, were abortive. The Maharaja’s demand
for tribute from the harassed Afghan gosensor of Peshawar Var Muhammad Khan,
though accepted, w-as not forthcoming.*

Though Peshawar was reduced by the StThf in IS23, for obvious reasons,
it could neither be retained nor administered. Yar Muhammad Khan was allowed
to rule it as a nominal dependency of the Sikhs. It was a prudent and expedient
measure of policy. Dost Muhammad Khan’s ascendancy at Kabul, and his
kitown intentions of regaining Afghan possessions, particularly Kashmir and
Peshawar, was a signal of danger to the eonsotidatSon ofSikh power in the north.
To counteract the danger, in 18TI Ranjii Singh made two diplomatic moves. He
made Shah Sliuja sign an agreement relinquishing almost all claims to the Afghan
possessions occupied by the Sikhs.* As a counterpoise to Dost Muhammad’s
antagonistic designs the measure was of some value. Secondly, the Sikh bribes and
diplomacy elTeeted a division in the ranks of the Barakzai brothers. Jahandad
Khan of Attoek had been won over by a bribe as early as 1813 ; Yar Muhammad
Khan had been weaned away by threats and cajolery to become a Sikh tributary
of Peshawar to the utter humiliation and disgust of his Afghan Barakzai brothers.
The Peshawar Barakaais-Sultan Muhammad Khan. Pi/ Muhammad Khan and
S>ed Muhammad Khan were won over by bribes, threats and show of Sikh might.

Politically, the defection of the Peshawar Barakzais was of little value
to Ranjit Singh. They were indo'ent. unrehab'e and shifty, and the Maharaja
distrusted them. As the feudatories of the Lahore Government they were mere
appendages of Sikh prenigc : they were required to maintain 2,000 horse and join
the Sikh army whenever their services were requisioDcd That the Barakzai facade
of Ranjit Singh’s diplomacy was a weak counterpoise to Dost Muhammad’s designs
on Peshawar is evidenced by the fact of persistent claims of both Shah Shuja and
Dost Muhammad Khan to the contended province.

Ranjit Singh’s diplomatic negotiations with Dost Muhammad Khan in 1835
at the eastern entrance to the Kbyber Pass were, in fact, a feint to bring up his
armies into the Peshawar Valley to surround the Afghan host. Both sides, having
irreconciliable views of enmiry and friend$bi|^ resorted to treachery and deceit. '
The Maharaja’s emissaries, Faqir Aztz>ud-Din and Dr. Harlan, sent to the Afghan
Camp, were detained and put under the custody of the fickle Sultan Muhammad
Khan, who had deserted the Sikhs and had reconciled himself with his brother

N-44

UT. II, p. Ml ff.

Wti* to Mieiushtta, 17 Jiiwarv. mWF) 139 : 1.

DIPtOMACV AND POLITICS OF EANJIT SWGH

Dost Muhammad Khan in the vain hope that the latter would reinstate him as a
sovereign of Peshawar. Harlan boasts that he had effected a division amongst
the reconciled Barakzai brothers by inducing Sultan Muhammad Khan and his
brothers to withdraw suddenly from the Alhhaa Camp with their 10,000 retainers
and join the SikhSide.i As a matter of fact, Ranjit Singh had won over the
Peshawar Barakzais by offering them a bribe— the Jagfrj of Kohat, Tank and
Banna worth 4,00,000 rupees annually.*

2. PATTERNS OF KORTHAVESTERN FRONTIER POLICT*

10. Extension o! SiU> aothorltj

THE NORTH-WESTERN FRONTIER policy of the Sikhs devolved upon
three main problems, ria., the subjugation and control of border tribes, the defence
of the frontier from Afghan aggrcssJoo, and the administration of the settled
and unsettled trans-Indus districts. These peoblems arose simultaneously with
the penetration of Sikh arms northwards. The turbulent Afghan tribes of the
hills north of Hasan Abdai, although subdued as early as 1811, were generally it*
a rebellious state. They would descend into the plains and lay waste the country.
They hated Sikh authority and SardarHari Singh Nalwa, appointed to curb down
their unlawful predatory activities, was put to a severe lest. Similar was thf
ease with the Hazara and Khatar territories, but the firm and resolute policy of
Ranjit Singh and the establishment of military garrisons, periodical punitive
expeditions, bribes, and subsidies ultunately reduced them to Stkh authority.

It must, however, be not forgotten that till the reduction of Peshawar in
1823, Ranjit Singh was not tangibly confronted with s frontier probJetn. The
Sikh occupation of Atlock may well be determined a prelude to further Sikh
expansion in the north and corth-west The fortress Istrayed by its Afghan
governor Jahan Dad Khan was adequately garrisoned. Ij became a rallying point
of Sikh armed forces on account of its strategic position for an ulumte march on
Peshawar, Beyond the hills of Akora and Jahangiiabad to the Yusafzai frontier
was the Khatak territory ; but although the Sikhs had gained complsls
ascendancy over the region, the old spirit of aniTisosity between their rule and
the Khataks occasionaJly fiared op in the shape of predatory Khatak incursions

» W’xie to Mtctufh.m. t5 ArtiL 1SM-(P) Itl; S: s« »lio Grer. Ewcrvi"

«n A'srUtrw p. S7.

M.S..,,. J iUL... L p. iVl

. . . .» Afikadllin .d.

.i. Cr.,--.,

Bek*»«lr»T . th* citoaid** oi Mohaa I.al mi Sbahaeut All etc

rOLJCY OF HESITANCY

from fhicr fjitr.es«i.* Tic KhalaLs pafd W Jfce Sith Go^cfnment thtiV annual
revenue* though raiher ur«il{m|ly. for ibey rc*«Hcd SiVh authority.*

RejavnJ a few nitei ffon ALora commenceJ the potvrtvion* of the
Afchmand tni:^ iJniJfil into numeroui cantorti or The held thi*

territory on the main road to Pevhawar firmly. In the important town of MachnI,
a cuMom po*i wa* etlablivhcil for the mercfianH of the Punjab and Afghinlitan.
I'rotn Hatan AbJiI to the notil.cra enUUrt* of the Mohmand territory, therefore,
the Silh authority wai supreme, and the Afghan tribe* overawed by the armed
ml^hl of the Maharaja, peneraJly rmained subservient-

The subjugation of the*e tertitorie* had lept pace »ith the extension of
SiVh po»er in the nominal Afghan possession* across the Indus, which pushed up
the Siib frontiers from Afloek right into the Wild anJ untamed trjas-Indus region.
The battle of Hatdru (26 June, tttlJ) had cspi'<ed to Ranjil Singh the shallow
strength of Afghan power, and the waning Afghan hoM on their north Indian
poisesiions was further shattered by the politica] convulsions in Afghanistan,
which followed the brutal awassmation of the all-powerful Vaner Fateh Khan in
ISIS Ranjil Slnjh took full advaataje of the pj'iticjl turmoil in Afghanistan,
and during the year Sikh forces oewpied Peshawar, and the Darakui stooge
Jahandad Khan was put in possession of it. Soon afterwards, Ranjit Singh
oeevpied Darband and ManVera ; m IS2I he conquered Deta Ismail Khan, in
1332 Dera Oh,v« Khan. In 1325. Dinno, Iialhel, Morwat and Tank were
subjugated. All the (rans-Iadus territories owning nominal al'egiance to Afghanistan
were taken poi<ession of by the Silh*.

Poiltf of he*1lMatf

livsould seem, that nil the hatt’e of Noushera (M March, I82J). the
poiitisc existence of the Afghan threat from across the Khyber Pass outweighed
sli other poliiJcal considerations. This danger precluded the formulation of any
north-west frontier policy as premature ; but war with the Afghani and the
cxpuli/on of (he Afghan intruder occupied the apprehensive mind of Ranjit Singh
who never underrated that positive threat. Rut the decisive Sikh victory
Neushcra dispel’ed all such apprehensions, and the reduction of Peshawar soon
after, established Sikh supremacy in the north-west, from thence onwards new
problems of adminfstraii’on aud defence of the north-western frontier were posed,
but met with in .sn oddly hesitant, lop-sided and an indilfcrent manner. Peshawar
was left as u dependency with the Rarakzai Yar Muhammad Khan on payment of a
nomin.vt tribute. Dera Ghizi Khan sva* farmed out to the Daudpotis of
Dihawalpur ; Dera Ismail Khan and it* dependencies to the deposed Nasvab of

I [Urr. Jaurnat of a Starch from PcIEt •»P(«Edirar (Ic ,LenJoB, iB-tt. p. Sat.

* Efashtmil All. TEr Sit El |E* A/gkani, Loojn), IB-t?. p. 19t.

DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OF ItANJIT SINGH

Mankera, In short, it became obvions that Ranjtt Singh was not yet inclined to
take over and establish Sikh authority in the regions from which he had almost
obliterated all symbols of Afghan rule and suzerainty.

Many reasons could be ascribed to this effete and hesitant policy. The
final score with the Afghans had >et to be settled. Effective control of the trans-
Indus region was an impossibility because of its anti-Sikh, estremtly turbulent an
fanatical tribal element, which would not readily submit to Sikh authority except
under force of arms. Morcowr, the eounlrj' produced little revenue, which could
only be realissd n" et armis. Added to it was the fact that almost all the revenue
thus realised was swallowed up by the cost of maintenance of the troops sent to
collect it. Fiscal inadequacies and political exigencies, therefore, could have
stultified Ranjit Singh’s ambitions to assume full control. This half-hearted policy
was eminently wnse, for it saved the Lahore Government from the odium of setting
up a weak civil administration and the encumbrance of stationing permanent Sikh
garrisons in an extremely hostile area. As a matter of policy, these territories were
not annexed to the Lahore Kingdom, and Ranjit Singh prudently fought shy of

consolidating Sikh power in the trans-Indus region by sbriking the responsibility of

safeguarding a turbulent and unmanageable frontier.

12. Rude •wekealoc

Sikh supiaeoess and neglect of the norib-westem frontier received
3 jolt of awakening in 1827. In that year the whole of north was set abJ3»
by the war-cries of the jehad against the infidel Sikhs by the Wahibl fanatic
Syycd Ahmad. Overnight all sj-mbols of Sikh authority evaporated. The ficUe
loyalties of the Muhammadan tribes and their Chieftains, from Attock to the Valley
of Peshawar came to the forefront in a blaze of hatred against their Sikh conquerors.
All joined the <7Aaj/V in a holy war to extreminate the Sikhs. To Ranjit Singh
it brought a sore realisation that fire and sword and not moderation were the only
implements necessary to quell and bring under firm Sikh rule the turbulent tribal
elements inhabiting the nortb-westem frontier. Attock was in danger, and the
Sikh stand in Akora in 1827 had pro\-ed ineffective to check the hostile and
fanatical Afghan tribal elements within his Kingdom supporting the I^’ablhi
insurrectionists. The tributary Sikh governor of Peshawar, Yar Muhammad Khan.

after having come to an agreement with the iusurrectionists in 1830, was defeated

and slain. The occupation of Peshawar by the Wahabi fanatic had jeopardised
the entire structnre of supine Sikh altitude towards their north-western
posse ssions-

13. CliaeSe is postores

TheWatoK slonn subsidtd in 1831 . The disturbances in the nonh-'*’”'

a mpt y roug t a sharp reaction at Lahore, justifying a complete change in the

rSONTfEU POLICY AT WORK S45

aorth-weiJem policy of theSillji. |{*rai reiohed to efTccl s ccntphle rcdtsclhn
of Ihc fcfion, to a«utne direct adminUtrative am! military control of the conquered
tcrritorirt, and to late efiecthe mcaiurct lor the safegaardinj; of the north-western
frontier. By IS3-1. a new acgressjve and slgslant policy was in full operation
in two ways.

In the first p'ace, mi'ilary garrisoot and outposts were established in the
frontier repion on an extensive scale. At Peshawar, the nerse-centre of all tribal dis-
turbances. a large army 12,000 strong under Sardar llari Singh Nalwa was stationed.
The Valley was studded with small well-farrisoned forfreiws—JsntrvJ, Oarab,
Shamshergarh and Doaba to serve as outer dcfeiKC barrier around Peshawar.
Carrisoa troops were stationed at Naushen, Syedghsr, Raranagar, Muza/Tarabad,
Attock, Hazara, Kohat and Hashtnagar. For the elfccllve defence of the frontier,
old forts were repaired or new ones ordered to be constructed at Sikham, Machin,
Khalrabad, Shubukdar, Jahangira and Kushangarh. llari Singh Nalwa constructed
a new fortress at Jamrud, and the existing nud-forts at Ksri, Darna, Satna and
Tarbela were repaired and garrisoned.* These measures ensured the maintenance
of a firm hold on the froetier region, the curbing down of the fierce antagonism of
the tribal population, and (he farmiagof a dertautt bulwark against any advance of
Afghan armies from across the Khyber Fass.

Secondly, it was decided to take under direct control the civil and military
administration of Peshawar and (he (rans-fndus territories, which had so far bnn
lefi in the hands of local Muhammadan Chiefs on payment of a nominal tribute.
The narakzai brothers, who had been allowed to govern Peshawar and its
dependencies, alter a decade of misrule and oppression, were ousted and Peshawar
was finally annexed to the L-thorc Kingdom on 6 May, 1834. The Derajit, Tank,
Bannu and other tnns-fndus dependencies, already annexed, were now brought
under direct Sikh administrative control.

It. FroDtIcT Polles at work

(0 Trsns-Iados Rcglen

An account of the civil administration of these territories having been briefly
furnished elsewhere,* it yet remains to assess how this forward defensive policy on
the north-wesjem frontier worked in actual praclics. The trans-Indus region under
the Sikhs consisted of the Derajal. Bannu, Marwat. Isakhel, Tank, Kulachi and

> CunninltitD ttttlfirt to tb* wljcr di«pot>ti«ns o{ tfcc Sibb Kim; In the norib.viitern
fronti*! in ID ASilrai:i I Steinif lt« AiiwniffU •f t*t StH Armf, compiled fn I$tr. tide.
ISPtOtJu'r. tlUfiJoiei telly «ppro*liDit»l; tl« •tttnph ot iiretejic tiontm oucpoeciai
S<Tcn In Bnciib recoidi,

t Ptdc, Cbeptet 6, fupro.

350 D1W.OMACY AND POtmCS OF EANJIT SINGH

Darband. The Derajat was the western frontier

the Salt range, the river Indus, the Sulaiman range and Sind. It ^ ^

divisions on the banks of the Indns-Dera Isnmil Wan, Dera Gh^

Dera Fateh Khan. Dera Fateh Khan was merged with Dera Isma

plaeed under a Lahore governor DIvvan Daulat Rai. Dera G

farmed out to Divvan Sawan Mai. the governor of Multan. A strong fort at

Girang, near Dera Ismail Khan was bnilt and garrisoned with Sikh troops.

(ii) BaoDQ

While the Derajat a\'3S ineffective control of the Sikhs, tlic «ild Valley

Bannu had ns\cr been completely subjugated. In fact, it had never been .

or occupied by the Sikhs. The area was inhabited the Banniichis d
from distant Afghan tribes, and the wild and quarrelsome Ahmadzai and V
Waziris, who had resisted Sikh supremacy for almost 25 years. Their fixe
revenue was 60.000 rupees, and the Sikh Government allowed the numerous

Maliks and ArbSbs to rule their rude people. Its only concern sras the .

the fixed revenue : "Every two or three years, the Sikb army harried their fiel s,
down their hari'ests, burnt their houses, and inflicted injuries which it too
interval of peace to repair."*

The Waaris of the Sulaiman range having settlements in the hills of Bannu,

the Thall, and the banks oftheToehi, had never owed allegiance even to the SM

of Kabul much less to the King of the Sikhs. They were a vicious mongrel P*®P®’
and subject to none but themselves. They never paid any revenue to the Sikh*

except when extorted at the point of sword. Sikh authority in the Valley of Bannu
and its Waziri settlements was as nominal as their periodic armed visitations were
ruthless. The thirst for infidel Sikh blood in these regions was aggravated by Si
reprisals. la Bannu no Hindu was permitted to svear turban and a licence-
had to be paid to the ruling Malik for celebrating a Hindu marriage.

Notwithstanding a nominal control, Sikb policy in this area was eminently

wise. The local Maliks were allowed to collect the revenues of the tappss, an
as it was expensive and dangerous to administer them through a NOzim or a Ksrdar,
they were conveniently permitted to regulate law and justice under local
tribal customs.

(Hi) Muwat, Isakheletc.

Towards the south of Bannu and separated from the Derajat by the river
Indus, was Marwat country with its principal town Lakfci.* It was placed under

t EdvsTdef. A Ytar en l^e Punjab Frenlicr. {.Louden. 1S51. p. 76-77-
* See teoetiUs, Elphinstone. ii, p. 56 ; Mueoit. i. p.85 ; Edwiides. i.p. J01«. <«•

THE VAtLtY OF nSHAWAU

:si

the fONcmor of Dera Ijmail Khan. as<t)icUcd an annual revenue arproitmatmg
40,000 rupee*, if it could be coltecleij by the deipatch of a Silh force. Masson
obsersfs that once Kanjit Sinfh birmeff marched ttith an army rj.OOO strong to
Lalki. He could exact 30,000 rupees out of the arrear* of revenue of 2-3 years.
He did rot Judge if prudent or convenwat Jo male a permanent settlement in the
country, as, it was said, he had contemphsted.* The Marwat country was then
farmed out to D}w3n Daulat Rai. who imposed a and a land tat of

l!6th of the gross produce both of which yieMed annually over 70,000 rupees.*

The Isakhel territory situated north to the Kalabagh mines, and lying
parallel with the Indus, was farmed out to Lakfci Mai for 51,000 rupees. The
country of Tank, towards the north of Dcrafsmail Khan was taken from Mawab
S.srvv3r Khan vvho paid a tribute of 3.000 rupees, three horses and a pair of hawks.
The me.vgre Itibute fell into arrears, and when a Sikh force marched to recover it,
Sarwar Khan Eed to the Wariri hills. Tank was taken and assigned in Jagir to
Kanwar Naumhal Singh, and its tniSated revenue estimated at 1.00,000 rupees, but
seldom tealised, was prudently apportioned to the local Maliks for nominal
fniiilarj'Service.

Kubehi, south of Tank and the SuLtiman range, was farmed out to Lakki
Mai for 5I,CCo rupees.* Darband, to the south-west of Kulachi. inhabited by
the Mlankhel Afghans was imposed a fixed revenue of IS.OOO rupees, and
Kanwar Naunihal Singh w^ho elTected its setlle-ncni, raised it to 24,000 rupees.

The whole of the trins-Irtdui region posed few frontier probJeitis to the
Sikh Government. It wasa turbu’entand elhmicaliy isolated area and was left to
it* own mean* on payment of fired dues, ft* total appronmale revenue had been
worked out at over 6.C5,000 rupees, but whether contracted or farmed out. it could
only be realised ri ff ormir.*

IS. Tb« Viltcy ol Pohiwtr

A chain of garrisoned fastnesses along the river Indus formed an effective
line of defence on the N. W. Frontier against foreign aggression. Tliis line skirted
the Khybcr Pass but did not go beyond it, for, Ranjit Singh's ambitions of
conquest stopped in the Peshawar Valley without any thought of extension of Sikh
frontiers toward* the natural barriers of the llindukush, or Scistan and Makran.
Peshawar was the key to the north. It was considered advisable to consolidate

I UarraiCvi ef Vatint JeutntT tn HahtiiMoK. AfihanUian, a act U* PiiiijaB, i, t.oneeo.
2842, p 99.

• Edvttdca. cp. (il., I. p. 310.

• ;i(J. p.3t2,

• PcarM. of AUxanitr Garitnar, L«o4sn, 1S93, p. 18L

SS2 DIPLOMACY AND POLItlG OF RANjlT SINGH

Sikh power in Its turbulent Valley rather than pursue an impetuous and highly
hazarduous forward policy across the Khybcr Pass. The outer defences o
Peshawar, though diffusive, were apparently quite effective. The citadal of
or Fatehgarh stood as a symbol of Sikh determination against Afghan aggression,
12 miles from Peshawar. But militarily, it was a vulnerable outpost. Though
located at a strategic point, it could hold a garrison of 2,000 men and watere
by a stream flowing down tnc Khybcr, which could be cut off at any time by the
Afridts unless they were paid a periodical subsidy. The fortress of Barmh nas

small and could hold only 1,000 men. h had an outer defence and a 20 feet deep

ditch.* TIj® fort of Shamshergarh built by the Sikhs on the ancient site of Bala
Hissar could, however, garrison 7,000 troops, and on its ramparts were fired
9-pourder batteries.* Fifteen miles north-west of Peshawar was the octagonal
fortress of Doaba. It was situated in the low country, about 5 miles from Ih*
river Kabul, and could be inundated by the inimical tribes. It could barely hold
400 men but it was well calculated to keep in check the predatory Mohmmands la
troubled times.* These outposts around Peshawar exhibited the vigour and
determination of the Sikh Goveminent to maintain an efTcctive nortb-westem
frontier policy to hold their own. Although at times they were poorly garrisoned
and badly provisioned, they were sustained by the larger military establishments
situated between Attock and Peshawar.

Within the hills of the Valley of Peshawar, on either side of the river Indus,
inhabited the Yusafzais-ihe largest of the warlike Afghan tribes. The Sikh*

had subjected the Peshawar Valley, but large sums of money had to be settled cn
the Yusafzai Chiefs or the erb^bs who seldom paid any revenues, to keep peace.

Similarly, other rude and equally turbolcnt tribes of the Valley—the Khataks, the

Motnands, the Kugianis and the Khalils, had to be bought off with subsidies both

in time of war and peace. Hiodu and Sikh settlers were encouraged to settle Iti

the five tapplls. a few miles from Peshawar called the Khalscfi to somewhat neutralise
the strong tribal clement, but without much success.

An outline of the administration of Peshawar has already been furnished
in this narrative,* yet it would be necessary to assess the cost of military admiais-

t LPD— IT. p. 323. The tort otjinirul wutittli; <!:i:to 72 d b 7 the Atihio artillet?
thehattleoftheumenamc ia 13)7. A year litet, Shaha’Dai Alt writes : “The site cf tb*
btttle.gioued vbeietDC falUnt Hart Sta(b lest hii lUe was pointed out to os. as well as tbe
remains rl the tort o{ Jamrud, Beat to which the eacouater took place. Little bejond »
coofused.tookin» mound is to be Seen of the latter, it haeio* been demolubed a'ter the fatal
atiion.*’ The SibXr end tSe Afghans, London. 1347, p. 369.

* LPD-iv, p. 3:6.

> Hid. p. 327.

« f&td.p.334.

S Shahamat All, sj>. cit., p, 277.

S Vidi Chapter 6, rvpra.

THE EHYflERlS

3S3

Iratlon of the Valley. The subjugation of the Peshawar Valley had been accomplished
after much bloodshed and vigorous Afghan oppo^tlon. It was also retained at an
inordinate expense justified for Sikh political prestige and the defence of the
norlh'Western frontier. Largs armies had to be stationed in the Peshawar area at
enormous expense. It is estimated that uitder General Avitabile. out of a total
revenue of 13,39,057 rupees, 10 battalions of regular Sikh army, a few regiments
of artillery and regular horse stationed at Peshawar cost annually 8,00,000 rupees ;
2,40,000 rupees were expended on subsidies and allowances to the tribal Chiefs ;
and the cost of civil administration swallowed up the residual revenue. ‘ Able,
vigorous and ruthless Sikh governors kept the turbulent tribes in check. Amongst
the stringent measures introduced by Sardar Hari Singh Nalwa and General
Avitabile were : the ban placed on the slaughter of fcrne, the prohibition to public
call for Muhammadan prayer (ordn),* the resumption of the jagirs of the Syeds
and the Mullahs— the traditional fanatics and fomcnUrs of religioas hatred against
the Sikhs, a rough'and-rendy Justice,* and the imposition of collective fines for
insubordination to Sikh authority.*

16. The Khrbdls

Beyond the Valley of Peshaivar, extending from Kadum to Lalpura lay the
24*niIe1ong Rhyber Pass, the doorway to Afghanistan. From their advanced
position the Sikhs made no efiorts to control it or the virulently fanatical and
anti'Sikh Shirwani, Afridi and Moomand tribes which inhabited it. The Rhyberts
lived on plunder and Afghan subsidies to keep open the Pass for trade caravans
or Afghan incursions into the Valley of Peshawar. They could muster 21,000
matchlock-men and an equal number of ill-armed marauders at the time of war
or a jehad.* They hated the Sikhs for their intolerant policy towards the
Muhammadans, considered them infidels and persecutors of the true religion,
and more so because the strong Sikh rule had deprived them of their lucurative
plundering raids into the Valley of Peshawar. As the Sikhs had no political aims
beyond the border, except for oBertng them occasional bribes, they bad Jitlle
concern with the Kbyberis.

\7. Silili tim* hejooi Ibe KbtheT

It could be stated without any fear of contradiction that although costioually
involved in a war for supremacy with the Afghans in the north, Ranjic Singh’s

> Catalogtie ef KKalia Darbar Reeofdi, •. No. Aa (15) —ii.

* LPD-iii, p. »tid zsr.

s Foi iniuoces ol ifaebiish •ndcracl sense of Avitebile's iuiciee, fids. Cbaptct 14(10},
lupre ; also Cbspier 6 — Administration of Pastiawisr. supra.

* OT. rrravJ. p.4«.

S Leecb'tftepon (dated 1 Octobet.1837) : Oh t6«K6>6er?aif and the tribes *in6dMline
/i-(P)144!51.

351 DIfLOMACV AND POLITICS O? KANnTSWGH

J,blabid,Gh3D.UndKpbultorulf.ltl..proph,^<.f f„ u.e

He manned Wade in 1827. ibat his French oHietr! had rf

lenregnlar battalions, two or three „f

artiller}-. they would engage to conquer kabnl, and subjugate in
Afghanistan to his authority.* ,„.„„.r

■The hypothetical question whether the Sikhs had the mca^ o Q
Kabnl independently and retain it. has many interesting points. TOk -
!^rfat when Lotd Auckland and his advisers debated the feasibthty of SW
occupation of Afghanistan in 1838 in connection with the

Shujawith Ranjit Singh's help. “Can the Sikhs by then °™

conquer Cabuir Auckland wrote. “I would not venture to

could not by looking at the great amount of dtsetptoed tr.»ps,su^rto

and treasure at their command. They might overrun the plains of Obui ^

vicinity but. they would retain possession of iL as in the case of Fesnawai,

great I«s and eapense. Bat Cabal could be held easier by the Sikhs 'ba” J

for the base of hostility of the Maliks, the Kbyberts. the Yusatois and others

Cabnl, on whose promise the tribal people acted in hostility to ‘bP Si^-
that place was reduced, they would subside tato peaceful subjects. ’

though powerful, would not be able to conceal tbeir religious intolereace or ^
endeared by the Palhans. who certainly arc brave and equaUy fanaucal lii
Sikhs. The Sikhs, therefore, could only hold Cabul independently with a £
army. If it were resolved to give Runjeet Singh a fair chance of destru^n a .
the best plan that could be desired would be to encourage him to proceed aga
that place...tbat Runjeet Singh should have any serious designs of establishing
power In Cabul, I can scarcely believe.”*

I Referenee i»b«teto ibe w*U-taiow3 piJWjn trosj Ntnib’i Disetmi** with QirC^

tbe lord ot Meiin* :

Afid (be csspixe oi tbe tbaQ piereiL

Fine, tbe Puejeb tball breose tbe Uod of tbe Sikhs :

Then ctbet cotmtxie s sbat) be them ;

Htadnstas end tbe Sottb ebell be possessed b; tbcsi ;

Then tbe West sbsU bow to tbeo.

When they enter Kbonsen.

Kabol end Slendebix sbeU lie low......

la (be RaUjufa shell the Kinldea be ettiblished,

WbUb Ntnsk xeceieed f fob tbe Lord.

* Wede to CoTeracent, 1 AoSost. 1327— BPC (1).

> Aaeklind to Habhoose {SBBtTtdxp cf Enelatmrtt duT%ng jAe fear 1833)—
(BM)3Mra.f el. 363-374.

BRITISH JEAUJUSy 355

3. rORriCN’ RELATIONS

IS. BrdliR fntooty

IT WOULD ALMOST BE correct to as«erc that except with the British
Go»en)tnent, the State of Lahore did not nuiatein any direct political or diplomilic
relations «ith any European nation. Although in theory RanJIt Singh was an
independent losereign monarch of the Punjtb, yet acute British jealousy and
resentment prccludetl the establishment of osert political connections with foreign
states. Yet to admit that his foreign relations with any other European, or for
that matter, Asian countries existed on the breath of the British approval or
condescension, would be a trdsnemtr, for he bad none. His sporadic connections
with the CivSutJfj Slates after 1609, with the Maratbas, ssith France, Russia and
Burma, with Nepal, esen with Sind and Afghanistan, were highly frowned upon and
objected to by the British Government.

We have a few examples of this British attitude, which without openly
chatlenging the Maharaja’s right to have foreign relations, considered it its exclusive
reserve either to retard them or bring them in line with British foreign policy.
When in 1831, William Mooreroft reportedly sent from Ladakh a letter from the
Russian miniiter Prince Nesselrode to Ranjit Singh, recommending a trader to his
good olBces, and observing that ibe merchandise of the Punjab would ftnd a ready
market in Russia, t it created a mild flutter at Fort William. Another instance of
this extraordinarily suspicious attitude became apparent when in 1636, General
Allard, an oflleer of Raojit Singh’s army, returned Irom Paris beating a personal
letter from emperor Louis PhilUpe to Maharaja Ranjit Singh.* The incident
bubbled up in a mild British protest, and Ranjit Singh was accused of having
intermittent flirtations stith the French. The matter was even (aLen up with the
French authorities by the British Ambassador in Pans Ranjit Siogh, however,
denied Wade’s allegation that Allard had come back to Lahore as a duty accredited
envoy of the French emperor, and that resort of F reach adventcrers to gain political
influence in the Punjab would be checked as much as it may be in bis power
to do so.*

The wearisome circumspections of his noo'CXisteiit foreign relations annoyed
the Maharaja, but he bore them with good cheer, for they were senseless. He
visualised little utility or political necessity of such relations, at any rate, he avoided
them from fear of giving unnecessary umbrage to the British Government. He

f rraT,{,.Uf.nff.

* GoTtromentto W»Jr, 3 Aprit, 1837; AoekUoi fo Hoitgus*. 9 Oelober, 1837.
Proutbicn (BM) 3«73, fet. 197 (f.

S Rid. „

355

DIPLOMACY AND P<K,iriCS OF RAN/IT SWGH

readily agreed to check the supposed French invasion of India in 1809, as be did
in 1838 to forbid the entry of the Russian phantom into his territories. At the
same time, his interest in understanding the power and politics of the European
powers— England, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria and others, was unbounded.
He satisfied this insatiable curiosity by his endless queries posed to foreign visitors
to his Court— Moorcroft, Hugcl, Jacquemont, Osborne and others. According to
Wade, as for instance, when he visited Lahore in 1831, the Maharaja’s conversation
with him consisted chiefly of enquiries regarding the French revolution, the
military strength of Russia and France, the political relations between Russia and
China, and those between the British Govenrment and Ava and Nepal.*

19. Titbits of i>o1Stiea1 inttiSue

The treaty of 1809 having barred all direct communications with the CiS-
Sutlej states, matters of political nature, of adjustment of boundaries and territorial
disputes with them were transacted fhroagh the Ludhiana Political Agcn*^/'
Occassional reports’that Ranjit Singh made attempts to win over the raj3 of Patiala
and other Sikh Chleft from their allegiance to the British,* came to nothinf- TT*®
actual presence of a British military force on the Sutlej had compelled Ranjit Sins^
to resign all pretensions of sovereignty over the whole country between the Jumna
and the Sutlej ; it also precluded any possibility of direct relations with the
disaffected political elements in India, y-ct he was supposed of carrying on intrigues
with the Msrathas agiLQsc (he British. In December 1809 intelligence was received
at Ludhiana of the arrival of raJl-i/s from Holkar and Sindhia to urge Ranjit Singh
to hostilities with the British.* In June 1810, the Resident at Delhi reported that
Amir Khan Rohilla was making overtures to Ranjit Singh for joint depredatory
'incursions into the British territory.* Reports of an imaginary Sikh-Maratha
conspiracy against the British were the outcome of an earlier fictitious intelligence
of Brookes, the British Agent at Benares, who alleged that a secret agent of Ranjit
Singh had brought communications to Amrit Rao.® Later, these letters were
proved to be forgeries.® Late in May 1809, the Resident with Sindhia disco^-ered
another conspiracy between Ranjit Singh and Daulat Rao Sindhia. Gurdial Missef,
3 dismissed cook of Sindhia was alleged to have bronght secret communications
from his master and Surjit Rao Ghatika with the suggestion of a Maralha-SIbb

» W»a* to Prinrep. 22 May. 1S31>(P) 137 s H,

* Oehfeilooy to Luthiogton. 5 January, ISKMP) to : 45.

* titd. 6t>ecenib«r, 1809-(D 10:34.

* S«ton to GoTCTliiD*Df at Fort WiQiao, 15 Jsae, 3 ; 87.

® 8*a BSPC (I) 27 May. IS09. C3 aod C9 and alto HMS (tj. Vol. 592.

Ea.RAIAOFNACPOR

157

combinition *‘to fxtirpate” the British. These reports were found to be false and
imaginary.*

ft is, however, doubtfuf whether the shrewd Maharaja had any direct or
secret retations with the Marathas or other disaffected elements in India. Yet
occasional reports in the British records persistently suggest these. Thus in 1S25
Wade reported that Ranj'it Singh was carrying on intrigues with the rSjl of
Dharatjnir,* with Rewa in 1824.* with Nepal (see Z/iy/d). with the rajl of Nagpur.*
with Asa, and even with Russia.^

20. Es.nis of Ksipur

That there was hardly any substance in these reported titbits of political
intrigues is illustrated by Ranjit Singh's treatment of Appa Sahib, the ex^ruler of
Nagpur. In 1824, C. Elliof, Agent ro the Gowrnor-General at Delhi reported a
rumour current at Calcutta to the eflecl that Rnnjit Singh had determined to
reinstate the ex-raj'a of Nagpur and had olTered him the aid of 50,000
troops.* niiot’s report svas based on a handful of mist. Appa Sahib after
continued wanderings in northern India had escaped to Amritsar in 1820. The
Maharaja received him cordially, but when he made bis mtentioni clear and
endeavoured to win him over. Ranjit Singh asked him to quit his terntories. Appa
Sahib then retired to the Kangra hills, where he remained in the terntories of
rHjT Sansar Chand. lie entertained wild Kbemes of conquest of India in concert
with a son of es-king Shah ^man. Sansar Chand became highly annoyed and
being fearful of both the English and the Sikhs, ailed him to leave his territory.
Appa Sahib then strayed into Mandi, a Lahore tributary. In 1828, he again
entered the Punjab on his nay to iodhpur. where he hoped to get asylum. He
finally quitted northern India in 1829.*

4. RELATIONS WITH NEPAL

2l. Mo sesolsr iaScrceiicM

Ranjit Singh’s rebtions with Nepal were largely of sporadic and desultory
nature. These were formal and distant exchanges of goodwill notwithstanding

I f or eorresron^cnee on ibe sobicet. CU»t to Go*eri)m«at. 27 Mis, ISOS, C 3;
fiSPC <I) 23 UtKb. 6 hUr. 2307. C5.7. C 41

1 WiSe to Murrir, 9 October. 1825-(P) 94 105.

e Elliot to Muiti?, 7 Julr- K:*-<n 2* ■' 124-27.

‘ 2HJ.273un*,2824-(P)24:tl5.

S AeeordinS to Wad« in 1S3Q I cuDour ciceubtri tbit Rlojit Sinsb wii <feriiouiof
openiat cotref(<ondence witb tbi ttuinina, but the MihiriJ* conttiJicted it. Wide to
Hiwlioi. 24 AuSurt. 1824.{P) 9S i 114.

■ ElUottoMutc*s.l7Iijnc,lS24«csi<»r«.

* For eotf«poni5*ne» on thefobfect, tidt, ^1924 s 117, 140 ; 25 : 126 ; 27 : 32 etc.

.358

DIPLOMACY AKD POLITICS OF PANJIT SINGH

British jealousy magnifying them as unfriendly acts full of dangerous import.
Nothing, honever, could be farther from truth. Like the Sikhs the Gurkhas were
a warlike race, and Ranjit Singh admired their warlike qualities of tenacity and
endurance. For this very reason he had enlisted a few regiments of the Gurkhas
in the Sikh army. Since the clash of Sikh arms with Nepal in 1809 at the gates
of the Kangra fort, he considered the Nepalese a designing, ambitious and a race
of faithless people.^ We have no evidence of any regular diplomatic or political
intercourse between Nepal and Ranjit Singh during the Anglo-Ncpalese War of

I814-18I6, except that in 1814, Amar Singh Thapa addressed a communication to
Ranjit Singh warning him that the British were contemplating to conquer Multan
with the assistance of Amir Shah Mahmud of A/gbanistao.* But the Sikh Chief
gave no credence to it,

22. Nepalese nlssioas

The first Nepalese embassy arrived at the Court of Lahore in February
1825. The Lahore news-writer describes it a secret mission.* but for what purpose
none could say. At the same time, it could not be ascertained whether the two
Courts were in the habit of keeping any sort of diplomatic intercourse.* For
almost a decade thereafter there seems to be no further contact between Nepal

and Ranjit Singh till 1834, when we hear of a Nepalese Agent at Amritsar named

Lieutenant KarbirKhatri.* We have no idea of the exact nature of this mission
also, but perhaps it was one of goodwill as the Maharaja sent a return mission
to Kathmandu.*

The mission of Karbir Kiiairi appears to be of no political significance
except that the ascendant Thapa faction in Nepal in order to annoy the British
Government was endeavouring to blow up a bubble of political connections with
Indian Chiefs of Bundelkfaand. Rajpulana, Lahore, and even Bhutan, Tibet and
Burma. Wade, however, commented that Karbir’s mission to Lahore did not
portend any sinister designs of the Nepalese against British interests.*

1 Wad«toPrins*p. 25M»y. iaJl-<P)13T:3l. The told Wade jn I83t tSa*

AmarSiaghThsps had piopoMd to biratbepmumoaof Kashmir and the hills of Kangt*. bu*
it was hit object to dtWe the Guihbas aeioas the Sutle|.

* Events at tfe* Court ef Ranjit StuJIk-tP) No. 17. 184 140).

* Elliot to Mumy, 9 Februaty, 1825-(I^ 25 • 3x.

* Ibid. 12 Apiii, 1S25.(P) 25 : £9.

* Wade to Maenaghten. 21 October. 1S34-(P) 1«) ; 83.

« Tjckell: Events at the Ctntrs af Nepal. 2d30-4a.Foreiga Secret ContuUstions O).
13 January, ISU No. 74.

* Wide tq Macnaghten. 21 Noreiaber. 117 ; 53.

MATAPAK SLSCti

359

In ifce jTsr 1837, NioJfnt political comuhionj look place In NcpaJ, leadjns
lo B judJcn eclipse of the Thapai from political power. The Pande facCion which
paired ascendancy at Kathmandu brought about chanpej in the esicmal policy
of that country. Dhimicn Thapa was dismissed, and his nephew Malabar Singh
was mysteriously allowed to lease Nepal, but he was arrested by the British
authorities on the suspicion of having been «nt by the Nepalese Court on a
clandestine mission to Ranjit Singh. A mission from Kathmandu, however, arrived
at Lahore in May, and was received by Ranjit Singh with marked civility.* The
continued intercourse between the Nepalese and the Sikhs svas highly irksome to
the British Government, but it did not know how lo prevent it.» A year earlier,
a gift of two elephants had been sent by the Nepalese king lo the Sikh ruler, who
had already fivencftiplcjfrcrt fo Amar Singh Thapa’j son Bhopal Singh in one of
the battalions of the French Legion.

Tlie Nep-slesemissionwascomposedofSardar Kalu Khawas and Captain
Karbar Singh and was well rtttivcd at Lahore. According to the Lahore Diarist
the Maharaja wrote a letter to the King of Nepal welcoming the gift of elephants,
assuring him that the interests of the two States were identical, and expressing a
wish in general terms far (be continuance of the friendly intercourse.*

But the British Resident at Kathmandu alleged (hat Ran;i( Siogh was
negotiating a secret alliance with Nepal, and that the Hindu Kingdom of Nepal
would be linked up with the Sikh Kingdom of Ranjit Singh, and tt would not be
advisable to allow them to march together behind the Himalayas !* Wade’s
suggestion that the continued intercourse between Nepal and Ranjit Singh had
Uie stronger tno(ive of advancement of trade between the Sikh occupied Ladakh
and Lhasa is too far-fetched as bis allegation that Ranjit Singh visualised an
anti-Briiish alliance with the wartile Nepalese.*

23. SiDCh

In 183S, the British Government penniUed Matabar Singh to proceed on
hi* journey toward* Lahore. Jli* flight from Nepal in 1837 after (be fall of
the powerful Bhiinsen Thapa forms an interesting episode Ousted by the Pande
faction after being deprived of bis command and estates, be repaired to the
Terai jungle on the pretext of catching elephants, and proceeded to the plains of
India. There is no truth in the assertion that he was allowed to leave Nepal on a

s HtCBigbtn to Wtjt, i2 June, J!07-(P) 119*26.

• JSt4.a)Oetoi*r.lS37 {P)M9i64.

• UT 111 (lii). p. W i Mieoaibtcft to Wad*. 17 Apcil. }S33-(P) let t

• MtCDiSbUD to Wtdt, 17 Apnt. ISsSC^fotoitJ. ul lupra.

S Wi<3« to MteniSbtto, 23 October, 1837. ■! evpra.

O. U. CENT LIE.'

360

DIPLOMACY AKD POLirtCS OP RANJIT SINGH

secret missioo, and that the Pandc faction was in correspondence with the Dogra
minister Dhian Singh or the Sindhijnwala Chiefs. He crossed the Sutlej in 1838,
and soon got a command in the Lahore army, or perhaps a high position at the
Court.^ Ranjit Singh received the Gurkha generai cordially, 'and he is reported
to have remarked : “that as the English and the Muslims (alluding to the proposed
restoration of Shah Shuja) had united, it was for Hindus to look to themselves ! ’’

The alleged observ-ation of Ranjit Singh appears to be fictitious, as he bad
signed the tripartite treaty, and he had consulted the British Government before
the appointment of Matabar Singh to a position in his army.* Therefore, Matabar
Singh’s appointment does not reflect any anti-British swing in Ranjit Singhs
policy. In 1840, the British Government found the overbearing Pande faction at
Kathmandu adverse to its own interests, and considered it feasible to employ
Malabar Singh as a tool to oust the reprebensive Pande regime. Matabar Singh
was induced to quit Lahore service, and he ramained in British territory with a
monthly allowance of I.OOO rupees. Bui in the meantime at Kathtnando anU-
British feeling bad subsided, and the British authorities in India found no ose of
him. He returned to Nepal in /anuaty, 1843 to assume the premiership, and two
years afterwards (17 May, 184S), was tteacherously assassinated in the roj’al palace.

5. POLICY TOWARDS AFGHANSITAN

24 . Its aims

Ranjit Singh’s policy towards Afghaoistan has been described elsewhere io
this narrative* at some length.' Sufficient it would be to advert here to its basic
principles- As a nation, the Sikbs were ever at war with the Afghans whom they
considered their irreconcilable enemies. Both on general principles and on political
grounds there could be no compromise with the Afghans ; corop’ete obliteration
of their power and influence in northern India was the chief Sikh aim. In the
accomplishment of this political aha. Ranjit Singh was eminently successful. British
realisation that the powerful Sikhs had, for almost three decades, barred the en-
trance of the Afghans into India came rather late after the disaster of the first
Afghan War had been learnt.* However. British interference notsvithstanding its
annoyances and embarrasements posed by double-dealing with Dost Muhammad

* CaBniatbto, p. 259, fjj. J.

» iLT * . “* ' •** •!*=» pre.ent writer's Histerr

of Kepoi. Knhlxrpui 1970, p. 301 g.

» UT.llKm). P.435 14.

* ViiU. Cbtpien 6. 8 tad 16.

> H.rJini, HobiouK, 2i (BMjjsc;,

Stu) DESIGNS ON SUsD

36t

Khan— as for instance, Burnes mischievous endeavour to barter Peshawar for un-
certain Afghan acquiescence to British aims, came to nothing. Ranjit Singh showed
determination and steadfastness of purpose in his policy terwards the Afghans,
which aimed at the annihilation of Afghan power in northern India and its substi-
tution by Sikh rule. British distrust of Sikh power saved them from direct
embroilment in the first Afghan War, and the Sikhs malignantly gloated over British
disgrace of defeat and humiliation when disaster overlook them in Afghanistan.

6. POLICY TOWARDS SIND

25. Sikh desisns oa Sind

Ranjit Singh’s policy towards Sind came into clash with British diplomacy.
Sikh and British designs on Sind converged on the same point though their aggres-
sive pastures ran a different course. Ranjit Siogh claimed that he had inherited the
right of receiving the customary tribute which ibe Sindhian Amirs paid to Kabul,*
and further that Shikarpur should be ceded to him because the rights of suzerainty
belonged to the Lahore Geverameot.* These aggressive Sikh designs of esteasion
of power in the south became apparent both to the British Government and the
Talpuriaa Amirs. The Lahore news-writers reported that the Maharaja would
soon invade Sind, and that he was bolding frequent discussions with bis French
military advisers for its ultimate conquest*

26. Srltlib dtpleas«r

Till 1819, when Cutch was conquered and British frontiers became conti-
guous to Sind, the British Government evinced scant interest in Sind, but when the
Khosa and Balaucb tribes began making frequent inroads into British terntory
from Sind in 1820, a revision of the almost defunct Aoglo-Sindbian treaty of 1809
had become necessary.* Otherwise Sind appeared of no political or commercial
advantage though William Moorcroft had two years later suggested to Lord
Amherst’s Government that commerce in the river Indus between India and Central
Asia from the mouth of that riverwould oiTer both these advantages to the British
Government. Bumes’ mission in J831 up the river Indus under the subterfuge of
a present of dray-horses from the King of England to Maharaja Ranjit Singh
aroused British interest in Sind. Ranjit Singh did not suspect that the real aim of
the British mission was to survey the river’s navigabili^ and to gain information

» W»d«eoGOTetameBI. 19 rfij.lSJKP) 137;a.

« W»ietoEIUot,7Aueust.l82S;Enfotto W.Je. 24 Aueuit. 1S23.(PI « : 1!, 18.

» ni<l. 7Sept«mbn,183-(P)91:17: Wad«toCo!«bt<»ke,llAu|u»e.l823(P)96.113.
♦ Cofr«paii<ljBe« rtUtne to S.nd-tPP) XXIV. U43. No. 2.

N-46

DtPLOMACV AND FOUTICS OF RANIIT StNOH

. • TT,. even coerced the

R.y,. r™ f==.=,s to tht BtUis. ^tt -- -Xisnoted

'“' ■" d at iXtTto MUha Mahataja-t apprehamioas astunng h,m tha^ P«

27 I„p.atolI.aa.N.aiftioa

Maan»WIa, Pottingar bad foraad » «'*' ““‘f 'u,a DaaV

Wadabadgonato Bahawalpur aad ”^'1 ^ , J, data of tba cooaW

Nawab, at the same lime, acquiring geographical and staus T^avigatioo

af— “ "«ada tLa

balootaaithootabaalbattk of argamaols. Tba '»'i“ „ „„ioa «

thaSiU.S,thaTalpotiaoa aad tha “"°7lf_'H,da"bad, MitbaaWb

officers at key positions along the entire line of the Indus y . foothold

sSStpaa ao^Babawatpur, tbaa aoab.iag .barn to obum a pobt.aal
in Sind.

tS. Sikh designs thwarted

With tha arrival ia India of Lord AiiaUajrd io 1836. tha "“^'"pot

atal of tha Govarnmatit of ladia rvMnlad down. Aoctland daamad K
only to pravant tha aatanaion of Sikh powar alongtha rvhola *"..f„rrad

bat to obtain a alosar political onion with Smd.> Bantmeks pobay

intimacy" and ••wanton aoarcion-oodat tha nneanny aommarc.al garo

t Bums to Mtrtia, 6 June. 1S31-(P) US 5 25.

* Wede to Ptinsep. W Oetoher.lSSMPt 137 : 54: , oj,

» Goeerooi-Genetal to Secret Comaittee, 19 Noremher. ia31-BISL(0.

* W»d«toPrinset..l3Jitm»ry.lP32.lP)133: 2. ,..,,,2,

8 Mscosfhtento Wed*. 2fi Sepleatier.WKWPP) XXXIV. W3. No. 2, P»r» ^

THE MAZASt AFFAIR

363

Up. Auckland directed Wade to inform the Maharaja that his odvance onShikarpur
would be viewed with displeasure by the British Government, and that any Sikh
aggression on Sind would seriously prejudice Anglo-Sikh relatiDns.> At the same
rime, Colonel Henry Portinger was directed to open negotiations with the Amirs
for a defensive alliance, pointing out to them the threat posed by the Sikhs to their
csistcncc.*

TheMixatUIUir

Auckland's forthright policy towards Sind had an clement of chicanery-a
belief that he was conferring an enormous boon OQ the Amirs by protecting them
from their only enemy. Raojil Singh complained loudly against British interference
in Sind, but sensible of the beneftts of British frieodship did not venture upon a
quarrel with them. He accepted the diplotratk reverse, but determinedly pointed
out his grievances against the Amirs who had incited the turbulent Mazaris in
making frequent depredatory raids into his lerritories.* He took took prompt mea-
sures to retaliate. Sikh forces on the Sindhian borders were ordered to demand
a tribute of 12,00,000 rupees and immediate cettioo of Shikarpur from the Talpurian
Amirs on the point of sword and attack Shikarpur after the Dussehra festival.'
The threatened Sikh advance on Shikarpur prompted the Indian Government to
take immediate steps to stop it Auckland wrote to Rasjii Singh showing his dis-
satisfaction at his contemplated operations against the Sindhians.' Wade informed
the Maharaja that although Sikh retaliatory measures could not be objected to, the
dispute could be settled through British mediation as the Amtrs had since then
placed themselves under British protection.* At the same time, at Hyderabad.
Pottinger impressed upon the Amirs the danger is which their territories stood from
Sikh aggression, and that they should accept British mediation in Ihefr dispute
with Ranjit Singh. They were required to withdraw their ratJij from Lahore,
conduct all negotiations with the Lahore Government through a British Resident
to be stationed at Hyderabad, ond agree to the stationing of a British force in Sind-'

30. DUlofueosSikhcUlm*

Ranjit Singh had no alternative but to acquiesce to British wishes though
with some sulking.' He promised to abstain from further aggressive designs on

> Aueklind to Hokboux,? October. }83&.B(eutbtot> (BM) 36473. fel.9Zf.

* ftij.

• lilJ. FottbeMiit(USfilc.r<d(.m>M. P.132.3.

• W*<}etoM*ckeK>B.190etobcr,1336-(7) 142:36: ilio Coxtnot-Genertl to Secret
ComDiitee, 23 Nov«mbci,1836. m tuB'S.

' Auckland to Kobhouie, 7 October. 1816 Hi rasra.

* MtctMfbtea to Wtde, 26 Sepreaiber, t836~(F) 107 : 2S.

t na.

S AuekUnd— 7 October, 1636, Hr/ypT(i.

364 DIPLOMACY AND POLmCS OF RANJIT fllNGH

Sind, and seemed inclined to accept the proferred British mediation in his differ*
ences with the Ainirs.* He challenged the right of the British Government under
the treaty of 1809 to hold intercourse with the countries west of the river Indus,
or at least, to prevent him from extending his dominion in that direction.* He
claimed that Shikarpur was a dependency of Peshawar and that the Amirs who
held that place, were his tributaries ;* that Shah Shuja had ceded it to him, or at
least, assigned half of it in return for a payment of 1,25,000 rupees in 1832.* An
finally, the Amirs who had violated his dominions by wilfully encouraging the
Mazaris to make depredations on his Icrrilories should surrender Shikarpur to him-

British arguments against Ranjit Singh’s claim were to the effect that his
title to Shikarpur as a dependency of Peshawar was invalid, were it so, it then
equally belonged to the Shah of Persia or the Amir of Afghanistan that Ranjit
Singh’s secret transactions with Shah Shuja were no concern of theirs— at least, the
British Government never sanctioned the ex-Shah's late misadventure.* It
further contended that the Anglo-Sikh treaty of 1809 only restricted the Maharaja s
movements to the south of the Sutlej— at least, it did not preclude the British from
forming relations with the states to the north of the Indus,* Even admitting that
the Amirs bad provoked the Maharaja, the British Government could not view with
indifference the extension of Sikh power towards that territories of the AniiM»
who, it was falsely contended, bad placed themselves under British protection.*

s Wideto Maen*Sht«n.2NovtDb«t. I636-1SP(1)21 Novrubet, 1836. No. >3.
s Ttsst Btititb int(tf«reB<e vat uniunified and in cocttavencion o< tbe Anslo-Sikh
tteatjr of 1809, is admUted by Lotd Auckland in a ptivata communication to tbe Ptesidtot of
the Board of Control on 7 October, JS36 ;*’Runfeef Singb. oo tbe oshet hand," he wrote.
aoise cau»e of complain of til for iDtetlerinC with bim on ibia aide of the ladui. Oct tres*T

with him bird the Sutlege aa th« boundar; to b» ambition on our aide ... Aa long as it suited

out puipcee, we maintained that tbe ttraty made the Sutl'Se, when it became meteed in rhe

Indus, the bat to Raniect Sinjh'a power on this side On that account when be took the

teiricoTiea of the Nawab of Bahawatpur onthe othecaideof the cieer. we did not allow him

to touch on this side, although we bad no treaty with Bahawalput. and that state was not

in contemplation when tbe treaty with Runieet Singh for the protection of tbe Sikhs on '&>*

aide of the Sutlege was made. Ate we at liberty to put one consttucticn of treaty at one
and another at another when it sum oor coneenicnce ? If not, we can hatdly »ay that we have
eny tight to intetfetc between Bbn.iCM ,W.

» WadetoMaenaghten.50clober,1835.ISPU)240«obet 1536 No 4 • UT.IlKu').

* n-id. 5 September, 1836.(P) 142 : 61 ; ur. Ill 573.

» Ihid. 5 October. 18i6. uc luvra ; UT. Ill, (Us), p. 313,

* Macnaghten to Wade, 2 Match, ia37.(p) 119 • it).

’ Ibid. 26 September. 1836.(PP) XXXIV. 1843. 2.

* Ihld. MNavemhec, 1836-(P) 107: 33.

» Ibid, 26 September. 1836. wrwprBtUX.miieJ.p. 537.

FIRST CONTACTS

Id thif manner failn! Ranjit SiRgh*< diplomacy in Sind, and his agoressise
dfiignj on Shitsfpur. OrilUh rcaliutMn of an unfair deal to the Silh ruler led
lo his pL-ication by abribe of IS.00,000 rupees out of a sum extorted outrageously
from the Sindhian Amirs.’ In this manner was sustained the Maharaja’s vanity at
the cost of his ambition.

7. DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH
31. Firit toniiett

EARLY BRITISH CONTACTS with the Sikh country and Ranjit Singh
were the result of an exaggerated Afghan threat to India, when in the year ISOO.
Lord Wellesley’s Government sent Mir Yusuf Ali Khan, a British emissary to the
Court of Ranjit Singh of Lahore. It is. however, clear that the threat was unduly
magnified by Wellesley to force his treaty on the Nawab Vaeier of Oudh ; that the
fear of an Afghan-SiLh coalition was unrealistic and that the overtures of the
RohiHas and the Maraihas to Shah Zaman could not endanger Oudh and Delhi.*
To thwart the imaginary threat of Shah’s advance on Delhi, Wei'esley however
assembled the main body of (he army of Bengal on the frontier of Oudh;* and
directed the Resident at Lucknow to arrange with the Sikh Chiefs a concerted p'an
of operations against the Shah* regarding which eommunicaiions had been received
by the Govemor'Ceneral front (he Bhangi and RSmgarhiS Sardars.*

When in 1799, Ranjit Singh had occupied Lahore, the British even then
considered him a Chief of little significance and far too distant. The scxalled
grant of Lahore to the young ^ukerchakia Chief was noticed in the British records,
particularly the Poona Residency Correspondence, and it was remotely apprehended
that a Sikh-Afghan coalition would emerge. The mission of Mir Yusuf All Khan
Sent to Lahore to forestall this unnatural combinaiioa attained substantially nothing,
for, when (he British emissary arrived at Lahore late in ISOO, the threat of Afghan
invasion had evaporated.

It is, however, interesting to note that the British mission did not make
much impression on Ranjit Singh, who listened to Mir Yusuf AIi Khan's exhortations
regarding the danger posed to the Punjab by the cruel and treacherous Afghans,
the superiority of the British arms, and the dire consequences of the Sikhs forming

I M*etistht«n to Toifen*. 26 Jiin«.18».ISP(l) ITOctobtr. 1933.

> S««lenecaUr. Wctlnter to DaodM, 23 Februtra. t793-(WO). I. Ill; Govemot.
Gtotril to Seeree Committee. 23 ApriL ISOO-BISUI). V«L 3 ; PRC, viii mad it.

S Wellesler to Court o( Diteefon-tWD). i. CiXXXlV.

* Goeetno(.Genetil to Secret CoomUtcc, 24 Decembei, 1193-BtSl. ft) Vol. 3.

# BPC (I) 9 Jooe. 1797. No. 3,

366 DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OT RANIIT SINGH

any connection with ibcm.i The Maharaja treated the British mission welf, ac-*
dismissed Yusuf Ali Khan with a khiirat and presents *

An important outcome of Mir Yusuf AH Khan’s mission was the estabiish
ment of a vague sort of connection between the East India Company, the Cis-Sut ej
Sardars and Kanjit Singh. Earlier political communications of Raojit Singh to
Mr. Collins, the British Resident with Sindhia indicate his political wisdom in
assuring the British Governmtnl that their fears of a Sikh-Afghan coalition we«
groundless, and that he considered the Afghans as unreliable tyrants and confiOT
liars.* He assured the British of his friendship. “Shah Zaman”, he wrote, was
the enemy to the lives and property of both your government and mine, an
meditates the ruin of both the states.”*

32. Desire for klllanee

Wellesely papers show that during the overthrow of the Marathas
(1803"04), although some of the CiS'SuiIej Chiefs has stood for and against thf
British, Ranjit Singh had remained cautiously aloof. Reports circulated at Dellu
that he had signed a secret treaty with the Maraiha deputy Perron on the basis of
reciprocal military assistance.* That these reports were imaginary is proved by the
fact that Ranjit Singh had informed the British Governraent of the overtures ma'l*
to him by Perron.* Ranjit Singh's correspondence during this period shows that

he had no intention of offering any assistance to the Marathas against the British,

but was earnestly desirous of entering into a treaty with them ; and that in return
for a defensive alliance, he was prepared to accept British supremacy over all
countries south of the river Sutlej.’

Kegatise British reaction to these positive proposals of Ranjit Singh seems
to be their ignorance about the Sikhs. They were considered as an untrustworthy
race, and Ranjit Singh at quite a distance from the field of their intended operations
though capab’e of exerting influence over the other fickle and faithless Sikh
Chiefs sitting on fence till they were fully convinced of the overthrow of the
Marathas.*

^ CaCHat to<rDvernpr-G'«n«Mf,2¥ Juiie,lSJ0.PRC, 7

* UT. It. p. 54.

» Collinf to WtUtsUr, 13 Oscsinher. ISOO-PCR, ii. No. 24 A {Enelosure fwo
Ranjit SiD}l>').

* January. 1801. CP. cii.

s OehtciUn, to WeUnI*,. 7 Dcceober, 18M-BSPC(0 3t January. 1605. CZ30.

» Wtn„,„toL,Ve.2Au«a*t.J80S-BSPC(l)2Match.lSCM. CU. para 5.

Lake to WcUesIcy. 6 Sertember, 18(B.cp.e«.tEaelosur*),C79
9 Welle.l*; to UVe. 22 Sepumber. 1803. «r. «i,, C113, paras’ IJ and 14.

AWiSEsrep

Soon after the suppressioa orcte Sikh dqjredations in the Doab in ISCM,
DaviJ Ochterfony, the British Resident at Deibi, suggested to the Government of
India the annexation of the Vihoie country upto the banks of the Sutlej in the
name of the Mughal emperor without great expense,* but the Marquis of Wellesley
fought shy of subjecting the region to British paramountacy in a more decided
manner. The subjection of the Cis-Sotlej Sikh region to British authority was
deemed unjust and inexpedient.* A permanent arrangement with the Sikhs and
Ranjit Singh was cooiidered uftwarranfaWe and erpeastve.* Any arsociation
with Ranjit Singh would invoive the British Government in a participation in his
schemes of conquests,* British invotvemeni with the Marathas and Oudh precluded
any unnecessary embroilment in the politics of the Sikh country, then considered a
wild region inhabited by a wild race !

as. AwiMitep

The policy of Brrtiih noo-interfercnce in the country bc}-ond the Jumna in
IS03-04 gave Ranjil Singh a free hand to extend his authority over the MJlwa and
Sirhind Sikhs. It was apparent to him that the Company's frontiers stopped at
theJutnna, and that the British Government was not ioierested in interfering in his
schemes of conquest. Then came llolkar's intrusion into the Punjab in 1805, and
Lord Lake in hot pursuit of the Maratba refugee baited at the Bear with his army
to settle the issue. The expulsion of lloikar from bis terniones by Ranjit Singh
made a deep impression on Lake and Wellesley of bis good intentions towards the
British Government. Although diRcrenl versions of Ranjit Singh's change of his
earlier syrapathefic attitude towards Holkar are forthcoming, yet »t is dear that be
realised the power of British arms and fool a decision not to hnk up his ambitions
with a forlorn cause. This eminently wise step, perhaps, saved his little kingdom
from certain destruction at its inception, and won him British friendship and
confidence.

ot Brtttcli trUaJihlp

The Anglo-Sikh treaty of 1806 bestowed upon Ranjit Singh ample rewards.

It allowed him a free bend in subjugating the Cis-Sutlej territories unhampered.

* Ocbtetlony 10 W(lle<l<r, ? Dfcenher. 18C4.IIS iipra.

* I’liSr. LumiJtn't Xlinvit— ttriident «t Delhi to Oebterlonr. 13 lenutt;, 1805.
tKncloiUiel-BSPCft) 3t J.nuety, 1835,CSU.

* Ihd.

* Wei!»»!e5'» Iitnifettcn of tie Sotapanf'e fconttet «t rbe Jama*, epere (rom other
enaeldentfOat tree, perhept due to the feet due tbe enuatr/ h*/oaJ ib^t nvet wu eooaidered
Jnfeefed by bead* tf werJike SJkb*. whoweie foe Itoia Iriendly to««rda the Bcjtieh dorin/
:b»if»tnJ«Sle with the Mstetbeit 1803), end rt« Ooeb dutatbuices (18014)3). Moreoeet.in
tbe ioptndiDl ttruitle with Hotket end the iBiB of Bbitatput. the &ikb< were deemed
unrelitble kUiri.

565 BiplOmaCy And politics o? raniiT sinGH

The policy of cautious neutrality adopted by the British for political considerations
led to the first two MSlwa campaigns in the Cis-Sutlej region, and it is certain,
that but for the intercession of Francophobia and Metcalfe's mission, the extension
of Ranjit Singh’s authority to the Jumna would have been the logical consequence
of Sikh ambition. Within a few months after the treaty, Ranjit Singh began the
subjugation of the Cis-Sutlej region, and by 1808, practically unnoticed by the
British, he had established a rfe facto suzerainly over Malwa and Sirhind, The
entire Cis-Sutlej region trembled before the might of his arms. The Chiefs of the
region hovered around him to pick up the crumbs of territorial grants and awards,
submissively willing to accept Ranjit SingVs suzerainty as lord-paramount of all
the Sikhs.

Therefore, Ranjit Singh’s virtual domination of the Sikh country between
the Sutlej and the Jumna was the outcome partly of British supineness and to a
larger extent, their conviction of bis friendly intentions towards them. The stir
created by his successive inroads into Malwa and Sirhind compelled the Cis-Sutlej

Sardars to send, in 1808, a deputation to Delhi to seek British protection against

his aggressive designs upon their possessions. They complained to the Resident
at Delhi that Ranjit Singh was a Chief of unreliable temper, that his real intention
was to subjugate their territory, and that protection, if granted to them, would
make them ever loyal to the British Government.*

The British Government adopted art entirely evasive attitude. The
CivSmlej deputalionislsweTe loW that the British Government had no quarrel
with Ranjit Singh, that it was improbable that he had evil designs on their
territories, and that their uneasiness was iU-fonnded.* In this manner were dismissed
the Cis-Sutlej supplicants for British protection against Ranjit Singh’s aggressions.
In short, the complaints of the Sardars were considered imaginary, inopportune and
ill-founded,

33. Minto-Ranjit Singh Correspoodaoce

Ranjit Singh was aware of the perfidy of the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs. His spies
had trailed the deputation to Delhi. The Lahore Diarist records that the Maharaja
viewed the transactions of the raja of Ritiala and other Malwa Chiefs with
contempt. They were belftccn the devil and the deep sea, and in order to save
themselves, they had sent emissaries to the British to come to their aid.* Ranjit

Singh had viewed the continuous sUy of the Cis-SulleJ Chiefs at Delhi with utmost
suspicion. In July 1808, he wrote to Lord Minto and charged the Cis-Sutlej

* ^ 18 April, 1303. C8.

* ur.ii. p.

FlUST EaERCISE in diplomacy 3«)

Chiefs cf raltab, Nabha, Jind and Kaithal of dttpUcity and Intrigue. }Ie said,
that the Chiefs had sent bins letters «btch had led him to suppose that the Ontisb
Government was making preparations ofwar against him- lie charged them with
perfidy and fjJschcod.* lie enclosed copies of these teusrs to the Goseroor-
Ocncral, which had been received by him from the Sikh Chiefs containing these and
many other aliegatloos.

The eommvnieation from Rsnfit Singh ob%}ouily aimed at diicrciSitins the
Chiefs of Patiala. Nabha, Jind and Kaithal who had sought British protection
against him. On 20 June, tSOS, Ranjit Singh wrote to Lord hfinto conveying his
sense of friendship, and enclosing a MemnfonJum containing his suggestions for
an offensive and defensive alliance with a pica for the removal of misunderstanding
created by the Cis-Sutlej Chiefs.*

Lord Minio’s reply to Rarsjit Singh assured him that the British Government
disbelieved all the idle reports mentioned by him, and that an envoy would soon
anive at his Court to negotiate with him the matters connected with the welfare of
both the Stales.*

First etefclw la diplenser

Diplonutie oegotuiions during the early stages of the Melcolfe Missios
(ISOS-O?) eshibit Ranjit Singh’s extraordinary vigour and astuteness. The British
envoy had come to Lahore to olTer to the Maftara/a proposals for an oifeniive and
defensive alliance against the imaginary French menace to India.* The Maharaja
gate little credence to the supposed threat, but found it a eooveaient handle to gam
British recognition to his claim of paramountcy over all the Sikhs. This point needs
a little elaboration in (he light of diplomatic discussions. \V7ieo the British envoy
told the Maharaja that a French army would soon approach the Indus, that he
should co-operate with the British Government in his own interests by consenting
to the march of a British force through the Punjab,* Ranjit Singh exhibited a
most striking sense of jealousy and suspicion. Ke observed that he was not

> R«o)i( SiBSh lo Leid Mloto, (July, 13CS-HMS(I). Vot. 592. No. 22,r*r* 2. Rcfcirini
lo tbs foit^nersmt of bil vtair to Har^vor, bo irfotmod Lord Minto that tbe Cis-Suilt] 5ikb
Chitfi bid KprftrnCfd to bin ifait Arebibsid beton ib( Rosldrsc *t Drlbt. bid ordeted
troopi to taircb ijilnat fatm, and that, it bo came to Hatdwoc. be would do fo at bia owa
rill— ’*0 bartfeadtacHirdo'ar wirb foaftfra oactaaCM bad born COBitrvetfd tatatitp him I"

(Eacloturo No. 1).

» ilMS(l). Vol. 593 (EnclofUtc II>-RdairtSi«<b'f Moraeraadom.

* MiBfD ts> SltvrK Jl Jul/, tSM-HMSd}. ««v N*. No. 23, patit 1-2.

* SecrtC Comaiiitto-^tcaioraadaot No- CO, VTol. 511, /of. 61.

* Edooniioot to Metcalfe. 20 )uao, ISOMUPCtt) use date. C3. patai 35-36,

N-47

370 DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OF RANJlT SINGH

convinced of the French threat ; at any rate, it appeared to him too remote to be
real ; he was willing to accept British proposals for a joint action against the
French threat, provided the British Government should first acknowledge him as
the head of the Sikh nation.*

Counter-proposals made by Ranjit Singh, without the acceptance of whici
he refused to come to terras, included among others, the British acceptance of his
suzerainty over the Sutlej-Jumna region,* non-interference in his schemes of conquest
against the territories subject to the Afghans,* a defensive and offensive alliance
with the British Government,* an assurance that the time and route of the march
of British army through his territories and its evenlnal evacuation should be settled
Ihrou^ his concurrence.*

These Sikh demands flabbergasted the British envoy, who had come to
Lahore with grandiose schemes of overawing the ruler of Lahore. However,
Metcalfe was surprised to witness the mihTaiy power ofRanjit Singh in 180^*
reported that the Maharaja had viitualJy made himself the overlord of the region
between the Sutlej and the Jumna and his successive conquests tended towards the
complete subjugation of the area.*

But although the pursuance of a vigorous diplomacy of evasion by Raojd
Singh was impressive, its enforcement by an impetuous and hasty display of force m
the CiS'Sutlej region proved to be an error of miscalculation. Metcalfe's reports
regarding his aggressive designs across the Sutlej created a sharp reaction at Fort
William. It was noted that the Maharaja treated the Napoleonic menace a«
illusory, that he had no intentioa of treating the British mission seriously, and that
he was anxious to prevent Elphinstone’s passage through his territories on a
similar nussioa to Afghanistan.® It was also realised that the British refusal of
protection to the Cis-Sutlej States in I gOS had encouraged Ranjit Siagb to d ominate
the region with the result that the Chiefs were in compulsory attendance on him and
the local Sardais bent on mischief.*

i Metealle-Despateh No. a-B5PC(I) Z4 October. 1803, C69.

* JliJ. Despjtch No. 23 and 26-BSPCa) 24 and 31 October, 13)3. C69 and C2.
a ihid. Despatch No. SS.BSI*C(l> 23 Norembei, 13)3, C4.

* Jbld.

4 ISid.

« rt’^.Desr.tth No. 13.BSPC(D 3 October. 1S«, 020.

* GaTemof-Geaeral to Secret Conunittee. 15 December. ISJS-BtSLn) VoI.lO.f^f*

p»ta 2.

» Metealfe-Despateh No. 23. vi

* No. I6.BSPC<Z) IT October, 1303,012.

SECOS'DmASE or DIPLOMACY 371

37 S««Otsd rluMof dlflOBtcy

With the fccct^ion of riench threat, the tecond phase of Anglo-Sikh
dipfotnacy began. In Deee«ter 1S03. the Supreme Government had come to a
dcciilon for the reduction or iub%eraion of Ranjit Singh’s power even without
reference to the apprehended FrcDch itmtion. It was decided to prevent the
etiension of Sikh power across the Suttcj, to afford protection to the Cis-Suticj
Chiefj, require Ranjit Singh to relinquish all pretensions of tosereignly oser the
Cis-Sufiej region, and to surrender all conquests made suhsequent to the arrival
of the British Mission.* Metcalfe’s persuations having failed to attain their
ohjectise, these were now reinfarced by the advance of British detachments to the
Sutlej under Colonel Ochlerlony and General St. Leger. These arguments of
force alerted the Maharaja, who took countertneasures of war in huff and
eacitement lo slop the Brjliib advance lo the Sutlej But ultimalely. recourse to
diplomatic negotiations was taken on 12 December

Determined to csinee the superiority of Briiish arms, Metcalfe confronted
the Maharaja with the impending arrival of the British troops on the SulJej. He
iafonned him of the British daitti to paratnouniey. its resolution to protect the
CiS'SutleJ Cfaiefi, and demanded the surrender of his recent conquests and the
withdrawal of his troops Immeduiely to (he right bank of the Sullcj.*

38. tSitllc o( irtuveriK

Ranjit Singh took the British demands calmly. Bluster of Sikh military
preparations to slop the British advance (o (be Sutlej basing failed to register impan,
it was prudently considered lo fight out(he issues by diplomatic negotiations. On
21 December, the Maharaja assisted by his Council of ministers launched the
attack. The British claim of paramountcy over the Cis-Sutlej Sikh Stales was
vehemently challenged. It was pointed out (hat (he British Gosemment had never
on any occasion esereised such right ; the mere fact that Ranjit Siogh had not been
interfered with his former incursions in (he CiS'Sutlej region was an incontrovertible
proof that the British Ooseromcnl had no inleBtion of eacreiiing any superrnacy
over the Sikh Chiefs. Had it been so. it would hate paid attention to the
solicitation of protection by the Sikh Chiefs who bad gone (o do so to Delhi in
March 1808. On the other hand, they bad since acknowledged the supermacy of
the Maharaja, received grants of territories from him, am] offered nazronas in token
of allegiance to the Lahore Government. No British protest had so far been made ;
the so-called introduction of British power in northern India carried with it no

■ * Ednonitont to Mrtctllc, 31 Oetoticr. 1803 ; Metetit* to Rtnjlc Siolh, 12 Drcrmber,
ISOi-BSPCd) 2 J.nu»rj. 1809. C93.

> Eator toKtjvb of Uhocr, 12 Oectnibef.lSI^-No. 41-t}SPC(I) 2 Januiry. 1803. C93.

372 DIPLOMACY AND POLITICS OP RANIIT SINGH

inttrent right of interference beyond th^tratna. The right of P”“™'7n

if any, did not exist as it had never been , '^. °'':„'"„, be revived at

obsolete tight ; and having once been relinquished, it could not

pleasure.^

Metealfe’s rejoinder to these arguments was equally spirited.
and his Council of Ministers were informed that it was unnecessa y t P

original right of G-ernment as to when it had sae^eded to

exercised by the Marathas in the region. It had allowed lh> C J

conduct their affairs without any interference “ “''“'f y . they

them. British protection had never been refused to the

had visited Delhi, but it was believed that thmr alarms agains p

of Raajit Singh were unfounded. The British Government had if

admowledgement of Uhore suzerainty by the Cis-Sut ej “ J ' ^ gad

it had, it eould not have agreed to it. At any rate, now that the Matouj

tried to impose his authority over the country, the British Government f
called upon to interfere and declare to him that it could not acquiesce
bis designs.

Chtnnelo! dtplotnitU

The vigorous diplomatic dialogue ultimately ended in an Anglo-SilA treaty
ofpeace and friendship in 1809. making the river Sutlej as a

between the two States. It also led to the establishment of the Ludhiana Po

Agency,* soon after, through which all political and diplomatic matters o
State of Lahore were broached, discussed and settled. Originally Ludhiana

seized by Ranjit Singh during his early MSlwa campaigns and bestowed upon

BhagSinghofJind, who in 1809 expressed a desire to the British „

exchange it with either Kama! or Panipat* With the establishment of a
post at Ludhiana, although its exdiange was considered highly desirable.
Singh’s proposition was not approved from fear of arousing Ranjit Singh’s
British intentions.* For obvious political reasons, soon after the treaty of 18 »

s These arjuraeots adrsneed W rtf* Mahataja’a ministers and the cneoy * *

contained in MetcalJe’a despitebe* to the Goeetntneat ol India of 18 20 and 22 Decem
1S03 (Noa.43-53VBSPC(I)30JantjatT.lS09, C103.l(C. Also a substance of these is ‘

GoTemor-General to Seeiet Committee. 15 ApiiL 18C9-BISL(I>. fel. 137 paras 13. IS-M.

* For a brief account of ihe Lodbsana Agensy vide, the present wtitet'a
Sftdtions. Hoshiatpuf, 1963, p, 105 ff ; p. 110 ff.

* Tlfemerfal of Raja Bhag 5in<4— BSPCfX) 20 March, 1!09, C27.

* Geeetnaeat to Ochietlon;. 3 }ane.l699.>tMS(lf, Vol. 595 i Government loSe*'®'
3 June. lS09.BSPCtI) aime date. 039.

aiAKKEL OF OtnOMATJC REtATtOKS S73

Vi'S! decided to dlieontmue the DtitUh military foit at Ludhiana at it had aroused
Rinjit Sinfh'i sutpiciont and had led lo the sUcn|iheninj; of the border fortresses
of Gobindjrath arid ThUlour. Morcotrr. Lord Minto had fiten a personal
auuraQee to Ranjit Singh that Rritith ladiury detachments would be withdrawn
from Ludhiana. s Any appreheniron that a baity withdrawal of Ilritish troops
might tempt Ranjft Singh to let/e Ladhiana and conicrt if into a Sikh mifiCary
eanfonment,* haiiitg been found baseless. LuJWana was converted into a Political
Ajrrncy in JSJO. UUimaitly, Ludhiana Pohtical Agency was eatrusieJ with the
task of dealing with nil political relations with (he Lahore Government, and the
affairs of the Punjab bc)'ond the Sutlej and the Indus.

Misto te RaajlT SiBlti. 3 ]un«, ieoa-BS?C(I> Mat dtit. C4.
Mctctlft toGo’*tt'nitot,2 June. I809HMS(IJ, Vot 595. No. SO.

Chapter 17

SOCIAL. ECONOMIC. AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN THE PUNJAB
UNDER RANJIT SINGH

I. TheRiogdom

THE KINGDOM OF THE PUNJAB under Ranjit Singh had extensjvc
limits.! In the northwest its boundaries extended into the base of the
territory northeast of Peshawar, touching the small fort of OoLolc about 25 nn c
northwest of Gilgit ; then these extended to about 12 miles of the Karakuram range,
where a small Sikh fortress stood at Chaola. Beyond Peshawar, the Sikh f*
tended upto Fatchgarh, a fort near the Khybcr Pass.’ In the northeast the >
dominion touched the boundaries of Chamba and Kulu. In the south the >
boundary touched the undefined borderland of Sind beyond Rojhan and Mlthaa o ,
the junction of the rivers Indus and the Sutlej. From the southern extremity o
Mithankot the boundaryltoe turned upwards to the Rowant Pass, thence towar t
the Sulaiman range extending itself along the east base 16 miles of Tank;
towards the western boundary of Bannu to Kalabagb. It extended about ®ii
of the fort of Attock moving northwards towards the Khyber Pass. "While in t ®
north Ranjit Singh's kingdom extended from the highest chain of the Himalayas
north latitude to 28®, and from 70® to 79® longitude west, the Sutlej and the Ghara
formed its boundaries in the south and southeast.

2. Subsbs and feudatories

The Lahore Kingdom and its feudatories states under Ranjit Singh com-
prised of the Subahs of Lahore, Multan. Peshawar, Kashmir and their dependenciM-
The Subah of Lahore where the central government was situated included the entire
Manjha country and the important towns of Lahore and Amritsar: its population
towards the close of the Maharaja's reign approximated 19,00,000. The SubSh of

». Cunniogbam's description of the geo(»{>iiical Utaits of the Sikh Occupation whi<h
includes the domioioor of Mahaiaia Raniit Sinth is clastic ; "The Sikhs, or Ditcipl**”" ***
wiote in 1318. ••hare now become a oatioo ; and they occupy or have extended their influence
ftom Dethi to Peshawar, aid from the pUios of Smd to the Karakoram mountains. The

domiBiont acquired by the Sikhs ere thof included between the 2Sth and 36th patalW*
north Ut.tude. and between the 7Ut sad TJth meridians of east lonjitude : end if a
four hunJteJ and fifty miles be drawn Irora Panipatto the Khaibar Pass. two trainjl*** atnios'
equilateral, rosy be deietibei upon it. which abaU include the conqueit* of Ranjit Singh and
the fixed eoloaiet of the Sikh people.”

subAhs anc feudatobies

37S

Multan included the dependencies all along the east bank of the river Indus, and the
districts of Jhang, Den Ismail Khan, Dcra Gbazi Khan, Muzaffargarh and Lciah :
its population appro\imated 7,50,000. The Su^aA of Peshawar comprised of the
Valley of Peshawar and its dependencies across the river Indus and in the Yusafzai
territories : its population approximated 6,00,000. Tie SuA<3A of Kasbmir included
the whole Valley of Kashmir, Muzaffarabad, Ladakh, Odgit etc. ; its population
appro.simately 5,50.000.* The tributary states of the Lahore Government were:
Bilaspur, Suket, Chamba, Rajoun, Ladakh and Islardu. The territories which were
farmed out were amongst others : Mandi, Kulu. Jaswan. Kangra, Kuilahar, Siba,
Nurpur, Haripur, Datarpur, Katlah, BbosalS, Muzatfarabad, Chach-Hazara, Pakhli,
Dhanlnr, Rawalpindi, Hasan Abdal, Dhanni, Katas, Chafcwal, Tank, Bannu,
Mankera, Ramnagar, Mitta Tiwana. Bhera, Khushab, Pbd Dadan Khan, Gujrat,
Wazirabad, Sialkot, the Jullundur Doab and SheiVbupura. Besides. Ranjif Singh
possessed large territories on the left bank of the Sutlej yielding an annual revenue
of 20,00,000 rupees.

The Kingdom of the Punjab and its feudatory states at the zenith of Ranjit
Singh’s power covered an estimated area 1,00.436 sq. miles with as approximate
population estimated by Smyth, five years aBer the hfaharaja's death, to be
S3,SO,000.* The Suhaft-wise break-up of the population of the Punjab is
ettimsted as uoder* Lahore— 19,00,000 : Kasbmir— 5.50,000 ; MuJan— 7,50,000 ;
Peshawai—fi.OO.OOO : the Derajat- 4,50,000 ; Jammu and bill country— 11.00,000.
The city of Lahore was the most populous of the kingdom with 72,500 inhabitants
and 3,000 shops ; Kashmir 65,000 inhabitants and 2,500 shops , Amntsar 60,000
inhabitants and 4,500 shops ; Peshawar 55,000 inhabitants and 2,000 shops ; Multan
45,000 inhabitants and l.SOO shops ; Jammu 10.000 inbabitants and 250 shops; and
Dera Ismail Khan 8,000 inhabitants aud 300 shops’. The Central Punjab is a flat
plain, fertile and rich, comprisiug of the Sari Doab, the territory between the rivers

- * The TripafCit* (reacr oT ‘S33cO(>l!(me4 aortic Stkfaaatl tbe terntorr IrioZon citbcf
aid* o( tbe rivet laJui >ix.. Kashmii, idcIuJidS ki limita, E, W. K. S, coeeiber vitb tbelottcf
Actock. Cbacb Kazata, Khabal. Jtmb, with lUdeTCoeetictcs. do the Itic baofc of tbe atoieaaiJ
livn; aod on tbe tiSht bask Feahsieac mill tbcYicufzaitcmtorr. tbe Ebataks, Hatbtnagar,
jilicbsi, Kobat. Haofzu. and at! cebet piaccs rfcpciidcat oa Fobawar, at far at tbeb^ybet
Past, Bannu, tbe Waziri tcnitorj : Daot-TaoV. Garan(, Ealabtffa, and Ebusbaltaib vcith
theit dependent distiiets . Deta Itoall Ebao with itt dcpcadcncy ; Kot Micban Amaikot and
theitdepetideoctermotz iSauSbar. Haraod-Dajal, Ha)iput. Kaianpnr. and tbe three Kacbes.
at veil at Mankera w-tiz itt district, aod ifae pionoce of Muttas, iitnated on tbe njbt bank.

* Exact acatiatics tegitditig the poptsUtion of tbe labote kinfJoD are ootaTaiUfata.
Tbe aboveeetimtte it by Cannicfatel Szntb dated 1817. VtJe. A Htttorr rf laeJUiCeinZ
Pomilv ef toMorr, London. 1317, Appemit*. p, XXIX-XXA.

1 At lohov CatmicbietSmrtb atrivedat tbesccalcuUticot it oot knovn. but ibete
Kttajesertppzoiiatthof rrSarJlod the Pnojab pfliailation are tbe only one* available.

3% SOCIAL, economic AND EELIfllOUS CONDITIONS

Beai =nd Ravi; the Kcchm DeaS. the I

Cheoab ; the C/jo; Doab, the territory between the rivers Chenab
the Sfn(J 5flgnr Doa6. the territory between the rivers Indus, Jehlura
and the Bisi JuUundiir, the territorry between the Bcas and the Sutlej.

3. l^bore ; the metropoH*

Lahore, the metropolis or ths Slate, whare the Maharaja lived and held his
royal Court, was the nevcr-centre of the Kingdom. It was a city of gar

and ruins. It throbbed with great political and commercial

circle of the Fort fortifications was the MaharajVs Palace, surround ' jj
gardens and spacious courtyards. Commanded by the Palace, a P ^

of the city and the Ravi was the local Camp de Mors, and viewed from the ouu
stretched out from the ramparts in a picturesque manner. AU os

military camps— the regiments of the FoayiKhas, of the GhorcharSs, ° ® rtress

trained in European discipline by Allard and Ventura ; and within the o •
stationed a little distance from the Palace, was the Maharaja’s
outbuildings of the royal place were mostly occupied by arsenals. The ^
had his residence in the Mughal Palace and a range of boildings with oct g
towers called the A/uJwman 5ufi, where he transacted all official business oi
State, and held his Court in the DhrSn-i-Am or the Audience Hall.

Emperor Akbar bad surrounded the city of Lahore with a wall, which as ffi®
time passed, fell into ruinous disrepair. Ranjit Singh entirely reboilt it. ^
architectural history of Lahore is almost entirely Mughal, though it retains a «
specimens of Afghan style, mostly religious in character, as for instance, the to
of Sh5h MOsa and of Data Ganj Battsh. The fortress of Lahore and its wa
within which the Sikh monarch resided, are traditionally said to have been
miraculously raised by Malik Ayyaz in a single night, but in reality they are the

of Emperor Akbar, who made Lahore his capital for a number of years.

The

massive gateways, the elaborately carved buildings in the interior of the fort, and
the elegently styled klwobgah of Emperor Jahangir, and his mausoleum at Shahdara
across the Ravi, the tomb of AsafKhan, and that of Nur Jahan, the mosque o
Waatr Khan, the Pearl Mosque, the Garden of Shalamar, and the Jomcf Mosjid an
the 'IdgOh are the finest specimens of the Mughal and Indo-Muslim architecutre.

To Shah Jahan may be attributed the enlargement of the work of beauti-
fication of the city ofLahore begun by Akbar and Jahangir. Most of the important
buildings and mausoleums of note were constructed and executed under the super*
vision of Asaf Khan. The royal palace was enlarged with a range of buildings tor
the Imperial Mughals, the gardens were laid in the Chinese style, and the exquisite
Musiaman Bur}, a marble pavilion of beauty of design and style, was buUL

Maharaja Ranjit Singh had neither the taste nor leisure for lingering over
elegence of arehitectural designs so delicately executed by the Mughals. He followed

LAHORE : THE METROPOLIS

3?7

a policy of judicious spoilatioa and a hybrid design, having stripped the hfuhamma-
dan tombs and mausoleums of their marble facings for the Sikh temple at Amdtsari.
His futile attempt to restore the Shatamar Cardens to its former glory, resulted in
the erection of bad// designed struefares in bnct and mortar; and some additions
and alterations inside the fort in the Uuuaman BurJ were the ugly specimens of
imposition of vulgarly designed and badly executed substitutions in comparison to
the superb Mughal architecture. At Lahore, the Sikh architecture, for what its
worth, is badly conceived and poorly designed. It is a poor blending of Hindu
and Mughal design. It is insipid, and tasteless, and has no elegence or reSnement,
With the exception of the Golden Temple at Amritsar, and the Smodh or the
mausoleum of Ranjit Singh — built substantiaffy in Hindu design but overlaid with
Muhammadan details, the reign of Ranjit Singh can hardly boast of any works of
architectural magniCcence.

The city of Lahore had lost its splendour since the generations of despoila*
(ion by the Afghans and the Sikhs ; and yet its mosques, gardens and palaces still
retained their subdued embellishments. Akbar bad enlarged the fort, and surrounded
the city with a walJ, 39 feet high extending for about 7 mdes. The city wall was
repaired by Ranjit Singh in 1814 and a moat around the city was constructed.
Several of the old buildings in the fort were in ruins, and had been repaired and
altered without good feeling and taste.* The garden named the HasTtn Bagh, used
as a sera'l under the Mughals bad been turned into a pleasure garden ; the exquisite
ornamentation adorning its marble edifice eras taken from the tombs of Asaf Khan
and Emperor Jahangir's mausoleum at Sbabdara.* The JSmo* Maajid of Lahore
served as a magazine.

A little farther from the two storey marble pavilion in the Hoznri BJgh
stands the mausoleum of Ranjit Siogb, which is described as a curious mixture of
Hindu and Muhammadan architecture : "In the centre is a raised stone placfonn,
on which is a marble lotus flower, surrounded by eleven smaller ones. The central
flower covers the ashes of the Maharaja, the otbers the four wives and seven slave
girls who perished on his funeral pyre.”*

. The circumference of the city of Lahore, a populous town with narrow
streets and baaars, is described atabout 12 kes,* aud its popubtion estimated in

r Cazeiteir cfLa1iortViJmet.p.29.

* Moorcrott, Travttu p. 62 f.

■ * ihd.

’* fff Tivt Siyfrs

' ■ AeceiainetdTinoussuttiotitiM.tisdcTtbeMutfaib.tbecirr of Laboce eoveieil a

Ouch Utjer«r«« tbsn ondet the Sikhi. It cstended fiom tbe wtlls of the fotttett W
Shatamar, and wai divided ioco 36 fuzan. or quaneo • >S bid ilao s nuch larfei population.

N-43 -

3^3 SOCIAL. ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

1831 at about 50,000, about half of that of Amritsar, less mixed than that of the
latter city. It consisted of Hindus, Sikhs, Muhammadans, with plenty of Afghans,
Kashmiris and some Parsians and a few Armenians. Jacquemont, who visited
Lahore in 1831, confirms that the practice of Muhammadan religion was permitted,
and the Sikhs had left several mosques with their minarets in tact.' He gives a
picturesque description of the interior of the city: ‘'Narrow winding streets, where
the mud often remains even in dry season ; some of them containing shops, whose
windows, often protected by a penthouse, make them still narrower ; ail the evil
smells of these liny factories, for most of the merchants manufacture themsehes
in front of their shops the articles they sell, either vases or ornaments of copfSfi
sweatmeats, or vile pastry, or dyes : bulls, cows, goats, and donkeys wandering
freely about ; horses placed under a shelter which projects into public street, with
their hind legs attached by two long cords to a post in the centre of the street,
half starved and ravenous dogs often covered with disgusting sores ; here and there
heaps of brick, the ruins of former houses, and piles of dung which the neighbouring
inhabitants have deposited ; trees stretching across the road stripped of their leaves
by passing camels and elephants ; such is the interior of Lahore.”'

TbeSikhCourtnobility, who followed the Maharaja everywhere, bad
for themselves magnificent though ungainly structures~amongst them the
citadeUike hove/J of Jamadat Khushal Singh, and General Ventura’s magnificently
built residence in the precincts of Anatkali’s tomb at Lahore. But the houses built
by the Sardars and influential men were merely functional : they lacked clcgence of
style or any architectural perfection. There is hardly anything individualistic about
the Sikh style of architecture in the very few structures of the time extant at Lahore ;
they exhibit a random admwture of Mubammadac and Rajput ornamentation and
sorely lack grace and beauty of design and execution.

Around Lahore suburbs and across the Ravi, practically in ruins and in an
extremely neglected state, were the mausoleums of Jahangir, Nur Jahan and Asaf
Khan, bereft of their valuable omameotstioos and precious stones despoiled to
adorn the palaces and gardens of Raojit Singh. Their graceful minarets and copulas
with fretted work of while marble, all the marble facings of their domes goos*
presented a desolate appearance. Three miles away from the Sikh metro-
polis were the Shalamar Gardens, a place of retreat, relaxation and eatertaiomeut
for the Maharaja. Laid out in 1637, by Emperor Shah Jahan in the style of the
garden of same name by Emperor Jahangir in Kashmir, it was a beautiful resort in
summer, and the Maharaja and his Camp often sought relaxation there. On special
occasions, the beautiful marble pavilion and the gardens were jllaminated and its

500 foun tains, feeded by underground water channels, played in the gay atmosphere

1 Journal, Libore, 19H p. 57-».

s tin.

A»ftlTSA&

575

0. muiic »ftj dance, A fair In honour ofutnl Madhu Lai Hussain waj held here
in January, and the celebrated iteli't Chgrashin or Feast of Li'shti vrat held in
April eaery j-ear.

4. Amtlinr

Thecityof Amritsar¥.Mlberdis«oo*jneuopolJ»ofU5e SikiJ. It waj the
no$t populout (population: 1, 00.000.2.00.000)and wealihieit city in the Punjab,
and an entrepSt of trade and cotnmercc for Kashmir, AfghanUtan and Central Asian
narkets. As a holy city of the Silbs, Amritsar had retained its sacred character,
bur since in o<xvp3tion hy Ranj/t S>/>gb.artd (be abolition of the Currrxstia in ISOJ,
it had lost its politicalinfluence which guided the destiny of the nation in the hey-
day of the supremacy of the Mtsals in the Punjab. With the liquidation of the
Misals and the establishment of monarchical absoluliitn, it uoutd be futile to argue
that the discontinuance of the Curmaita in political sphere nas a fultilment of Sikh
idea : the fact of the rnalter is, that the crunbinaiicm of political power with reii-
gioui lureraiflty was an impraetkat proposition to the political ideology or concept
of Ratijit Singh. Furthermore, eacept for the all-powerful Maharaja there were
no powerful Sardan in the Punjab to seek adsice and counsel either in their inter*
ceniflc querrelj or there was any threat of hreiga miasion. It would be absurd
to assume that Ranjit Singh abolished it to propiliai.* his Hindu and Muhammadan
tubjectt.t As an institution, the Gurmtta in political matters was based on political
independence of the Misats and corporate consciousness in the face of recurrent
threat oPAfghan iavations ; it became redundant anJ obsolete in » personalised
monarchy. The political ambitions of Ranjit Singh could brook no interference from
anyone.

Thus, during the zenith of powxr of Ranjit Singh, Amritsar and the Golden
Temple receiicd the humble devotion and munificent endowments, monetary gifts
and land assignments from the Maharaja and the Sardacs. but so diminished was
the innuence of the zlis/ in the counsels of the State, that the Maharaja,
the Court nobilty, the Sardars and men of position and wealth visited it for the
redemption of their worldly woes and for obtaining salvation of their souls. A
Itp-sers'ice was paid to the Commonwealth of Gobind, the ordinations and behests
of the Kkaha, but the Aka! Takkat bad bo say in politica) matters or the policy
of Slate. The BAaPr and the CranfAIr of the Golden Temple of Amritsar long
accustomed to political dabblings in the lifts and jealousies of the warring Misaldlrs,
soon realised the trend of the time : they were content to sing the sacred hymns of
the Gurus nod sermonising on the path of righteousness and truth , to the faithful.
Escept for the fanatical Akalis, the warrior-priests of Amritsar and the guardians

* Thi* ttiforr t( ptopooaJtd fcr T«j'« SioSh sad otbrr Sikh wtietts, rile. Mjharaim
Jtanlti 5fTi|k Ftfn Death Cmienarr Wrmrrlat V*l«i*e,p. 57 f.

S80 SOClAt, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

Of the Golden Temple, none had the audacity to challenge the political authority

of the Maharaja.

Amritsar was an affluent town. It throbied with commercial activity of all
sorts. Rich bankers and merchants having credit and exchange facilities
out the Kingdom, in India, Afghanistan and Central Asia, resided t ere.
the mara centre for the export of rock salt, timber, cottons, silk and woollen sn ^

It manufactured a large variety of woollen stuff and Kashmiri shaw s ^ .

exported to India and Central Asia. Large number of Kashmiri immigrants,

weavers, were engaged in their manufacture. Jacquemost dcscril^s the c^y m 16 •

"The population is a mixture of different peoples and religions. Hm us

Muhammadans are less common than the Sikhs, in whose hands is pra i
the business, to the prosperity of which Amritsar owes its flourishing appw ^
There are also a large number of Kashmiris and Afghans; the former
spin, the latter speculate. There is not a single mosque, and the public P^^tics
Mohammadan religion Is forbidden. The Hindu temples arc small and scarce,
relipon of Nanak admits no rivals at Amritsar.*’*

Jacquetnont refers to the Akalls, who were in abundance at Amritsar -
‘The Akalls or Immortals, are properly speaking Sikh faqirs. Their rule
them to be dressed in blue and always to carry arms. The sacred pool of ^

is their head-quarters, hut they often spread themselves over the Punjab in urg
and formidable parties. Ranjit wisely turns their ferocity to his advanta^
He enlists them in his armies, and employs them preferably against his ^*®**~®,
enemies. He has at the moment about 4.000-5,000 of them in the army which he
maintains at Attock, ready to march against another fanatic the Syed. I have on y
seen two of them in the streets of Amritsar ; it was evening, their arms glittered in
the light of the torches and the matches of their muskets hung readily lighted. I ha
nes'cr seen more sinister looking figures."*

The town of Amritsar was surrounded by a rampart of mud and sand ; the
city wall had 12 gates with extremely poor defences till Ranjit Singh built towards
the south-east of the city, the fortress of Govindgarh. It was about 100 meters 1“
perimeter and square in shape, having 4 large bastians at four corners, and 2 gates,
surrounded by a moat. As a fort it was poorly designed and culmsiiy constructed.
Its defensive works were also poor and ill-designed. Ranjit Singh kept his treasure
valued at 800,00,000 rupees here and some of his heavy cannon were placed u*
the fort.

While at Amritsar, Ranjit Singh resided in a palace which he built for him-
self in the RSmbagh. As a palace, it was designed in Indo-Muslim style and small

t/ffurnal, op. ol. p. 27.
liid, p. 2,

FORTS AND STKONGHOIDS

3«1

fa dimension, it could not boast of toy embellishments or architectural elegence
in design or construction.

5. Fort* iiatl itToo((ioI<l<

Amongst the imfwrtant forts In the Kingdom was that of Rohtas. It was
originally built by Sher Shah Sllrl in 12 years at an estimated expense of 11,000,000
rupees. U could hold a garrison of 3,000 horse and iO.OOO inranlry* In 1768,
•Charat Singh laid siege to it, and Baland Khan, its Afghan gosernor was taicn
prisoner. Ranjit Singh pensioned olTBalaod Khan’s son in 1808, and two years
later Gufab Singh took charge of it.* Mohan Lai, who visited Rohtas in 1832, found
ii situated OR a high laoantain and ifi strength and soUdHy no fort in the Punjab
could match it. Its ramparts, according to him were stronger than that of the Delhi
fort. It was accessible through tedious and tremendous defiles, and had five gates
and thick walls of burnt bricks. Although strongly built and spacious enough, in
1833 it was poorly garrisoned aad badly provisioned.*

equally strong was the fortress of Attock with Its subterraneous passage of
water from which the fjrrisoft obtained its supply. Built of jtose and lime it had
a eiccumference of two miles. In 1833. it had a garrison of 1,000 troops and five
8uns. The fort was large, with high ramparts and IO.OOO troops could be easily
garrisoned there. Akora and other Afghan villages in the vicinity supplied its
provisions hymeansorboats in the Indus nver, which was fordabie at three places
above the village Ilaidru.*

* fbthinst At), p. IS.

* Trtfrrts iSr A/sli4ii<ii«n oibl TafSdian «<r. p. 3SS. Li«ue. Williia

F*rt (ettfuf Rdt .Stdrcli 0<IXi (vCoSiil. Mf.) «bt> (be (ettiat ol Robcti in 1339

ic «<s bsjlr cboMis pUc< of d<(enc« •« «( oinr rt<rc( •< «« eooBi<B<te<f hy
KfilbboufiaS biill. Tbc igiS Iradiof to ll> drib {ai<w>7 «i» icetp. »nd byDOOicias
c<leuU((3 for litSc bot(ci.b(ist notblnl oo>c tbonabtSbill (nek. The cits of Rohm
«bUb Bsrrslto vitirrd ixIneribrS tt a oltrrabir plica. CODXrurtrJ rotiirl; of uBbumt
btkki, and awtrainS with naufcS.liila or ptoaiuuua catninC fur the (actiioa loldicrp.
Several buitdinsf waca CKcradbctow lb* fort, anontat otben a lirSt moique andaicbeot
(modrofia). Tbe buildinl of tbc fortcewol Rohua ia brace with nui&eioua lefends, oneot
tbete beios that Sher Sbab Sad, ohacaaed viib (be retiiiaBcc of Rai Sareerf. whose doatnion
cztended over tbc diounrifnoui (ticc of country aituatcd (o (be wrstef jbetuo tad iabtbited
by wild Ktktrs. tcioivcd to erect the fort. Tbc lahabiUats of tbe country vete, however,
lured to the woik of coodrocdon by an oflecof one lolden athtalX forone atone, by Today
Mai who waa in ebarSe of ibe work. Afrcnrarda a atone waa paid with a rupee, further
reduced to five isnboi, and thui the focTceas of Bobua was completed.

* See pairiculacly, Mobil Lai, op. ell ,p. 33anJ3<5 t Bart. *■••• P-107 F.deacrites
the country around Attotk i Shabaniic AH. p. 179 //. betidei |WinS an account of the fortteia of
KhaUabid.conattucted with tnud. If mileafnciteuoiference. with 3 wateh-toweta commanding

eacireJy (be fort of Attock, dCKtibea bow (be facterfote waa hasdad over to tbe Sikfca by fra
Afthan (ovemor, Jabandid Khan, who bcirajed hit inaater and delivaied It to Ranjit Sinlh
for a bribe.

5B2 SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

The account of the magnificent fortresses of Lahore and Multan has been
given ciscwherc.* At the entrance of the defiles of the Khyber Pass stood the l^t
ness of Jamnid beyond which lay the open roads to Jalalabad and Kabul. *
Sikhs had occupied it in 1837, and Hari Singh Nalwa had strongly fortified it and
garrisoned it with Lahore troops. Here was fou^t in the April of the same jMf
the decisive Sikh-Afghan battle of Jamrud in which Hari Singh Nalwa lost his i
Hari Singh had constructed a new fortress at the site of Bala Hissar two jears
earlier.*

6. Village Communities

From the earliest times agricultural tribes based on race or caste existed m
the corporate life of the villages in the Punjab. These village communities consti
tuted the landowing and agricultural groups comprising of similar racial elements.
Thus in the trans-Indus region, and generally in other parts of the Punjab, ®
Balaucbs, the Pathans, the Tanaolis, the Tajaks and the Hazara tribes had sue
joint agricultural bodies ; and so had the Jats and the Rajputs, the dominant races
of the Central Punjab, the MaSjha and Malwa regions and the hills. The AwSns,
the Gakkhars, aud the Janjuas in the Salurange tract, and other agricultural classes
—the Kharrals, the AtiTins, the Abirs, aad the Sainis etc. had all tribal village
communities. In such communities there did not exist any concept of indivtdoa*
ownership of agricultural land ; the proprietary rights were vested in the village
community and not lu the individual. The system has been rightly described by
Thorburfl as “the village system in the Punjab," by which the agricultural land was
jointly owned by a number of persons of common descent, forming one large
brotherhood, having their own headman, accustomed to joint action and mutual
support.*

Briefly, Punjab village communities were self-sufficient units. Headed by
the village elders, called the Paachayot, they cultivated land jointly, divided the
crop, and had a joint responsibility for the payment of land revenue. The system
of corporate village communities had become extinct in Bengal due to the collection
of revenue through fanners ; it had died out in southern India due to the fanning
system of the Marathas ; but in the Punjab under Ranjit Singh, it retained its vigour.
Even after the fall of the Sikh Kingdom, the British administration found the joint
responsibility of a village group a convenient way of realising the revenue. “In the
Punjab joint responsibility for payment of land revenue became a prominent feature
of village tenure under the British,” observes Trevaskis, “though it occupied a
prominent position in theory than in practice. So great was the early predilection

I 3>. C!„Ftei 5. p. fn. 3 . ,uora.

*_=’*'S««ilioftli«tomet4e»ontheN.W.FtotirierTiiJe. Cbtpttr 16 (13-15) iurrfl.

* Pun/ab In Ptaee end War, p. 231.

3^ SOCIAL, ECOJ^OMtC aKD RfiLTGIOUS COSDITIOKS

his previous social level. Intermarriage without equal ancestral status was tradition-
ally interdicted. Thus the Sayyeds of the Punjab, who followed the rule of the
Skri‘at in personal and public law, would not give their daughters in marriage to
those oflower origin, and would not permit widow remarriage. In the Derajat,
Peshawar and Multan, the Qazis, the and the MVans, who claimed to

be higher in descent from the general mass of the Muslims in the Punjab, occupied
themselves from their positions as heads of the celebrated shrines and endowed
religious places of Muslim worship, to raise their temporal dues from the common
mass of their coreligionists.

Amongst the adherents of Hinduism, Brahmanism had lost its position of
power for spiritual guidance and superior learning in northern India. In the iron-clad
hierarchy of the caste they still occupied the first position, but their occupation had
fallen frota the high pedestal of priesthood. The generality of hereditary priesthood
subsisted on royal boonties and public alms. People consulted them for good and bad
omens, auspicious and unlucky events, and they conducted the religious ceremonies
of the Hindus. In some parts of the Punjab, Brahmanism finding its occupation
as oagainful, had drifted towards agriculture and iDooey-Jeodiog; ia the frontier
villages it was to’erated as “grasping and overbearing evil.” Having lost the
higher qualities of learning and spiritual subHouiy, Hindu priesthood In the Punjab
had degenerated into something like a necessary evil in the Hindu social order.
None could do without them, but the Punjab proverbs of the time express the
derision in which a Brahman was held — “A Djm, a Brahman and a goat are of no
avail in time of need." Or, “A famine from the desert, so comes evU from a
Brahman." It was unlucky to accost a Brahmaa while proceeding on a journey.

Consequently, the Brahmans having lost a lucurative profession, had drilled
into other occupations. The Sarsut Brahman of the Punjab became lax in the
-rules of the caste, and in the hills he partook of flesh, and had no compunction in
having social relations with the lower orders of caste.‘ Quite a number of Brahmans
had adopted Sikhism, and Ibbetsoo enumerates 3,500 Musalman Brahmans known
as the Hussaini Brahmans, who were said to receive oblations in the name of Hindu
gods from the Hindus and in the name of Allah from the Musalmans.*

8. Retigioos Cosditioai.

(a) General. The common mass of the people under Sikh rule professed
either Hinduism or Muhammadanism or Sikhism. In the central Penjab-the
Doabs, the MiSjha and the Malwa legioo^ ritualistic Brahmam'sm had received a
severe jolt from the monotheistic teachings of Guru Nanafc. It reeled under the

t nii.

* Iiii,p.2I3.

. RELIClOtWOONDITlONS. 335

impact without any apparent resistance as it bad done under the proseljiizins zeal
of the Muslim conquerors for many geoerations. Its general elasticity, esoteric
teachings and ethical doctrines had. however, survived the iconoclastic zeal of
Islam. The active and prevading principles of Sikhism shook it superficially ; gods'of
its pantheon still reigned supreme in the remote villages as also in towns and cities.
Its sacrificial ritualism and ceremonial observances still held a strong bold on the
social order in the bills and plains.

Yet, the abated predominance of Brahmaoic priesthood in the 'Punjab and
its sacerdotal despotism had to contend with two powerful iconoclasticibrces— Islam
and Sikhism. For generations, the exclusive fanaticism of the Mughal and Afghan
rulers of the Punjab had failed to dislodge or disintegrate the social fabric of Hindu
society by misrule, social injustice or religious iotolerence. However, the common
mass of the Muslim population could hardly escape from being infiuenced by their
environments. The eclectic pantheism of Hinduism silently struck back at the
exclusive Muslim fanaticism. Outwardly, the inequality of man, adherence to
class, caste and sect received a severe jolt from $afism. and the monotheistic
feachtngsof Guru Nanak, but the cobweb of caste and the estah’irbed Hindu way
of life Jr towns and villages of (be Pun/ab remaised almost undisturbed. Aiid
although a finer synthesis of Indo>Mus)ifl> culture was the outcome of Ibis
intermingtiog of two apparently diverse creeds and social systems, yet the ruling
Muslim class and its adherents got themselves entangled in social diversifications of
caste and creed. Like Hinduism, the Muslim social fabric had branched out into
the Mughals, the Pathaos, the Sayyeds, the Shi’as, the Sunnis, the Jats, the Qakkhars
and other Innumerabte tribal communities.

To the Sikhs of the Punjab, however, she tecoporary release from the
thraldom of ritualistic Brahmanism had been welcome. The hardy and warlike
race of the Jits, as for instance, could pursue their individualistic and unruly
independent tendencies unhampered by ibe galling yoke of Hmdu caste restrictions
. imposed by the priestly order. To the down-trodden lower castes in Hinduism
Converted in large mass both in the MSIwa and Msnjha regions to Sikhism,, the
new faflh olTered equality and social justice. Yet so deep were their roots in Hin^u
.social environments everywhere that Hindo caste, customs and ritualism still had a
strong hold in their midst. Coaversioo to Sikhism had neither altered' their social
status, profession nor the pattern of their every day life. Absence of an eicJusivc
customary law or legal code, lack of distinctive customs and ritualism, prevented
the general mass ofthe Sikh people to adopt an antagonistic attitude towards the
mainspring of Hindu religion or social structure ' Which for gewratio'ns had
regulated their social life. Except for a change to belief'aiid outward appearanw,
the common mass of the SiUi people stHl accepted Hindu casie, customs and

K~49

. SS6 SOCIAL, ECONOmC ANtJ ItELlfilOOS COSDITIOI43

.superstitious beh'efs. Towards tbe close of the 18th century, Sikhism bad become
•,a dominant political force in the Punjab, but “the Sikh bad fallen away from the
•, original faith ; in his reverence for the Brahman and bis observance of caste
•, rules, he differs only a degree from his Hindu neighbour.*'*

(b) The Hirdua. 'The Hindus of the Punjab, as in remotest time, held
' belief in the philosophy propounded by their ancient scriptures, and the worship
of their numerous gods and goddesses. Thetr great object of veneration was the
..sacred triad— the Brahma,-VisijC and Mahesha. The Jumna and the Ganges were
, sacred to them. Amongst the general mass of the people the worship of nature still
.continued— the sun-worship, the tree-worship and the worship of sainted dead
.rvas common. Some of. these saints were the object of common worship both
-by the Hindus and Muslims of the Punjab, as for instance, the Saint Sakhi Sarwar
•in Multan district. Baba Farid Ganj Stukar of Pakpattan, Data Ganj Bakhsh at
'Lahore, and the universal saint KhawajS Khi;f.

- - • Worship of trees— Pipal, Jand, Kikar and Tnlsl was common among the
.Brahmans and Kharis at certain festivals. Cow-worship took place at Coraitend'
The cult of Gug3 was prevalent in various forms among all varieties of people both
• in the plains and hills.* Nag and Dol temples were numerously established in the
•.hills'— Cbamba, Kutu, Kangn and Simla.

j Common, superstitions constituted, a belief in the spirits and ghostSp

^witchcraft,... the, evil, eye, and wrccry. Ibbctson records numerous agricultural
superstitions prevalent at the time of sowing, harvesting and threshing. Chaims
could be used to protect crops and callle from esit e^-e, drought or lean harsest.
-Makvolenl -spirits aud diseases could be warded off by charms and amulets. The
tJevi or the small-pox goddess was an object of universal worship. The lower
classes of society bad their own patron-saints.

, .. .Hindu social order was still perniciously caste-ridden. Brahmanic priesthood

.having merged into hereditap' sacerdotalism governed all religious ceremonies of
, the Hindus from their birth to death. Amongst the superstitious modes of their
-.worship largely prevalent in the Punjab may be enunciated, the planet worship a*
.eclipses^ thee3rlh;Wonh?p. and the river-worship. Brahmanism as a caste had
lost prestige jn northern India ; the rare pie-requisites of sound learning and

- r ivt«t*ca, cjj. e«t. i,p. IIS. , . . . •

* Oa the (utiifct, tee g«nrTaltr.Smc.i.p. tt3 e5.;Pu,i,-aj Soiit csi Qufue*. L 12 %

' ^7. end671 ;*ad Oiimet Ga;ni(er of KanCra. Guga Kr »Uo termed Zsbir PIr is commoa

*“thePiuii*b»ndbai uumetoai jhrises tad le;n>ds tUortt
the coujitrj. ‘ . ,

* Eoie, 1, p. 218 ff.

• - iWeSlKHS

knowledge of the Vedic scripturcj were rare in the priestly class,and in Sts place-
it had emerged as professional priesthood, livifig on the credulity of the ignorant,
gathering their daki^a for the petfomtasce of rellpon ceremonies at birth, marriage
and death. • - - . • . . .

Amongst the common supentitious practices followed in the hills and the’
plains of the Punjab were the cult of the Co^ or snake*worship in its highly
diversified form. Each town had its temples consecrated to its favourite gods and
goddesses ; each village had its numerous godlings both benevolent as well as
nafevofent. Of the most popular deities was Sfaumia or Khera, the god of fiorae-
stead —worshipped after the harvesu and marriages ; in some viilages the godling
Bundefa was worshipped in times of sickness and epidemics. Ancestor-worship
prevailed in the hitly areas. Erection of stone pillars in shrines with memoriaf
tablets in honour of the dead was resorted to in the Himalayan region.*

(c) Tht ^fla!lrnJ. Muhammadan practices both orthodox and unorthodox
had stronger roots in the predominantty Muslim areas in the north and in the
southern Punjab. In larger towns the Muslim intellegectia both the ehMHadJih
and eW-c/ Qur'cn had their respective institutions. The Shi'iles and the Ibldites had
little influence in the Punjab. The Afghans and the Pathans of the northern
districts, and those settled in Central Punjab were almost all Sunnis. Muslim
priesthood in the Peshawar region and tribal districts was pretty well organised.
The hierarchy of the ajtanadHrs’^ihe Sayyeds. the Pits, the Ml*3ns and the
SJhibradls exercised powerful religions influence over the social life of the
Muhammadans. Various §an orders had their organisational and institutional
growth during the Muslim rule in the Punjab.*

9. The SiVbf

The categorical view that the religion of Kanak under Ranjic Singh
tolerated no rivals, or that his apparent devciion to the faith was merely a'
political demonstration to satisfy popular superstition, can no longer be accepted.
Apparently, the Sikh sovereign monarchy was designated the SOrkar Xhaisa, the
royal farmOns, seals and coins bore the inscriptions the Akal Soha'l but it was a
singularly secular monarchy. The Alaharaja’s dcTOtion to Siltbism was intensiveljr
personal ; and by temperament he was extremely tolerent. At no time SIkbUm

r per a iettlUi tcoif of •apttKitteitwoithifht tht Vuoith, vSJe. M»c}tlta~Cei>iut
Rtpett ef Fun^dK. 18S3: Reti-CItfSiarf. tVbOion aptj tbc Tiriou$ Diiincl Catttiitri,
piRiculttly tboM ot Pe<b«vtT. Libotc, EisSn. Mulwn. Ctibmir tnd Ladabb. *-

s S«e I'eDctsUr- ibspBijob lit,- tbc Gaxcitacn o( Mutein, Labotc.V

F«hiwit-Dutncn:> ebe Kkattntl-vWJtfa: tht'

Ten/arlbli. Tot ■ denUrd ttudx ot (be oriftn siul devcbipBMDt ot the four ^(> oedeta, tiiJa^ibo
pttKQt wtlKt's Para SXlbaX. (VitTa.Sbarati.Su*latbct*A, X953), p. M ff. , .

Ste SOCIAL. ECONOMIC ANDEttlGlOUS CONDITIONS

\ras declared as the ofRcial religion of the Slate, nor did the Maharaja’s poliftcal
expediencies masquerade under the cloak of religion. He rarely interfered in the
religious beliefs of his subjcctii and 'abhorred' ah "kind of fanaticisih but strongly
checked such retrograde and dangerous tendencies, as for instance, those of the
Akalis and of the Wahahi fanatic Syyed Ahmad. • •

;The faith of Nanak had received a larger number of adhcrrals during tbs
preceding centuries but the State hardly had .any proselytizing zeal; nor did it
encourage in any way forcible conversions. The fer\'our of the KhSlsa was more
often utilised against the political antagonists of the Slate, particularly the Afghans,
and the ruler hailed as a.champion and defender of the faith. Ranjit Singh's rigid
observance pf outss'ard forms of his tcHgioo in his personal conduct had won hint
the goodwill arid approbation of his Sikhs and Hindu subjects.

Siklusm being the faith of their royal sovereign, it had naturally earned a
popular preference. , The faithful conformed to the fundamental principles of
Sikhism, and visited the principal holy shrines at Amritsar, Dcra Baba Kanat,
Pafija §ahib. Damdama 35hib, Tarao Tarao and others. The growth of a KhSlsa
coBunonity waa visible in social sphere; yet the religious tolerence of the Sikh
sovereign would brook no interference in the matters of State. In the absence of
any marked antagonism between Hinduism and Sikhism the cnirenu of social stream
oflea 'submerged into each other with harmony. In general, the Hindus rcs'cred
the Sikh beliefs and visited the sacred Sikh shrines.

]D. Hiado'Sikli coiaiBoi] beiirii

And yet, Brahmanism with its caste prejudices had imperceptibly crept into
the core of Sikh social order. There were Drahmau and Khatri Sikhs in the
Punjab rBrahmans in the A/vfAaf class had given up their sacerdotal character and
adopted military service under the SiUix The Hindus and the Sikhs followed
common law- and social superstitions ; observed the same festivals, fairs, caste
prejudices and social customs. Cow was sacr^ to both ; the presence of a Brahman
was essential at births and deaths. Sikhism had a tendency to conform to the
established Hindu usage, customs and supcotfiions. Thus on the AfaJiar ^cnArcnti
Maharaja disirihuted <ha//tres after a dip Ja tha JCatis, bis Hindu
subjects bathed in their sacred rivers, and the Sikhs observed the celestial sign of
capricorn and obtained salvation by bathing in the sacred tank at Muktisar.' At
BbSTwafe in ^eMaHjha region, Hindus and Sikhs made offerings in honour of
BbaT Ball, a discipl^mpanion of Guru Nanak. The spring festisal Bsssr.l
Pf^fuma, was a day of rejoicings for both the Hindus and the Silbs when they

wore jellow clothes and mnstard seed in their turbans. The festival of Hoft was
celebrated with great ee!ai and carnivals of joy and hilarity by both the Sikhs and
the Hindus, who visited the fairs at Anandpor Sahib and Kiratpur. In -February

S59

adhiucjts-

.nj Uhorc. .nd re"pk -f »I1 t.l,E»n. v.t.trf .L Tie „p„„ they paid

.o,rf,ipped U.C Do! o, ,b= »d eo.Ie iitoe.

equal reverence to another Deyl, lie re*!® e fctival Tic Dindtl war a

■nesotraui war a eontreto® loeial {"r tetM »a, celebrated

irccial occatlon for both the Sihht and the i «*. a of the Sibhs'and

wUh reioieinE throoEbont -‘t ‘TJ;! “lie ^ of E<>®d

thcIliodulorLaborcandAmritrarwcrcIha nfthc snalte-Eodt ; the

and evil in June : the har-rniletat. a fa * hf'd l« i®”®®' hi,,, of

CnjafleraltinhonoutofthellnEnfinaleiro MMjha Sikhs

the Pnniab ; and the Inna, and ',t Thntan, perfornred the

obletvedthe ceremony of ^ held a f.rm Erip on the

ceremonial nrrviec and ^ .j.. Muhammadan, all over

social and reliEion. life of rhe Hindu., the Sikh, arm me

the country.

Apart ftom the Jm, Sikhism 'p!e»o”s‘’rrom the

welcty— the Brahmans, the Rajputs, the ’ v ihe {calico-printers),

icestrungofthecaste. Th« the

the M'li (barbers), the CfumJfj rJaintd the chief characteristics

.nd other, who hadyalned the Sikh foM.but tod A villase

of their race and caste, and carr«d on ‘t'.f/ ^s they were

community in the Tunjab was dependent upon i without any appreciable rise

upon persons of high caste. Conversion to S^.sm ^thou^^_^y^^P^
in social status did not prompt the converts . f ^ce of Hinduism which

Sikh social order was still under the f „,,.nE class, but

rcEulated its laws, customs and observances. ^ tolerant Sikh to whom

theirMaharaja was neither a zealot nor a ‘ popular expectations

tClElnn meet devotion to bit fnl.h

ofadeYoutSikhmonafch.buthcwouldnotbrook retigio *«ial

, A Ecnernl tendency «n.onEtttbeoir.clJlcU» in ten™ i,

and material advantaEcr war visible, but ' a^ mligion of Ihe ruling class, but
Tbc people of the low., hem on foolins of equality

di.co.cred that Sikh ioeial .Iructutc lefusrf In ntot they,

in eespeet of stain.. IrtermartiaEc oe pn.it.nn b.,u„gi„B to the same faith

Eaioed an enthusiasm and a oommon national pti

at tfieir ruler.

IX •n.«j«..odotb«e..te. tribal distinctions, the Jats-of

Divided into numerous clasws of casw soldiering was their

the Punjab were a manly and a Virile race. •

SOCIAL, ECOKOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

main profession. Each clan had their peculiar traditions' respecting their origin’
and descent. The Bhullars and the Manns claimed their origin from the matted hair
of Lord Siva. The Aulaks, the Bains, the Bals, the Baths, the Chahals, Cfaimas, the
Garewals claimed a Rajput origin. The Chamans, the Decs etc. had ■ a non-Rajput
origin. The SansTs or Sindhianwalas were descended from the aboriginal tribe of
vagrants of that name. The Slddhus and the Dhalitt'als claimed their origin from
the ‘Bhalli Rajputs, and also from the Phul, the founder of the Phulkian Misal in
the Malwa region. The Sandhus, the Randhawas, the Sahis, the Kangs and the
Gills from a solar branch of the Rajputs. The thirty-and-odd divisions of the Jats
were further sub-divided into various sub-castes and observed a variety of customs
peculiar to them,' particularly respecting marriage and social laws.

The Rajput and Khatfl Sikhs were a class by themselves. The former had
embraced Sikhism to gain lucurative cmp1o>'ment. They ranked below the Sikh
Jats, who looked upon them with a contemptuous disregard. They were agri-
culturists and soldiers and a few amongst them attained high political status. The
Sikh Khatris were traders and merchants ; they monopolised the internal and
external trade of the Punjab ; some of them trickled into civil service and clerical
jobs. They were also village accountants, city traders and bankers, shop-keepers
and money-landers.

The Sikh Aroras ofthe Centra! Punjab, like their Hindu counterparts in
the southern districts— Multan, Jbang. Muzzafargarh and the Derajat, were engaged
in petty trade and usury. Though described as cowardly and a secretive race,”
they wxre industrious and eoterprising and carried on business in the tribal area,
in Afghanistan and 'even in Turkistan. As a race, both the Hindu A'frSrj ofthe
southern Punjab and Sikh Aroras were like the Jews, thrifty, cunning and grasping ;
being the peasant’s creditors, they were proverbially much abused.*

The Labsna Sikhs and the Mabatanss or the BahiUpias were both low
caste vagrant tribes. The Labanas, mostly in the districts of Lahore, Gujranwala,
Sialkot, Gurdaspur and Gujrat, were hereditarily carriers of grain and merchandise ;
when recruited into the Khalsa army as footmen, they proved themselves as
hardy soldiers. The Mabatams or the BahrtiptSS, inhabited the banks of the
Punjab rivers and claimed their progeny from fallen Rajputs. In Sikh infantry they
proved fair soldiers, but the proud Jat soldiery of the Punjab looked down upon
them as menials. Another class of low origin who had embraced Sikhism was
that of the Sainls- They inhabited the foothills of the Punjab in the Jullundur and
•Hoshiarpur region, and were good cultivators of the soil, but when enlisted in
the Khalsa army they proved extremely bad soldiers.

*- Stt Ibbetton — Pimjai the Jfulrm Pi»!riei CaxeUeer, p. 87.

KHlSMATICSKtJ

Ofijiiully, Ibe KatJli or AWn«i!i3i tn thf w«lera Punjab anJ the
Il5mrafhi2s widely diUnbuteJ ihroufhoot ibe Punjab, ratilcJ high among the
%ir 3 fe menial*. The former were locially uj^iAed bccauw of their proferteJ
auocution with Ja«a Sinjh Kallt, the founder of the AhlSwSlia htitil: and the
latter, on account of the founder of the freat the RImjarhU Miia*. The
Ah’awilllSr generally i<-kA lervice aaioMicra or petty clcfVi. whi'e the Rjmjiihut
ir.lelleclually anJ phyiically inferior to the *irile lit SiLht, rc»erled to their original
profcision of carpenter* but wne adopted theprofenion of prieit* in Sikh ihrinc*.

tl. SehUsutle iwl*

While Sikhiim floufi*hed in etene harmony with Ilindutim in the Punjab,
there wai hardly arty appreciab'e decline in the acimtiei of mott of the schlimitie
lict* which ran contrary to the monotheutic doctrine* of the faith of NanaL. Thui
the bcneao'ently lolerent retisiou* policy of the State did not interfere with the
h'enaX/oMhI] oT the SahjdhJrtr. who diaptn^ed with the outward obsemnceii
of ioelal and ceremonial behaviour of Sikhivm: the VJatif, following Hindu
atceticiim, had their principal teat at Dera Baba Nanai ; the ATrai/avlj, founded
by Handal*. who re/rcied the marriage and funeral rite* of both the Hindu* and
the Sikht, were tettled in the Ooab and Amntiar ; and the Kirankaflt. who
itrietly etchewed Hieda praetim and Orahmanic riln in tocial life. Atnoagtt
other notable Sikh teett la the Punjab were the Ad-nra'ir. (be ftlmules, and the
AkZtls and filhofip.

It. So<UI prietUn and <alaa*

Lterpt in matter* of inberitance and rclifioui practice* of birib, rnarriage
and death, the Sikh* were governed by Hindu law. although the interpretation of it*
pfincip'e* were variouily modified by unge and cuatom. In the MiFljha region
inheritance wa* regulated by equal dittribution of alt isovrab'e and landed
properly amongst the wn* under the IHa'lAurJ »)*1em. the eldeil »on receiving hn
eatra »hare. The ChanJjhlnJ was attolher approved *ystcm among the polygamouj
Sikhs— by it the property wa* distributed amongst the mother* for theif male r»sue.
AVhere there was no male issue, brothers and nephews and the Widow* shared the
-inheritance according to custom and usage. The Brahman, Khatri dnd Rajpiit
Sikhs followed Hindu laws of inheritance ; (hey ignored both the Cha'lSviil and
C/iundabanil tysUms customarily prevalent amongst the JSt Sikhs. They also did
not practice the A'ureHO. and (he windows were merely entitled to maintenance. “A
svidow amongst them retained a life interest in the properly ; on remarriage the lost
the right, and a son the right lo inheritance if he forjook his religion. The Atilwa
Sikhs follovsed in general the law of primogeniture, and admitted the u*age of
the Karewa.

3^2 Social, eCokOmiCamo RfiLiCrous conditions

15. The Kareu'a

The practice oFKareifS also Jaiown as Chudar-an^asi^ was an intcriOT from
of marriage commonly prevalent amongst the Jat Sikhs. It grew out of economic
• necessity and the tendency to exclude the females from inheriting property. As an
acceptable form of inferior marriage amongst the Hindus and the Jews* of the
marriage of a widow with the brother of the debased husband, the custom was of
ancient usage. Amongst the Jat Sikhs ft was a convenient way of retaining the
deceased brother’s estate in the family, as according to their traditional laws of
inheritance the widow succeeded to her husband’s property in case their was no
male heir. A simple ceremony was performed by covering the head of the widow
by the brother, usually the elder one, signifying that a marriage has been performed.
The children ’of such union were considered legitimate enjoying the right of
inheritance. This kept the deceased’s estate in the family, preventing the Sikh
.widow finding a lover and exploiting the inheritance, and finally. In times of war,
found a bride for a soldier without the encumbrance of cost and tedious ceremonials.
But the J^oreu-a marriage was generally deemed as an inferior marriage, and the
■ aiHueot Sikh Sardars utilised it notoriously in solemnis'iQg unions with coccDbines
;and stave girls.* Out of this practice grew the ThrewS from of marriage, where
the widow did not agree to marry her deceased husband's brother, or the latter
did not exercise bis choice, then she married out of the family.

_ 16. Social aod Ecoaomie Probtena

The basic structure of village life under Sikh rule in the Punjab remained
undisturbed ; ils relative prosperity was, more or Jess, dependent on agricultural
production and economic conditions. But although the Punjab peasant was a
hardy cuiti>'ator. the moderate land revenue surcharged with excessive ab'vshr or
burdens and numerous extortions left him little more than bare subsistence till the
next crop. The highest fate of division of crop between the cultivator and the
owner of land was one-half ; but geocraUy it varied between one-fourth and one-
third, and the landlord often took more from the tenant in cash and kind under
various pretexts. ^Vh^e the zaminJor with lar^r holdings led a life of affluence, an
average cultivator was frugal in his expenses, and led a life without any luxuries.
He would borrow from the rich the price of seed or a pair of bullocks, which he
settled with interest at the next harvest. Rural indebtedness was in&equent .as

» On the tubject. see |cner»Uy. Ibbetson-Piiejsh Carter. Lahcie.lOlS; Roi«-^A
.Glena’rof |K« Trih*t aad Caitet el ihePimjah etc. ;GriSm. p. 61 ; Bin»ley, p. 103 : Steinbach
— TftePuniah. p. 75?. ;Ptinsep-Ori<i« «f tie SiW Pwrer tniAe Pun/ab. Appendix : and lb*
Dittnct Gatmttrt of Lahore. Amiitsat, Multan, Feroxeput etc. ,

* Another lorn of iAferiottaitriarcwitliperRiai of lower rank wat Hath dafM or the
,xit)stlvs tainUje. aadRtniitSinjbhirasaf maniedtbecoartesaaGjlBeluta by thi* method,
nde. Ur, 111 (li), p. 151 ; aba rupra, p. 212 . 13 . • i

SOCIAL AND lUOSOMtC PROBLEMS

3 «

there waj JIttIc credit availablf ; *effoti» indebtcdncM wa* icarce at the re^enue
oflicial* were empowered to reduce e»e«sl»e rate* of interest. To the cultivator
the income of the harvest left litlieiurplni; the produce wa* consumed in paying
the rent and providing for the food of the family and other bare necessities of life.
Vet the Punjab farmer did not live in punery, though left without any mean* for
the improvement of the land or his living standard!, lie employed primitive
agricultural implements both at the time of cultivation and harvest.'

Wheat, millet, rice, pulses and oil-seeds vsefc grown in the Central Punjab;
sugarcane, cotton, hemp, poppy and tndigo were the main cash-crops, but the
farmer received no incentive for intensivx cultivation or relief from the State in lime
of a lean year, drought or famine. In the villagciof the Central Punjab, the Jals
owned most of the land, and they were sturdy yoemen and industrious agricultural-
ists ; proud that they belonged to the ruling cLiss, yet, they were as good with
plough as wriih sword, and formed the hard core of the Kh3Isa army. Mostly
they were of Rajput origin, but they despised the Rajputs, whose arrogance of race
irrespective of decadence under the Sikh rule, earmarked them for derisiun.

Ftt/ninet. In lime of famine the Slate professed and undertook ameliorative
measures such at remissions of land revenue, but itudequaey of such measures was
apparent from the famine which gripped the of Kashmir in 1633.' Roads
wrere bad, and meant o( iraspocuttoa front one province to another wanting. The
fiaziMj and the FsrJirs in the distant provinces concealed the occureoces of
drought and famine from reaching the ears of the Maharaja ; made inelTective efforts
of the relief, but on failure to collect the revenue, were constrained to report the
mailer to Lahore. Pestilence and starvation followed famines. Migrations took
place on n large scale and rural economy was disrupted beyond description.

AgrfcuUurat products. Major agricuUura) products of the Punjab in the
19lh century were wheat, gram, barley, maize, millet, rice, cereals and pulses. Rice
was extensively grown in Iloshiarpur region and the Kangra bills and Kashmir.
Fibres grown Were cotton and hemp. Sugarcane was extensively grown and so was
tobacco. Multan was famous for its dyes— indigo and safllawer. Spices— chillies

396

SOCIAL. ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CO.NDITIONS

Toix'n Duties. The system of town, transit and custom duties io the Punjab
prevaient in large towns under Rsnjit Singh brought to the Xhalsa exchequer
annually a sum of 24,00,000 rupees.* These measures maybe termed as indirect
taxation. Fiscal posts were established at the principal gates of the town and all
merchandise, which might pass, was taxed ; no dislinctioa was made between an
article of luxury and that of daily use. Duties were imposed both on imports and
exports. Custom duties were levied on dried and fresh fruit, groceries and furs
of Central Asia, the shawls of Kashmir, and the piece goods of Europe. Transit
duties were imposed on sugar and cotton of the northern districts ; and indigo from
the southern districts; and excise duty on the silks of Multan and the shawls of
Kashmir. All articles entering the town had to pay octroi or town duties. In this
manner both internal and external traffic was taxed.*

Graft and corruption by petty officials was a common feature of the system.
According to oae obsener, tkc "custoiBru^es^ind ratesare Javgbed at, every ferry
and every pass is guarded, and the trader pays according to the humour of the
w-atchman, which in turn is regulated by a close calcu’atien whether the amount
taken will crush (he nest-egg. and prevent the trader rerurning. or bring down on
himself observation, and coDsequeat squeezing.”* In big towns like Lahore and
Amritsar these town duties were farmed out to the highest bidder. Apart from
these, the trade also paid other taxes called deductions, riz., amounts p-ayable to
wholesale dealers’ servants, weighmen, commission to middleman, and a watch and
ward cess called the rakhi.

Trade routes. Under (he At ughafs the sea route for trade between Asia and
Europe was the Black Sea. The ancient trade route which from the Black Sea and
the Caspian sea went to Tehran and Meshad was much disused. From China a
route crossed over to the Hindukush range of mountains to Kabul, and theuce to
Lahore and Delhi ; a shorter but more hazardous route lay through the Punjab,
Kashmir, Tibet to Turkistan and thence to China. By the end of I8th century,
however, the main routes from the Punjab to Kabul ria the Khyber Pass, and to
Kandahar via Multan and Dera Ghazi Khan were open for commercial traffic.
Caravans from Kashmir travelled to Ladakh, Lhasa and Yarkand and rice tersa.
Mohan Lai enumerates both the internal and external trade routes of the Punjab

Raja DhUn S;ti|k «ppn>tiDated

* Tova dutiet of Labors aad Amiitfai (anaed

G.I.b Ebjb 8.00 Oot' mpi;. (1)7^ III

<■). p. «5 ..d 3JS) ; ..d d„,i,. „ L.bo,. 1.50 tOO ;

. Total: 24,00.000 rupers.

R. TempU-Atetno en S^rretne/ Tewn ilstiee f

iXe Punjab ia Setectiont from tbc

ft, , 1 , A,u„, rf rt, Vob I, No. X. Uboi,. 1857.

* Lawrence, i, p. 53.

TSADE ANDOaMMEECE

597

through which considerable commeree was carried on during the Sikh role.
Although large mercantile operations were retarded through seweious e-sactions,
duties and lolls, >et the roads were free from robberies and the trade caravans
securely trasclled front Multan to Peshawar and Kashmir, and from Peshawar to
Kabul. Silk and cotton fabrics. leather goods and shawls manufactured in
Kashmir and Amritsar had a wide market outside the Punjab. Frequent trade
caravans carried goods between Multan and Sind, between Dera Ghazi Khan and
Multan and Lahore. There were five separate routes between Dera Ghazi Khan
and Kandahar on the south bank of the Indus leading to the trade centres of
Afghanistan, Persia and Turkhtan.* From Sind, commercial traffic flow-cd to
Kandahar by sis routes ria Rojhan, Dadhni, Ghauspur and Shikarpur.* Extensive
trade from the Punjab w-as carried to Kabul. Kunduz, Dalalh, Pokhara, Mashad,
Herat, Sistan and Kandahar. Opium, tobacco, silk, shawls, cloth, muslins and indigo
were the main articles of trade to these countries.

From Herat and Kandahar caravans earned the goods of Central Asia to
Sind lie the Dolan Pass, and from Kabul and beyond through the Khyber Pass to
Peshawar, Cannu, Lahore, Amritsar and thence to Delhi. Merchants of the
Punjab and India maintained intercourse with Kashmir and Lhasa. For the
internal trade within the Punjab, the routes were well defined, though the roads
were in a state efdiirtpoir and rteglect. jungles were less infested with highwaymen.
Means of transport were usually camels, horses, mutes and donkeys, and boats oser
the risers carried the produce and manufactures from one part of the Kingdom to
the other, Cost of transport was excessive, if not prohibitise, on account of
various tolls and duties, and graD and robberies by local petty officials. Caras'ans
unescorted by armed guardsmen were likely to be plundered by the roving banditti.

Transport by the river was less expensive and this means was utilised on
all the five rivers of the Punjab. Darners on trade and imports and town duties
imposed on various parts of the kingdorn were not conducive to the promotion of
large sca'c commercial ventures. As nonnilly a village was a selMufTicient unit,
food grains and coarse cloth produced locally met the needs of the people.
Articles of luxury, silks, perfume, musk, gold and silver ware etc. used by rich
people of the towns, however, were profitable articles of commerce.*

• Tre»«l«, p. 406 If.

• lUd p.410.

» AecoHiB|taih<«(iTUtic»iuppl»d bj Mohan Lai p 404/0. indi«o of

Multan and Drta Chaii Khao pucchiMd 0 55 nip«e« pet otund could he aetd at Bekhan 0
60 niptn pet Diund incluiWe o( ttanaU duiUf ; bn(a camil toad ot EB|U»h cloth wotth l.OCO
rupcai paichaiad te Bihtaalaut and atftCteOm Gbtxi Khan attet pipmcnt of (re!{he and
to *n djtiei could he asld at a profit o< 2S0 lupcca.

‘ SOCIAL, ECONOMIC aND religious CONDITION’S

and ginger \vere the product of ihe hills. Rape-seed (sawn), linseed (ah)), and
sesmun (HI) were common crops.

There was no systematic marketing of agricultural products. Prices of food-
grains were different in various parts of the kingdom. From the meagre statistics
asaiiable, as for instance, for the year 1839-40, the price of wheat in DeraJsmaiJ
Khan per rupee was 19-20 seers, while in the district of Multan it averaged 8-9 seers,
and in Kashmir 60 seers per Kashmiri rupee. While barley was sold In Dera
Ismail Khan 21 seers per rupee and rice 8 seers, in Kashmir for the same period
it was priced 90 seers and 48 seers per Kashmiri tupee.i

From the statistics compiled from various Settlement Reports the average
prices in Punjab markets of agricultural produce under the Sikh rule between
1830-40 per rupee Sanakshski were as under r

LaViare St AmtitMt

Mutiaa

F«ro:«pur

'll^hc-tC S^'Ur Jfvar Cfem Gur

(tn M4ii‘nd$. Ster$ and CAaitali)
lOl 220 294 10 10 0 10 3

1 11 6 X 27 -12 1 29 2 I 2 9 0 15 1

I 1 10 1 36 0 1 26 10 1 9 4 t 17 13

CfiSM Hier

0 4 0 0 8 4
0 4 3 0 12 0
0 5 0 0 12 2

The produce of various agricultural products in raaunds per acre for the same
period averaged as under :

L«licre 20

‘ D«ra Itaail Kb*" 12

btultsn & Muiv{Isrt»(b 12
luUuoduf Doab 19

Fetfs«pur 20

BatUf

Jfvar

ktaiie

17, Trade and Commerce

Exact statistics of the commerce of the Punjab being unavailable, we tom
to the meagre observations of contemporary travellers and writers on the commercial
activities of the principal towns, trade routes, import and exports of the Punjab and
the system of tov/n duties prevalent under Ranjit Singh. The principal trade centres
of the Punjab were Lahore, Amritsar, Multan, Peshawar, Shujabad and Leiafu
Lahore was famous for silk, woollen clotb, carpets, woodwork and manufacture of
small arms. Amritsar was the centre of shawl manufacture and a thriving trade
centre and “the commercial emporiuin of northern India.” Hoshiarpur produced
exquisite ivory and woodwork. Kashmir produced shawls and woollen fabrics and

1 Theie mertte ceu.l* are fuinitbeJ by tbe Punj* AiASor* Noi. 53 : 97-TAf Pu«;aS
tn 1^.40 tigs’), 157K*jbairi rupee* «ju,»,iene to ICO Nsnai, hahl rupee* oftte

TRADE AND COMMERCE 395

enamel work ; it imported shawl wool worth 7,50,000 rupees annually from Ladakh,
and its annual output of shawls was estimated at 35,00,000 rupees.*

The trading centres in the kingdom— Lahore and Amritsar employed consid-
erable skilled and unskilled labour. A skilled workman, as for instance, in a gun-
factory at Lahore received 2 rupees per day nod a labourer i a rupee. The pay of a
newly recruited sepoy was 7 rupees a month, a scavenger 3 rupees a month, a water
carrier 3 rupees a month, a mason 5 rupees a month and a cook 3J rupees
a month.

ImpoTlsanJ' fjtporfj. Punjab produced a variety of manufactures and
agricultural products. It eiporied its indiginous products to other parts of the
Punjab, India, Afghanistan and Central Asia : grains, pu'ses, rice, indigo, sugar,
cotton, oil and ghee, manufactured silk, shawls and woollen fabrics, cloth, blankets,
country made paper, gold and silver articles, enamelled work, lace and salt. From
the Himalayan region, Afghanistan and Central Asia it imported groceries, dry,
and fresh fruit ; from Kashmir shawls and blankets, dyes from Multan, from Ghazni
clay, Persian carpets, ornamental woodwork and meiallie ores. From India and
Europe it import^ fine cotton cloth, silk fabrics, unwrought iron, sugar, gold and
silver, spices, ivoiy, glass, copper hardware and precious stones. Form Afghanistan
and Central Asia caravans brought to its plains gold, siher, horses, lafis lasuH,
cochineal, madder, asafoctida and wool.

Mines and hfinera!). Punjab produced Saltpetre used in the manufacture
of fireworks and gunpowder, limestone, carbonate of soda and ammonium chloride
{naushadar). Saltmines at Khew-ra. Nurpur and Kalabagh produced rock-salt.
Cold was found in small quantities in the sandstones of the Salt Range and in
the river beds of the Indus, the Jehlum. the Dcas, and the Sutlej. Iron ores were
located in the Himalayan districtsof Sukel. Mandi. at Bhir Bangal in Kangra and
in the northern district of Peshawar. Mohan Lai who visited the Saltmines of
Khewra in 1834 describes them bounded by a rangeof hills situated at foot of the
Sufaid Koh, passing along the Indus at Kalabagh ; “The salt which is reddish, is

very hard and is dug out with sledge-hammers and axes The revenue of the

saltmines amounts to eighteen lacs of rupees a year, with two additional lacs for
duties. The salt is exported, laden on mules and camels, to all parts of the Punjab
but seldom to India, ”s

* Mootcfott. (rra«Ij Put ttl.p. 334.95) otwerre* thattbe production o!
h»d declined to half in 1822 2X pTerioody, the ♦baml-Jcod* bed BtJ eiteotive mariec in
Atii end Europe— in Atmenie, r<r«ia. AffbenieUci, t/zb<kiitan. Indie and Chinne Tutkistan
but trade vith Peraia and Turkey had declined t with Indie it bad decreased due to the toss
cf wealth by tbe pHocely eoutfj. The ttaJe with Tutkistan In 182j bad Incteaaed in
conaequence el tbe eairnduit demsndeel SnaiU.

S Teewb tn t^e Punjai, A/fkan<s|«it«mdTiarl»»tflnete., p 21 if.

393 SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND REUGIOUS CONDITIONS

Ths Sikh government was averse to making or repairing roads in the north,
as It was generally held that improving them only prepared the way for a foreign
enemy from the west, who would thereby be able to enter the country without
obstruction.^ As the neighbouring hills were inhabited by a wild and predatory
race of people, the caravans were not safe from frcc-booters.

18. Society : Racial Groaps

THE KINGDOM OF THE PUNJAB under Ranjit Singh bad a variety of
terrain, climes and was inhabited by numerous races or racial groups.* The whole
of the country west of the Punjab, in the north and north-west where its boundaries
touched the Hindukush mountains, and the SubUh'i Kashmir in the east was
predominantly Muhammadan. This area included the district of Hazara, and the
trans-Indus region comprising of the Subih’t Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu and the
Derajat, and was populated principally by two dominant races— the Balauehs, the
Palhans and allied races— the Tajiks, the Hazaras and the Tana’olis. The Balauehs
with their numerous tribal sub-divisions— the Drisbaks, the GurchJals, the Laghirls,
the KhetfSns. the QasrSnis, the Mazaris and others lived mostly in the Suhsh'l
Multan which included Jhang and MuzafTargarb, the Derajat, Jehlum, Sbahpur and
on the borders ofSind, adjacent to the southern conhnes of the Lahore territory.
They were tribes nomad in their habits ; in some districts they were settled in
sufScient numbers, and had political organisations called the lumajts or a group of
confederacies. Elsewhere, as on the southern frontiers of the Kingdom, they were
nomadic, freebooters, and of marauding and criminal habits.

The Pathans, probably of mixed Indian origin, and the most virulent enemies
of the Sikhs, with their principal divisions— the Wazirls, the Bannuchis, the Khataks.
the Afrldls, the Yusufza’Is, the Mobmands, the Muhammadzals, the UtmanzaTs,
the DSOdzaTs, the ^atlls, the Abdalis, the Tarins, the Khetrans etc. inhabited the
5uh2/i7 Peshawar, Bannu and Kohat region, (be Derajat, Rawalpindi, Hazara and
the trans-Indus Salt Range. The Palhans are generally described as the most cruel,
bloodthirsty and vindictive people, yet they were virile and warlike like the Sikhs,
and possessed their own code of honour, of revenge, retaliation, and open-handed

^ All, p. 137. Bscoa Voo Hujcl (p. 336) vhe broa-bed the subject of

good loads iatbe fc-DgJom totbe Mabmja with the ezpteisica that tucb taeasute vould
faciUtate the moTeoient of bis troop* from €>ae peecot tbe country to the other got the reply :
"y**. but l should make it also more easy for so coeny to advance against me !**

* Authorities: Hughes -Bilochisto-i : Brace— dtemorandioTi on Oetoh Chari KAfln
OiSlriec; Pottioget— Travels tn Bilorhistan end 5iad% ; Masson— Travels : Macgiegoi—
Gjietner of the .V. IP. Frontier ; and Ibbetson— pBnjsh Caites eti. Fot the Pathans. see gener-
ally. Dora— Hiitory of the Afghans. London, 1829 ; the Hayat-t-Afghani (trtns by Priestly),
Lahore, 1S71 jSlphiqstone -Kabul ; and the Stulenent Reporig of yatious N. W. frontier
Districts.

THE JXTS ASD RAlfUlS

hospitality. They wxre the dominant face wcsi of the Indus, in the Hazara region
and its Chach tract, and had nomeroo* colonies scattered all over the Punjab.

In the western p’ains of the Punjab, central Sikh districts, and western and
central sub-montane regions, the Jats were especially numerous. The J3t tribes of
thewestern plains, westofLahorewerc entirely Muhammadans. These were the
Bhultls, the LangJhs, the BhatlTs, the SiXis, the Tlhims, the Chlnnas, the Sumras.
and the Kharrals. In the western sub-montanes they were a mixed fare—lhe
Tatars, the Varaichs, the Sahis, the Ilinjrls.theChlmas. the Bajwas, the Decs, the
Ghuramans, the Kalhons, and the Chalhas. The Jits of the Sikh tracts of the
Punjab inhabiting the central districts were the Dhillons, the Yirks, the Sindhns,
the Bhulan, the Minns, the Bils, the Gills and the Brars. In the eastern sub-
montane region were the RandhIwSs. the Sohals and the Bains. This region which
included the base of the ^iwaliks — the districts of Hoshiarpur, Gurdaspur and
Sialkot, was inhabited by ihe Rajputs, Sifch JJIs and Pathans of mixed racial
elements. Hindus and Sikh Jits as also (he Muslims inhabited the westean sub-
montane region— Sialkot, Gujranwala and Gujrat, beyond which by the Jammu
bills and the ancient principalities of Ohimber and Rajoun.

The most ferli'e and populous and wealthy region was the Punjab Proper,
which included the prosperous (owns of Lahore. Amritsar, Multan and Jhang. In
it flowed the great live rivers of the land -the Sutlej, the Ravi, the Chenab, the
Jehlum and the Indus. In it lived the Dalaucht, the Jits and the Rajputs, the
Gujjars and the Sayyeds, the Kharrals and the Tiwdnas. Hindus and Sikhs were
quite a powerful element of its social order. The Salt Ran-e tract of the Kingdom
which included the districts of Attock, Rawalpindi, Jehlum and Shahpur was
chiefly Muhammadan.

19. The JstfsodRiipat*

Apart from the three principal religions, Hinduism, Islam and Sikhism,
the kingdom of the Punjab was populated by numerous tribes.* In the Rawalpindi
region lived the Khattars, the Kahutinis aod the Bala Ghebs ; the Gakkars and
the Awans inhabited the Salt Range region; the Gujjars Gujranwala and Gujrat
region, the Manjkis in Nakodar and Phdlour. the KhokUars m Hoshiarpur and
Kapurthala region, Ihe KoIIs in Kulu, the Gaddis in Chamba. The numerous
Palhan tribes lived in the north-west.

Of all the races inhabiting various parts of the kingdom of Ranjit Singh,
the J3t was most powerful numericatly. politically and from the point of ethnology.

S Fociheau^ersutoibalaictoadthetxibei iabibicine tb« PuQi»b, ridi. ZoeullTi
Rose— A Clotiory ef Tnha dad Cattiitf «j.. 3 Vo!». ; the Diilnen Catitieeri

ofI.»hot«,P«i!u«et.HiMM,Ri*»»p.»4l.,C,ngr« etc. ; Ciiomnlbetn ; Aac.en: Ciography of
Mia ; Jour, of lk« Anifcro. Init iUt. p. 270 f. : Ibbeuon— P«a/ai CdJier etc.

SOCIAL, economic and RELICiOUS CONDITION’S

4d0

He is generally described as of Rajput origin ; but In the western districts the Jal
professed the Muslim faith, in the Ccntcai Punjab he was a Sikh, and in - the
southeast a Hindu. The Sikh Jat was a sturdy, hardworking agriculturalist. He
owned most of the land, belonged to the ruling race in the Punjab under the Sikhs,
and remained distinct from the Rajput whom he had subjugated.

Of the Rujputs of the hills and the plains of the Punjab we have a group
belonging to the western hills and Kangra. In the Punjab Proper, the Rajput had
practically disappeared before the Sikh, the Pathan and the Balaucb. “Under the
Sikhs,” observes Ibbetson, "the Rajput was overshadowed by the Jat, who resented
bis superiority and his refusal to join him on equal terms in the rank of the KhSIsa,
deliberately persecuted him wherever and whenever he had the power, and preferred
his title of the Jat Sikh to that of the proudest Rajput.*’t

In the Punjab, therefore, the Rajput's pride of blood and ancestral
superiority had sunk low ; the Rajputs ceased to be Rajputs and were relegated to
the lower ranks of ploughmen, brigands and cattle-lifters. They bad submerged
with the J3ts, the ruling class of the Punjab. Hence we find common clans of the
Rajputs and the JSis, Le. In the Fuowars, the RahjbSs, the RSthls. the Sials, the
Sumr?s, the Tarirs, the Virks, the WattOs and others. There was no dividing line
betwixt the Jit and the Rajput in the western plains of the Punjab. But the Rajput
oflhe eastern hills of Kangra and the sub-mootaoe tract, though subjugated by
Ranjit Singh, remained free from Sikh social domination, as he had resisted
successfully the political thraldom of the Pathans and the Mughals in the past.
Although the Sikh Gurus bad maintained plentiful amiable connections with the
hill rSjas and Ranjit Singh had subjugated most of the bill states —Kangra, Kulu,
Mandi, Chamba and others, the influence of Sikhism in the bills w'as practically non-
existent. One reason for this may be the devoted tenacity of the proud Rajput to
ritualistic Hinduism ; secondly, no attempt was made under the Sikh rule to
proselytize the hill people. "Between Raojit Singh and the hill Chiefs,” observes
Rose, “no love was lost. They despised him as upstart of lower status socially
than Ihemselvcs, and possessing no claim to their homage and allegiance.”* On the
contrary, to Ranjit Singh the Rajput Chiefs “were an object of special aversion, for
they represented the ancient aristocracy of the country, and declined to countenance
an organisation In which caste counted for nothing.”

The Rajput of the hills reuined the appellation of Rajput as his legitimate
right ; and although divested of political power and privilege, he still retained the

* FunjfS^ Ca%Uf, p. 100.

* A Qlonarr ef iA« Tribes end Casttt cf Puniab «e. «, p. 693.

PROfESSIOSAL CLASSES

pride of his race and ancient lineage.* He clung to his ancestral prejudices and
social superslitions, and even when in pintery Of distress, he would refuse to do
fieldwork or take to plough. Amongst these race proud hill Rajput tributaries of the
Maharaja were the Katochs, the Golctias, thcDhSiwals, the Jaswals, the Ghorewalas,
the NarDs and the Manjs. The lower orders of the Rajputs who had adopted
agricultural profession, were the Thakurs and the Rathis.

20 FroEmiout cluui

But although the Sikh Jat was politically dominant, owned most of the land
and belonged to the ruling class, in the social order at the top stood the priestly
class— the Brahman priest in Hindu and Sikh social order, the Sheikh, the Qure^I
and the Sayjed amongst the Muhammadans. The BhaTs or the literate priestly
class amongst the Sikhs, though highly revered, had not aequired a similar status.
The obvious reason for this phenomenon could be the unrestricted independence
which the Jats, the ruling class. cnjo>cd in the Sikh society and the fact (hat the
converted Sikhs in the social order of the Punjab, including the wealthy and
politically powerful fats, still preferred to employ a Hindu Brahman priest to
conduct most of their ceremonies. The Hindu priests or the Brahmans held this
privileged position on account of the ordinances of the Hindu religion ; and in
Islam there being no organised priesthood, (he Say)eds, the Qureshls and the
Sheikhs held theit superior position in the social order on account their holy
descent. The Brahman piiest still presided over Hindu and Sikh ceremonials,
though bis social status in the Punjab in theor)- was on the decli&e. He was hardly
loved by the people, and was described as grasping, quarrelsome and overbearing,
infiated with pride in his own descent, bolding himself aloof from the clients
whose pockets he preyed upon, and declined lo associate hunself with the
community he lived.*

In the hills, however, Brahmanic exclusiveness and ostrichism had adopted
itself to the high dunes. Here the Brahman ate flesh and intermued ami his caste
rigidity was lax. Brahman converts to Sikhism in the plains had forsaken

r As {ocinstaDc*. ia 132S.tbc Baia of Kiogn left htj bereditacv kinliom ratter than
carry os: the behest of Bisiic S.nfh to nariy hu ■ir'ecato BliS Dbi«aSiQ|b ; and when Mi'Bn
Fadma, a Hindj Kajput of the bill* maeiicd hia dauzktet to the Sikh monarcb. he wa*
orratized ftom tbs Bajpdt cattc. TbcRajinita ol Kaczaih aet (ire to tbeit homes and immo-
Uted theit lemales to avoid an alUanee with RaBjit Sioth. See Ibbetson>Pu<ijoh Carter,
p. 1S«.

* Ibbelsoa,p.2ia.

N-51

4oO

SOCIAL. ECONOMIC AND RELIOIOUS CONDITIONS

He U generally described as of Rajput origin ; but in Ihe western districts the J3t
professed the Muslim faith, in the Central Punjab he was a Sikh, and in the
southeast a Hindu. The Sikh Jat was a sturdy, hardworking agriculturalist. He
owned most of the land, belonged to the ruling race in the Punjab under the Sikhs,
and remained distinct from the Rajput whom he had subjugated.

Of the Rujputs of the hills and the plains of the Punjab we have a group
belonging to the western hills and Kangra. In the Punjab Proper, the Rajput had
practically disappeared before the Sikh, the Palhan and the Balauch. “Under the
Sikhs,” observes Ifabetson, “the Rajput was overshadowed by the JSt, who resented
his superiority and his refusal to join him on equal terms in the rank of the Khdha,
deliberately persecuted him wherever and whenever he had the power, and preferred
his title of the Jat Sikh to that of the proudest Rajput.”^

In the Punjab, therefore, the Rajput’s pride of blood and ancestral
superiority had sunk low ; the Rajputs ceased to be Rajputs and were relegated to
the lower ranks of ploughmen, brigands and cattledifters. They had submerged
with the Jats, the ruling class of the Punjab. Hence we find common clans of the
Rajputs and the J5ts, f.e. in thePuQwars, the Rlhjhas, the RSthls. the Sials, the
Sumrls, the TarUrs, the Virks, the Wattes and others. There was no dividing line
betwixt the Jat and the Rajput in the western plains of the Punjab. But the Rajput
of the eastern hills of Kangra and the suVniontane tract, though subjugated by
Ranjit Singh, remained free from Sikh social domination, as he had resisted
successfully the political thraldom of the Patbans and the Mughals in the past.
Although the Sikh Gurus bad maintained plentiful amiable connections with the
hill iHjas and Ranjit Singh had subjugated most of the hill states— Kangra, Kulu,
Mandi, Chamba and others, the inSuence of Sikhism in the hills was practically non-
existent. One reason for this may be the devoted tenacity of the proud Rajput to
ritualistic Hinduism ; secondly, no attempt was made under the Sikh rule to
proselytize the hill people. “Between Ranjit Singh and the hill Chiefs." observes
Rose, “no love was lost. They despised him as upstart of lower status socially
than themselves, and possessing no claim to their homage and allegiance.”* On the
contrary, to Ranjit Singh the Rajput Chiefs “were an object of special aversion, for
they represented the ancient aristocracy of the country, and declined to countenance
an organisation in which caste counted for nothing."

The Rajput of the hills retained the appellation of Rajput as his legitimate
right ; and although divested of political power and privilege, he still retained the

Fun/oi Caito, p. 100.

A Chnary ef ih* Tniti and Cattttef ihi Puniah ate. i, p. 693.

UPPER MIDDLE CLASS

403

the use of opium and Wang, fornication, and shnflar social evils. They kept their
wealth concealed from the dread of the Maharaja, but accepted bribes without any
sense of shame. The general standards of morality were low amongst the Sardars
of the Court. Education was almost unknown, except for these who were in Govern-
ment service ; their offspring vias brought up almost in total ignorance, though they
were trained in the use of arms and horsemanship— the normal marks of distinction
of the time.

Common superstitions were prevalent amongst the higher ranks of the
nobility. There was a universal belief in astrology, alchemy, sorcery and witchcraft.
Visits to the sacred shrine and worship of saints and faqjrs was quite coromon,
Purdsh or seclusion of womenfolk was universal, and slavery existed in the form of
concubinage. The practice of aotJ was more common amongst the higher court
nobility of the time than in the common mass of the people.

22 . Upper middle dess

In the heterogeneous social order, the uppermiddle class in the Punjab was
composed of diverse elements. Amongst the Hindus, those who could be classified
as the upper middle c'ass were the Banyas, the Mahajans. the SQds, the Khatrls,
the BhSti'gs, and the ArorSs, vsho monopolised trade and money-lending. In large
towns, like Lahore, Amritsar, Peshawar and Multan, their commercial activities
were extensive ; they financed commerce and served as bankers. In the hills, both
the MahSjans and the Sods engaged themselves in trade or served as clerks and
accountants, and their activities were confined to the lower hills and Lahore and
Amritsar regions. They were also agricultural money-lenders. The Snds were
proverbially shrewd and prosperous business men. Service or trade was the main
occupation of the Khatris of the Punjab, a literate class who held high administra-
tive posts under the Sikhs. They monopolised the trade : both internal and foreign
particularly with Afghanistan and Ceotral Asia. In the villages they were
shopkeepers, grain dealers and mooey-Icnders. nod some served as petty clerks and
government officials. They were found everywhere— in the predominantly
Muhammadan districts, Rawalpindi, Hazara, and Multan. The Bhati’ils were
mostly traders, inhabitants of the lower valleys of Ihe Indus and the Sutlej. They
were a hardworking mercantile community. The Aroras, a trading class of the
south-western Punjab, dwelled predominantly in the Derajat and the Multan
regions of the kingdom. They were active, enterprising, industrious Hindus, and
for being mean and thrifty they were dubbed with the contemptuous epithet of
A'lrar, or a coward. They are dcscrilwd as **a cowardly, secretive, acquisitive race,
very necessary and useful may be in their places, but possessed of few manly
qualities and both despised and envied......”

Amongst the upper middle class of the Muslims were their trading Khojds
and the Prschis in Shahpur, Mulun, Jhang and Lahore districts. The former were

4M SOCIAL. LCOSOSttC AND RLLK510US CONDITIONS

mostly converts from the Hindu trading class. The PrSchas, however, w'cre Muslims
and inhabited the Peshawar and Rawalpindi region. Lahore. Sialkot, and the Salt
Range tract. They dealt in cloth, carried on extensive trade in skins and hides,
leather, silk and indigo in the cities of Centra! Asia. They were an industrious
and a prosperous community.

23. The lower middle tless

The lower middle Class in the Punjab under the Sikhs consisted of people
professing certain specified trades rir., meat, liquor, vegetables and cattle. These
included the Banjaras, or carriers and cattle dealers, the Labanas, or carriers and
hawkers, the Untwals or Balauch camel-men. the Maniars or petty hardware sellers,
and the* Brahman Bhatras or hawkers of small hardware, who also practiced
astrology and plied the trade of piercing noses and cars. To these professional
classes may he added others of petty occupations, ri:., the ioba, or a diver who dug
and cleaned wells; the pa/iva of a sHk-weaver ; the A-Aarati’a or a watermill man ;
the paUedar or carrier of grains in markets ; the diirnsar, or a maker of fire-works ;
the pa/i, a cowherd or a handicrafts man ; the jarrSh, usually a barber who was
also a surgeon of all sorts ; the pdnda, ox a literate Brahman who officiated at
religious functions; the 'att&r, or a dispensing druggist and also a perfumer ; the
gAarflffi/ or a thatcher ; the wng/arAt/i or a stone-cutter ; the tobcikhxa or a vender
of cooked food.

24.

At the lowest rung of the social order in the Punjab stood the vagrant,
menial and artisan classes, so essential for village and town economy. The vagrant
and criminal tribes, such as the Ods, the Changars, the Bawaras, the Stasis, the
Kanjars, the Nats and the Bazlgars were perhaps remnants of the original inhabitants
of the region ; the scavenger and lower artisan classes were part and parcel of the
heterogeneous social system of the Punjab. The lowest were the hereditary
scavengers, whose occupation was the removal of night soil, and distributing manure
in the fields. They also performed much of the agricultural labour. The
scavengers belonged to all the three major religions of the Punjab.* Hindu
scavengers were called the Chuhras ; the Dhanaks, the Khatiks, the Musallis, and
the Kutanas were their counterparU amongst the Muhammadans. The Sikh
scavenger class were called the Mazhbis and the Rangretls ; the latter, venerated

» T«fflple. i. XVII. TA< Ccneatones of Lai Beg. p. 527. According to hita a Ufte
riofortionoftte»eav€n{ei»innofthnnIn<Jia veie the followers of Lei Beg. tbeit tixtebtr
s«int. They bade tehjion cl their owe. neiefaei Hindu ooi Muhammaden. but with a
rnesihood end titusl peculiar to iwelf Tteit fe!i«.on may best be styled bagiolatry. pure and
simple, as It consisted merely of a confused veneiation of anything and evemhiue, the
tenets and supemuieni of the Hindus, ebc Musultaans. and the Sikhs all thrown together.

SECTS, StENDtCANTS ETC.

4S5

Guru Teg Bshaduf.ond wore tong hair, abstained from tobacco, but conversion lo
SiVhism had little improsed their social status. Abose the scavengers in social
standing were the Icather-worlcfs the weavers (Julahai). The Sikh

ehamOT was called RsmdSsrJ. because of the fact that Guru Ram Das admitted them
into the fold pfSikhism. The Muslim cAjnOr was called the mochl. The weaver
or the Ju]a.ya of the Punjab was called the and both in Hindu and Muslim
society, he enjoyed a better position than the thamir, who ale carrion, and touched
carcases. Above these two menial classes were the watermen (Jhlm/crs) and
fivhermcn (mJcWfj), the carpenten fiarXftaei), the blacksmiths (lohirt). the stone-
masons (fAsrli), the potters (Xu-nhan). the brick-l3)ers [rajs), the washermen
(dhahli). the dyers (eXlm.Hii) ani the tsHori (Jarsls) etc.

In the social economy of the village life in the Punjab these lower classes
performed domestic duties of the community, but with the esceptron of the artisan
classes who were paid for their jobs, most of them received customary dues or a
fised share of the gram at the time of the harvest.

SS. Srets, mradU*ai««u.

Ascetics, mendicants and faqtrs variously termed :s the pin. the klJht, the
Jogh and (he dfntthtt were quite common all over the Punjab. BXordViwere
ptttSominani in Lahore. Cujranwala and lolbe sub-monjane Jistrrcts. They begged
in the name of the saint Sakhi Saiwar, performed circumctsicn and acted as
mtrssis. Another class C'f Muslim mendicants characterised as holy asceltcs-tbe
QalandoTs with shaven heads, who professed to have abandoned the world roamed
about the towns and villages. Amongst the category of the /o^'n of high religious
respectability ruay be included both Hindu and Muhammadans ascetics whocither
Used in monasteries (XAan^SAjJ or sbtincs (cfrrAaj ; others travelled about begging
and visiting their disciples. Amongst the jpgij were the followers of the legendary
Gorakhnath : the various orders of the aanyorir and sidhs The f.t/Ai wore long
matted hair made brown with ashes. They were treated wiih respect both by the
Hindus and the Sikhs, but they regarded the Muhammadans with contempt and
insult * Amongst the Muhammadans were the Soft pirj or saints of various
orders of reputed sanctity, csercising great influence on the social and religious life
of the Punjab Muslims. The llrndu fsdh imitated the Muslim pir in many respects ;
some pious saints had common adherents amongst both the Hindu and Muhamma-
dans. The Dair6sU were the wandering mrodicaots generally fovnd in Lahore.
Amritsar and Perozepur districts*

> Moh»n Ul. p. 19.M.

* On tht lubjcct, vid». fexwftllp, Wi'aoa — In4lm Catle. li, Windii Srcii, p. J27 (i le^ ;
IbbttjTO— Punjab Catiti (Pair IV) J ieir^AClatiarft/ ih* Punjab rnbrranJ Cajur, 1, ric.

406

SOCIAt, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

The Sikh ascetic orders among otters were the S’H/W'itoWj, who put the
Hindu sectarian mark on llicir foreheads, and who arc described as “notorious for
gambling, thieving, drunkenness and dcbaucherj'/’ The Udasis or the followxes of
Baba Sri Chand who practiced Hindu riles were found both in the Maliva and
Mabjlia regions. The ;Va/ja^r/*u/r2r, who on account of their sacred character were
employed as escorts on trade routes in the Punjab ensuring safety from attack or
pillage by robbers. The Nirmalns or ‘the pure ones’ who were the strict followers of
the tenth Guru, and practiced celibacy and mostly lived in monasteries in the Punjab
were much respected. Lastly, there were the Metis and the Nihangs or the Immortals
of Guru Gobind Singh, the zealot soldiers and warrior priests. They h.id assumed
the odice of the guardians of the Golden Temple at Amritsar, and acted as censor of
morals of the Sikh people and preservers of the original ordinances of the faith.
Their fanaticism and turbulence has been commented upon elsewhere.*

Vagrancy and beggery as a profession was common. “The faqirs in the
Punjab.” wrote Baron Voa Hiigel In 1835 from personal espericnce, “arc quite
intoleraWe ; grcal athletic f«!lov<5, and without exception, the most impudent beggeis
in the world. This morning one came to my lent with two tamtams or drums;
he was accompanied by three men. each provided with a sort of oboe ; 1 thought
they would have distracted me outfight. In vain I commanded the man to desist
and take himself off ; he was shameless enough to keep bis ground until absolutely
driven from it by the blows of my servants.”*

26. Festivals at the Court

Scni'crna (votive offerings) and the presentations of nazars were the chief
modes of expressing goodwill and allegiance at the Sikh Court by princes, nobles,
and foreign dignitaries on all occasions. National festivals of the kingdom were
the Baisak/ii, the Cussehra, the Basant, the Holi and the Diwali. The Muslims
observed the Id, the Muharrani,lhe ^abrat zadihe MitSd-un-Nabbi. The day of
PjfjaWii was deemed blessed and celebrated at the Court, and for the santkalpa of

the Maharaja money, silver bedsteads, gold and silver utensils were kept ready.
The day tvas a public holiday in the whole country, and charities were given to the
poor and the Brahmans, which consisted of cows, borses, elephants, gold ban.les and

foodstuirs.* On the day of the festival of ftaraal great festivities toolr place, when

the officers of platoons, commandants and jamadars were ordered to prepare yellow
tinifonns for the troops for parade. A public assembly was arranged for

TL. AkStls tiler aiiumed a s-ci-militerT turbulent ehettetet. .nil to draw off their
» tteeiir EiMh wi«l, rrrruitrd then, la bit VU,. .u.ra p. 325 ff.

iravtls, p, 62.

UT, 111(0. p. 1S;1UU0.P.12L

453 Social, ecosomic aKd reli6ious cos’ditioks

March 1937.^ Ranjit SInsh was seated surrounded by his Court and the guard of
pretty Amazons, some thirty or forty in number, armed with bows and arrows,
which they drew the moment the British parly made its entry. In front of esery
one were small baskets filled with small brittle balls containing red powder.
Large bowls of thick yellow saffron stood along side. As soon as guests were
seated, the Maharaja took a large butter-boat kind of article, filled it up with
saffron and poured it on Sir Henry Fane’s bald bead ; while at the same time, the
prime minister rubbed him over with gold and silver leaf, mixed with red
powder.

The Maharaja himself seemed to enjoy the fun as any one, while the
courtiers threw balls of saffron and red powder on each other, although few of
them aimed at him personally- “The battle raged for more than an hour,”
comments Edward Fane, “during which neither the Commander-in-Chief nor the
Amazons came off scot free ; and by the time we all got up to return home the
Honourable Company of London chimney-sweeps would haxe turned us out as too
dirty for their society.”*

The Dnrsh was a day of festivities, iiluminatlens, ahms-giving to the poor
and the Brahmans, and bestowal of the khillaUs and monetary grants to the nobles
and persons of the royal family. On this day illurainations took place at night
“with great glory and the surface of the earth began to reflect the sky.”*
Drinking parties took place, and dancing girls entertained the Maharaja with
songs and dance.

27. Position of women

Compared to male popubtion of the Punjab there were lesser women.
Female infanticide though discouraged, was commonly practiced in secret by
both the Sikhs and Muslims and this perhaps accounts for the disproportion of
females to male population. According to Punjabi popular tradition, a woman held
an inferior status than man and she was associated with folly and impurity and
unfaithfulness. But in ginerat practice that was not so ; and the women held
position and authority in the house-hold and if she bore a son. her status in
the family increased ten-fold. Child marrbge and polygamy were common in
the Punjab among the rich and the poor also, and the system of joint family
prevailed. The widow s and barren women had a hard time. Concubinage and
prostitution was common in all classes of society.

I Fane, Fire Tear) tn Indta, Loadon, lS42,i, p,S3.9^
* lhd.p.91.

S UT, lU (hi), p. 22U

416 SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIOMS

the victim walked, made a terrible uproar ; but the ifl/7 seemed to have retained all
her composure. She lay down herself on the pyre and removed her ornaments,
which she distributed among those around her, and when she had finished, she
picked out the most comfortable position, getting up several times to alter the
position of logs of wood which were not comfortable. When she was at her case,
she had herself covered carefully with more logs. Then they threw a quantity of
oil on the pyre in which she burned herself, and when fire was applied, it blazed up
with such violence that she must have been sufTocated at oncc.”‘

30. Education

Education was not the responsibility of the State ; the system prevalent was
the institution of maktabs and paihhafos encouraged by private philanthropy.
Princes, nobles and men of means educated their children by private tutors. Female
education was practically uakr»own. Men of letters were were few, but these
commanded considerable respect. Illiteracy was common among the Sikhs, the
Muslims and the lower class Hindus. The Sikh Omera neither encouraged
education nor did they possess any accomplishments In art and literature. Only the
Bha'Is or the priestly class among the Sikhs were literate, but they confined their
activities to reading and writing of religious literature. Hindu niun^ls and Muslim
muifaddis, with adequate knowledge of Persian-the prevalent language of the Court
and public business in the Punjab, grew up as a professional class of scribes, clerks,
writers and accountants. Punjabi was the spoken language of the great mass of
the MSfijha and Malwa people ; Lande or western Punjabi better known os MultSnl
in the southern Punjab— Multan, Bahawalpur and the Derajat ; Pushto and Persian
in the north-western districts ; and Kashmiri in Kashmir, the bill districts had their
own peculiar pahari dialects.

Large-scale educational endowment was scarce ; but the rich and the affluent
often gave large sums of money for the establishment of madrases and paihshaJas,
which were generally attached to religious institutions. The most popular institution
was the endowed maktab, an institution so common under Muslim rule in India,
attached to a mosque, where besides the reading and learning the Qur’an by heart,
the elementary classics in Persian, the CuHstOn and the Bouan, arithmetic, algebra,
geometry and calligraphy were taught with skill and efficiency. In tht puthshalas
attached to Hindu and Sikh temples, pupils learnt mainly Sanskrit and Sikh
religious scriptures.

The teacher got practically no pay in town and villages, he subsisted
on his of own learning, and olTcringj of cash or presents from the scholars and
their parents.

> Jeurnol, ep. elt., r.55

FEMAl^ INFANTICIDE

411

31. Tlisgfi

The crimmal institution of TTiag^ in the Punjib, according to H. Beereton’s
Report, originated under the Sikh rnle.* Wazir Singh, a Mazahbl Sikh, an
inhabitant of the village Dura in the Manjha, introduced it in the Punjab in a
systematic manner. OriginaHy in the service of Jodh Singh RSmgarhia, Wazir Singh
acquired the knowledge of the secret crime of the ThaggT in India from a gang of
Thaggs at Hardwar, and on his completion of a short apprenticeship to the
nnorthodox sect, he returned to the Punjab and laid the foundation of professional
highway robbery in the land of the five rivers. He entered the service of the
Maharaja as a ghorchard. He was a notorious and daring robber, and the Maharaja
turned his energies to good account by setting him loos: against his enemies. He
carried on his exploits clandestinely, travelled as a Sikh Sardar of means, and
adopted the style of Hindustani Thaggs. But in 1817, his gang was traced for
murdering two Sikh travellers, and he was summarily put to death.

But Wazir Singh had sown the seeds of organised Thaggl in the Punjab, and
the remnants of his gang led by Gulab Singh and his brothers, carried on their
nefarious activities from Govindpur in Amritsar district. From this p’ace they
organised Thaggi in all the districts of the Punjab— Balala, Hosbiarpur, Multan and
Pakpattan, and when the Sikb government took strong measures to extirpate the
Thaggs, part of their gang infiltrated into British territory across the Sutlej.
Petrols were ordered from Lahore (o Multan, and from Lahore to Peshawar to
seize and search all strangers. Tb: Tbaggs caught were hung on the nearest tree.

32. Female laliDtlciee

Female infanticide prevailed among the Rajputs of the hills, the Khatrls of
Cujranwala, Multan and Jbang, Shabpur, Jeh'um and Lahore. The Bedis all
over the Punjab practiced it on a very large scale. The general causes of this
nefarious practice were the misconceived notion of disgrace in marrying a daughter,
and th: heavy cvpinditure attendant on bet marriage. “It is astonishing what large
sums are spent on such occasions,” MelviU observes in his Report on the subject.
“People live to save money to marry Iheir daughters ; others impoverish themselves
for life to outvie their neighbours. Such is the custom all over India, but it is
carried to greater extent in the Punjab Iban elsewhere. Seventeen lakhs of rupees
are said to have been spent at the marriage of Koonwur Nao-Nikal Singh, with the
daughter of the Ataree Chief. Eight lakhs that of the Raja of Aloowala.”'

Pride of race or pwverty was, therefore, the main cause of female infanticide,
and although practiced secretly,* it was not considered a crime either by the State

I Rtvott 9n Th-Jesee in iXt Pun}^ (Setectioiu from Public Corrtspmdencc ef the
Aiminlctrauan for Afairt ef the PunjoK Lahoie. 1857. VoL I. No. XIIL

* Mel»i!ItoGoi-«rninmt.8Ja1j,lS53, FowUn Deprt. No,<58.

* The ehitd vat dettiojcd immcdiatety after bittb, hj filliDI (he aoath vith eov<

412

SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

or the society. Hypergamy was prohibited under social and religious practice— and,
the convenient TOodc was adopted by the chief sacerdotal class in the Punjab,
especially the Bedis amongst the Sikhs, and the Sayyeds amongst the Muhammadans.
“There are two causes alleged for female infanticide/’ observes Grant in his
A/lflu/c on the subject, “—the one Is a religious one, founded upon peculiar tenets
or considerations of caste ; the other is a pecuniary one, arising out of the habitual
expenditure of large sums upon marriage ceremonies/’*

Apart from the female infanticide In the Punjab, on account of superstition
and ignorance in rare cases, the murder of male child was deemed to be a remedy
for barrenness. The crime of female infanticide was gradually discouraged and
made illegal soon after the annexation of the Punjab in 1849.

a™i,o, b, fam.„i„2,b.b..d H. „ b, „,d =b.

rice . Ill tb«e ttein. were cilculited to prevent respuition md cause immediate deith.
Other methc/di were to bury the mrint alive. itarvitioB ot luffocition.

i. ,».Pun/.S.

rf ,n W,„„, India. IdSS ; ..d tb.

Correspondence etc.. Lihore, )B57. p. 392 ff.

Cbaptek 18

LITERATURE. FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB
Section I ; literature and Folklore

1. No Royal patTOnage

IT WOULD BE FUTILE to tramp up the fond assertion that under the
Sikh rule literature and art received direct encouragement from the State. Few
nightingales warbled at Ranjit Singh's Court ; no poets sang his panegyrics, and
none worshipped the pen, brush or chisel. The royal Sikh Court at Lahore though
magnihcently crowded by gorgeously-dressscd and over-ornamented Sardars,
warriors armed Ccip-a-pi>, ministers, sycophants and abject flatterers, was pitifully
devoid of men of Utters, artists and sculptors. There were no Abul Fazls. Faizis
or Urfls attached to tbe Maharaja's (entourage to immortalise the great roan
to the posterity. The solitary record of the times maintained officially was by the
lone rosndmehanmuj Sohan Lai SM, whose otherwise Mcellent chronicle U also
pitifully devoid of any literary merits. It signally fails to register tbe currents and
cross<urrents of social, economic or intellectual tendencies of the people.

One main reason for this attitude could be the royal indifference towards
intellectual or artistic pursuits : what was sot popular at the Court, was not worth
recording. The Maharaja had other mundane interests. Illiterate himself and
brought up in tbe lap of crude times in which a prince learnt to respect vaguely
learning and learned men, but the embellishments of scho'astic attainments were
unnecessary for him. Ranjit Singh disliked all books, except tbe holy book to which
he devoutedly listened to twice daily. Wars and conquests and problems of
administration occupied most of his time ; personal attention to all political affairs
of the Stale was his daily routine. Wine, women, nantcft-girls and music his hours
of relaxation. Consequently, there seems to be little or no official patronage of
literature or art at the Court.

2. Social enTironments

However, the evolution of boman mind, or for that matter, of literary and
poetical trends need no royal sanctions. These transcend barriers of political
anareby, royal indifference, or even slndled discouragement by those controlling
social or political environments. Illiteracy was a common phenomenon under the
Sikh rule. Persian being the current offidal language for all political purposes, the

414 LITERATURE, FOLn.ORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

Sha'is or the literate priestly class among the Sikhs were well versed in the intcrpre*

taUon of the philosophy of the religion propounded by their sacred Gurus. As a

priestly class they had gradually grown professional ; a few amongst them had
inherited any literary or aesthetic traditions, but they exhibited little concern outside
their limited sphere of theological learning and scholastic studies. As under the
Mughals, in the Punjab the intellectual and literary fabric was still highly permeated
with Pcfsianised forms in all aspects. Unlike the ruling class i. e. the rugged

Misaldars, who were generally illiterate busy fighting their petty battles, and who

could hardly be expected to devote their time to such ungainful activities, the upper
miWle class intelligentsia who could afford education were well up by their
traditional upbringing in the lofe of Sa‘adi. Hafiz, Jarai, Attar and Rumi. All
those who rose above the commonality conformed to the established Pcrsianised
literary trends.

3. Growth of Punjabi Literatore

Ike ErowU of Punjabi literature u
“■■l>iferions. Poets a„d bards, and srrilers
Plieir Mrlv decadence and political confusion.

Pcrsianised forms both

on Hindu reP*^ a V ''t'lers the guidelines were the Persian worts

JhewTtnoZ o! ""'.'’“"j"'’' ="> Thus in I7«.

made for * ^*^*‘*“ ‘f^oslatlon of the Indian epic Mehabharta

Mulla Sheri in all Muhammad Sultan Thanisari and

Mu hflam r •>» Kh»“'-

a o ^ ^ Panuanaud made Punjabi versions of the ■lyar-l-Dlnish. n

oflnTrU wmts ” 1 "“/'“''“ O'ke' essays in m-teansIatio»s

Pogo-Portshru, the Vw,iro,I!ur,?rZr'Mr

^"e 'mof ‘SL;"' d ' n,;; “u.=“em“on

a fah luolfe or h ™ «■= ■■“'■jak «”d having

infc.VamhtionTl'r'’'"'’”'"'"^^^^^

the knoivled-e of Sanslrit and "aeihod employed by them without

- Phdosophical terminology, nmde their worts

°®"- ‘-n H: -a

EVOLUTION OF PUNJABI VERSE «5

a mixture of gloss and a flimsy paraphra$c. Most of these translations have not
survived.because of their mediocrity and misinterpretations of texts, and because
those really interested in them adverted to the extant translations of higher quality
in Persian.

Popular literature in Punjabi based on romantic themes and Indo-Muslim
religious traditions grew up in a abundance. Thus the Punjabi poets wrote
Ifir Ranjha, Sassl Punnvn ziid Sotumi Mahiwal, classic romantic tales of human
love and passion, of jealousy and wndetta, of degrcdation of human mind and
its sublimity, and dire pathos and worldly wisdom. Tales of Dliarmi llaqiqai RU'i
and /jaja Copi CAand versified during this period reflected some of the social and
religious problems of the Punjab. The writers of this period turned to the
convenient existing Persian verse-forms and metres, suitably amended to suit local
Punjabi dialects, for they had nothing better to tom to. A hazy semblance of an
urge to interpret §iific and Vedantic thought pervaded their moral, didactic and
pantheistic tone, but their simple idiomatic language made them usually understood
by the common mass of the people in the Punjab.

Thus, early Punjabi poetry was nursed io the tap of existing Persian script,
verse-forms and metres commonly understood by the people. Hamid Shah
exercised his pen In mjrx.a'-writing, a highly popular subject with the Shi'a
Muhammadans. If poetry was highly tinctured with Sufi elcectic pantheism,
literature was generally chained to the religious traditions of the time. Historical
themes were scant, as for instance an account of Nadir Shah's invasion or Bir Singh's
account of the battles of Guru Cobind Singh.

4, ETolotion o{ Pasistii tcfk

As a medium of literary expression Punjabi verse was extremely popular.
It had also wider appeal, for, itinerant professional minstrels and bards transmitted
it throughout the length and breadth of the Punjab. Thus Gopal Singh, Sewa Singh,
Sahib Jai Singh, and the immortal Bulleh Shah set their styles in the kafis, the
hal/5, the fcah/fx and the r/oAaj. Bulleh Shah may be regarded as the moralist of
the Punjab. He advocated SUSc thought in common parlance in kafts, which are
supremely melodious, highly scathing and admonitory towards human failings.
Fot his pessimism and negative attitude towards life and the transitoriness of the
world be set up a new style in Punjabi poetry. He has copiously borrowed from
Persian Snfic lore, yet moulded brs expression to popular comprehension in rugged
and forceful Punjabi dialect. In many ways his kafls could favourably be compared
to the quatrains of the celebrated Omar Khayyam.

Hindu poets of the period may rightly be regarded as the Bhaktakaris, as
they derived their inspiration from the Braj and immortal legends of the Kiljna

^16 LIIERATUHe. folklore AKD art IM the PUNJAB

cult. They adopted the popular symbolism and spiritual zeal from the celestial
songs of Radha and Krisna. ^silcLal is the master of this style and its chief
exponent. Amongst the Muslims who wrote romantic poetry of high order, Warris
Shah interpreted the highlights of mystic thought in popular language.

5. Literatare uadir Rsojit Siagh

And although we have BO evidence of direct royal patronage of literature
under RanjitSineh.it is apparent that the emergence of the Punjab as a sovereign

State did have some impact on consolidating and unifying the existing literary
trends. The Muslim poets Hashim. Ahmad Yar. Ghulam Farid and Karam Aii
Shah perfected the Punjabi lyrical poetry in the already established verse-forms and
metr«. l^ic Sufic thought was the main source of inspiration of these pure
^*^**.!*t». • * grew out of its Persianised groove, and assumed a mclamor-

^osed I^jabi form and environment employing Punjabi vacabulary and metaphor.
The qatas, the r«h3‘ir, the kajls, the dohros and the kebits took a distinct Punjabi

shape and a chamctenstic individualistic style, which was at once musical to the

coinmon car. ^ e y-nelst propounded pantheistic thought in common Punjabi

““ds of the P«t5. and its
knowledge was their chief goal.
Th«e verse-forms became highly popular with all classes of people.

6. t.0Te bittaii

Early mitninetsanlh ceataiy was the aye of Panjabi romantic poetry.

on SL^a^d

hfa/l S a «"■” "cre thetoVo

Wma bv Ah d’v "“’o'"''"’ by Abdal Hakim, Ibe A'dmrap

b, Ganea rL=. .be Sard

brMabmm!d V h ®’‘'b"b. .he -Aiaik-ul-Q^a!

by Warrh Shah “1“”’ b* an anonymous author, the Hlr JtsHJf-a

works “iqne for bis sundry

discuswfiSv Vf«b-..Tjr ^ The merits of his works have been

aiscussed by MacauIilTe, Cunningham and Tmmpp.i

7. Folklore •&<! Lejendt

srowtb -r ‘

— — legends which have so enriched Punjabi

* Cunaiorhia. B 5|. x«a-._i;4T, it .

p. tUL ^ * •-•“I*-** 1. Urxn ; »aJ Tnnarp-twfffJitetfe",

tOLkLOBfeANDLEGfiNDS 4i7

literature. Minstrels and wandering bards sang them in towns and villages all
over Punjab. Affluent noblemen and Sardars at the capital and elsewhere patronised
them. Semi-religious and sacred legends of the Hindus and Muhammadans were
recited in verse or performed in the fomt of plays at various festivals and occasions,
nr, Basant, DIwSli, Dussehra, MoJjarram and Milad-un-Nabi, etc. A professional
class of singers or performers, the bhat and the mirilsi speedily sprang up. Occa»
sionally Brahman jHflAg-singers and the hoArD/tfaj narrated these legends by word
of mouth to large audiences at social and religious functions.

The vast mass of versified Punjabi literature based on folklore and legend,
and characterised by the employment of common Punjabi language and dialect was
unencumbered by abstruse doctrinaire or morphological absurdities. It svas written
in simple Punjabi dialect commonly understood by the people of the Punjab. This
literature which grew up was based on heroic Punjabi legends, romantic stories of
love both human and divine, tales of sanctified nature or pure hagiology, legends of
saints, tribal tales of love and vendetta, mytho'ogical stories or ballads adopted
from the Indian epics, ogre stories, or of persons wielding miraculous and occult
powers. Amongst the major popular legends of the Punjab recorded in verse were
those generally current, that of Rdja Ritala and Foran Bkagat, Sakhl Sarwar,
Cugga Plr, Ifir ReHJha, Sassi Punnun, Sohani Mahinol, Mirra SOhibSn, Ne/a and
Damyanli, Yusuf Zuleikha, Chandtr Badan, Kamrop Ktsmlata and many others.^

8. Lejend of Rlja SiialQ

Two outstanding figures dominate the literary trends of the nineteenth
century in the Punjab— Qadir Yar and Saotokh Singh, and to a lesser degree, poets
like Hashim, Gbulam Farid and others. Qadir Yar, a Muslim poet immortalised the
legend of R3ja Ris3l&, the most important of the Punjab folklore. The legend is
generally considered as historical and of Pothwir origin, RisalQ being identified with
king Salvahana. Another authority regards RisalQ as identical with Ranbal, a
Hindu prince who opposed the Muslim invaders in his native land Manikpur, but
he appears to be a mythical person.* Supplementary to the legend of Raja Risala
is that of Poran Bhagat or Cbaturanginalh, a disciple of the celebrated
Machchaadranath. He is the legendary son of rSja Sllivahana and rani Achhran
ofSialkot. His step-mother Luoan, a women of cunning charm and dissolute
character, falls in love with Paran. The slep-son categorically repels the nefarions
advances of the step-mother, who calumniates him to her spouse. At the hoodwinked

* AulKffritio : fee Sererallj. A’fffet aad Quener.i, 1CS3-8-1 : Temple; Letenis

of tlie Fun]i& ^Voi3..'La'Da[e. ; ‘Rote. A duMryof lkeTrit>» C»(ef of ilie Punjab
etc. tahore. 1919 etc

* Rc»e, Cltila'ji of tht Triin anJ Catutaf r&« Pwn/aS, op. oil., t. p. 124.

N-53

4lS LITERATURE. FOLKLOREANb ART IN THEPONjAfi

raja’s orders Pnran’s bands and feet are cut off and he is thrown into a disused
well. Guru Gorakhnath of KamrOp,' and universaliy acknowledged as a wandering
mendicant endowed with miraculous powers, arrives and rescues him. Restored to
his lost limbs, Puran becomes a disciple of Gorakhnath. He too is endowed with
miraculous powers, and returns to Sialkot, where he restores the eye-sight of his
blindmother, bestows upon rani Sundran a son. and refuses to rule the kingdom
of his father. He becomes a josh
9. Legend oi Hit Rsnjha

The classic roniance of Hir Ratijha is the most celebrated and popular
romance of the Punjab. It was first versified by Damodar and also by Muqbil and
others in the 16th century, late in the 19th century Arif-svrote its another version;
but its best and universally popular version Is that by Warris Shah. Warris Shah
is the master of his own style ; his verse and thought flows like a clear stream, and
his pen manipulates the rugged Punjabi idiom into forceful expression with a magic
touch. His immaculate realism has a pungent and sharp didactic tone, and his
philosophy of life with all its subtleties has a common popular grain. Warris Shah
employs a simple rhythmic and melodious metre and rhyme tuned to Punjabi ear,
a common mode of expression in the ioterprctaiion of mundane joys and woes,
human fulfilment and despair. He speaks of passionate love, jealousy, fire, anger,
lust, avarice and spiritual contentment. His long, dramatic ballad written in terse,
craggy and idiomatic Punjabi is a masterful allegory; its style is popular for its
melody, emotional depth and an intimate knowledge of the habits, customs and
common superstitioas of the people of the Punjab.

Briefly, the legend of Hir is based on the Illicit love of Hir, a daughter of a
Si’dl Rajput of Ringpur, and RSnjha, a Jat herdsman of Takht Hazara, employed
in that capacity by her father. The scandalous affair becomes a common know-
ledge of the locality, and the villain of the piece is Kaidu, a lame character
of Satanic disposition who considers the conduct of the lovers as outrageous.
TJltimately, Hir is married off to Saida Khera, a RTt youth, to whose village Ranjha
repairs in the disguise of a Jog? or a n'cndkanl. V/ith considerable artifice the
lovers escape, but are apprehended and brought to trial before a Qazl. who
ultimately lets them off. Hir’s parents suffer humiliation and when she rctuns to
her parental house, she is poisoned to death. On hearing the news of the death of
Hir, Rafijha also dies broken-hearted. lo the Efilosue, Warris Shah emphasises
the allegorical character of the ballad.

10. Olher love tales

Equally popular were the romantic tragedies drawn on the pattern of //»r,
and versified in Punjabi language— 3f/r;a Sahiban, Sajs! Punnan and Sohnt Mahin ul.

* Tot the legeoj of Cotthhoseh ride, the present wtitet's flliiary of Nepal. Hothierpur,
1V70, p. 41 y,, 61 {. n. 2 : eUo Teople, li.p. 373; Ptnijjy Natit and, Qeeriei, ii. p. 390 etc.

HISTORICAL \VOa«

419

Jl//r:a i’fl/Jfciln is a lefcril of love and pathos. SShibzn. the a'rcady betrothed
daughter of the Mahni ChieforKhiva, fall$*in lave with Mirza, her cousin, and
elopes with him towards Danahad. *1110 lovers are, however, overtaken by their
pursuers -the Mahnis and the Chadhars, and done to death.

5ajjl PurnDn, another romantic irapedy cf note. orlgina’Iy .a talc of Sind and
southern Balauchistan, was rendered into Punjabi verse amongst others by Hashim
Shah in the ISlh century. The legend is very well known and popular in the
Punjab. It narrates the story ofSassi, the d-vujhtcr of p.ne JamAd.vm, whom (fie
astrologers warn that she would bring disgrace lo the family by falling in lov* with a
man outside the tribe. She is therefore placed in aa ark and floated down the riser
Indus. A washerman rescues her and brings her up as his own daughter. The
young maiden falls in love by seeing a portrait of Punno.a, the prince of Kach and
MaVran. Some merchants from Dalauehistan arrive and arc imprisoned at SassVs
instigation in the hope that their prince PannCn would come to rescue them.
PunnDn arrives and meets SassI with whom he falls in love and refuses to return to
his native land. Ills father, however, has him carried off to his cwm country ; SastI
follows him and dies in (he desert. PunnQn latter arrives at her grave which opens
up to receive hint and thus the two lovers arc united in death eternally.

11, llliiortul Works

Gurmukhi historical works written during the are few and far

between. One of these is Sukha Singh's Cur Ci/ar, .a biography of the tenth Guru
completed towards the close of the 18th century. Other works of similar nature
already described are those of Sintokh Singh, rlr , S'aiak ParkSjh and Guru Partap
Soriya. While Sohan Lai Suri compiled his 'UmJat-ut-Tawenkh and the RosnUmeha
of the events at Ranjil Singh's Court, the chief historians of the period are:
Bute Shah, who wrote the rmrarfAM-PunJilh . Khushwaqt Rai who completed m
1811 the To^’^rikk-l'SIkhkhart ■, Kanahaya Lai wrote the Ranjimania, Amar
Naih the ZufarnOma’l ficnyjr and Bakhtroal who completed in 1814, the

KholsanOma.

12. TbeVsii

Early rar literature was religions and scmi-historical. It is principally
represented in the writings of Bh3T Gardas, one of the most revered disciples of
Guru N.vnak, who wrote his risrs in the early I7th century BhJT Gurdas had
such a wonderful grasp of (he mission of Guru Kanak that Guru Arjan, according
to tradition, was inclined to incorporate his writings in the Cranih, but the
learned amanuensis of (he Sikhs declined the honour in all modesty to let his
writings rest for the spiritual benefit and instruction of the faith of the holy Gurus.
The contents of BhaT Gurdas' vary and laHis are so well described by Cunningham :

420 LITERATURE, FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

“He regards him (Nanak) as the successor of Vyasa and Muhammad, and as the
destined restorer of purity and sanctity ; the regeneraler of a world afllctcd with the
increasing wickedness of men, and with the savage contentions of numerous sects.
He declaims against bigotry of the Muhammadans and their ready resort to
violence ; he denounces the asceticism of the Hindus, and urges all men to
abandon their evil ways, to li\e peacefully and virtuously, and to call upon the
name of true God to whomHanak had borne witness... The writings of Gurdas arc,
indeed, rather figurative descriptions of actual alTairs than simple hymns in praise
of God ; but they deserte attention as expounding Nanak’s object of a gradual
fusion of Muhammadans and Hindus into common observers of anew and belter
creed, and as an almost contemporary instance of the conversion of noble but
obscure idea of an individual into the active principle of a multitude, and of the
gradual investiture of a simple fact with the gorgeous mytbism of memory and
imagination. The unpretending "Nanak, the dcplorer of human frailty and the
lover ofhis fellow men, becomes, in the mind of Gurdas and of the Sikh people,
the first of heavenly powers and emanations, and the proclaimed instrument of God
for the redemption of the world ; and every hope and feeling of the Indian races «$
appealed to in proof or in illustration of the reality and the splendour of his
mission.”!

Bb3*I Gurdas raised Che rdr literature to the highest pedestal in the inte^
preiatioD of Sikh historical and religious tradition, and in the exposition of the
transcendental and the mundane in ballads of extreme elegence and sublimity.
Later, however, the rar or ballad began to be employed in popular language in the
description of historical events. It became popular throughout the Punjab on
account of its common theme, rhythmic roedium, emotional appeal and sectional
interests. Thus we have, amongst others. Pir Muhammad’s ChathiOn di VBr and
Shah Muhammad’s celebrated vor-Jang Singhon wa Faringian. This type of
literature was also popular in the hills as is evidenced in the v3rj written, some of
which furnish genealogies of the ancient and current heroes rir. the VSr of
SonsarChand of Kangra, ihtVor of ChmhSn Singh, and xhtVdr o} Raja Jagai
Singh of Xarpur and Rjja Fateh Parkaah of Sirmor, the latter work being of semi-
historical description giving an account of war between the hill states of Kangra
and Sirmor.’

Section 11 : Sikh Art**

13 PotItUal bickCroand

THE CL/tSSIC COMMENT of the critic of Sikh art that until the second

quarter of the nineteenth century, no painting that was truly Sikh could be said to

V Hutory ef iJieSiDu. p. 4J..19.

* See Teapli. ii, p. 13Jf ;146f ;ind 457^.

**StUei AkAfrilirr: Gupta. S.N.— Cfilfllrfiie of Painjinfj in Ctnltat
lotorr, Ctlcuta, 3972. P«tcjr Brovu-^tsdiei P«tfsi>Hjr, Calcutta, J917. Atcbri, W. O."'

roLincAL BACfscROtmD

ill

exist,* is partially correct for historicsl reasons. The rude and warlike barons of
the Misal period had neither inherited any aesthetic traditions from their forebears
nor bad they any time to cultivate love or patronage of fine arts. Towards the
closing decades of the cighfeenlh centary little of the ersslive impulse of the
Indo-Muslitn or Mughal art and archileetura! styles had survised in northern
India. The Afghan power which had shakily gripped this part of the sub-continent
offered no equal or even an inferior heritage in art or letters which could attract
or countetbalancc the fast-decaying literary, artistic or architectural values and
styles set up by the ^fwghal rule in higher soeW circles. There being no /nflow of
men of letters and artists in the wake of Afghan Ghl/Is, whose depredations shook
up political and intellectual fabric of the Punjab, a vacuum was created in which
art and architecture sorely declined and their existing values became effete
and decadent.

The Sikh confederacies which rose to meet the Afghan political challenge
confined their concerted activities to overthrow and expel Afghan power from
northern India. Engaged in a war of survival, they had little time to cultivate
arts of peace. When they had carved out their petty kingdoms on the ruins of
Abdali's empire in India, the Sikh Misals were confronted with a new threat of
extinction posed by Panjit Singh, who had salvaged the Punjab from the weak and
confused thraldom of an effete feudalistic political structure, internally torn by the
mutual Jealousies and intrigues of the Sardars.

And if the Mis.at period could rightly be regarded as totally barren in so far
as art and literature were concerned, the new master of the Punjab, had not much
reverence for their promotion. lie was a soldier and a warnor. Sword and horse
were objects of his adaralha. With these be had created his kingdom Tradition-
ally or temperamentally he had not inherited any love or devotion for art and
literature. Hence during the early period of his reign wc hear of no men of
letters, artists or sculptors at Lahore. Local painters and writers, devoid of
court patronage ploughed their lonely furrow as best as they could. A few of
their works eiecuted during this period half-heartedly show their bafflement.

Pdinitnrt of ilie Siihi, London. 1966 ; Kaifro Panitinx, London. 1952. HttdmC. C.—
R«oIl«iiO<iJ of /ndia. London, I8r7. Hi*el, E.O— Indian Senfpear* and Painiing Osford,
19t6. Solcjrlicfl, A —Indian S;rnrr ond Charaeltrt, London. 135?. Coomataiwsms, A, K.
— Rajpul Pafnifnj. Orford, 1916. i. Edrn. EnilT.— Poriraali of Prfncoj and Peorfe of India.
London, ISU. Gtay, It —An of India and Pakisian Lcadon. 1950 French J. C.— Himalaran
An, Oitocd, 19J1. Dotorleliae Lul of Falnlineo arc. in thi Punjah Stale Arehipet. Pailata,
1910. Ate Joutntlt Ruoam iil.lZ . and Afarf, vii.2; viii, 3; t, 2. Besides ihe votki (5re
Bi&iliorrookv) oi Bsrt. Osbotne. Me<tteS 0 T.Jac(|DCitiont,O(Ii:h, Kujel end others.

* Archer, Falnllng) of lAa Sithe, Loaden, 1966^ p 18.

422

LITERATURE. FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

14 . Kaagts art

Ponjab, however, art flourished copiously at Kangra
svhich was the main centre of painting, and Gulcr and Nurpur artists were the main
exponents of a new hil! Rajput st>lc. Kangra and Guler artists were sustained by
“ patronage of the hill Chiefs ; they interpreted Rajput culture and

Hindu m>tho!ogy which found favour in the hills.

With the Sikh adrance in the hills during the early eighteenth century, and

the ultiiMte subjugation ofKangra in 1809. and annexation of Kotla Guler and

Nutpur rtvo years later, these independent hill States became subservient to Lahore
authority In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, therefore, hill
splendour of the Maharaja's Court, drifted
Lafiore, Amritsar and even to Delhi. But the El Dorado of
Kam-Lahorc, proved to be a wasteland. The cumulative effect of

“f”® ‘“''y »med in H. pbins for want of

rt-n d-t/rfr"' \ ‘ C"'=' »■><! Ndrpur painting

styles and iharat. ■ ti'“tint of severe jolts of adaptations of new

hm^s ofT h A">‘>''-''‘>t“itltstanding it, steady decline, the

plain ^eo^ ‘ft S“-i"tpited art of Use Punjab

to the Sikh subilctr ^^^**'^“‘*ttpted new styles in the plains conforming

Popnlar reLrmwl ; ‘ responsible for the introdnetinn of

popular Hindu mythology in the early Sikh art.*

15. Raojit Singh'* arCTsioo

tolhepl'ron'a'ne'oj" “"t' ”» reference

received gainful .1 , Painters seems to have

traveller „ a , Singh asked Hnge|-S fellow

palmer. T^e' Maba:;!, Tbirv " 1 ": “

Imagination for so little reqnileTia^n”

•ndPaSl.Un, Lrata” m' » ' IoT-“ . ' ‘""■"r. Gnj. B—a.t ,/ /.die

P.C71 ‘ •''’"'"■'''■•■''eOre./.P.rt.,. CS„.i. K.S.I , L.„du„. isro.

EUROrfeAM PAISTERS

One ostensible reason for such nccatin atliluJe couU be Ranjit Singh’s
personal aversion to being pairitedon account of his unprepossessing looks. He
had a highly pock-marked face, was one-cycd, and possessed en unattractii'C
appearance. He exhibited a marked asersion to being portrayed. When requested
by Vigne to give him a silling, he sent to his residence a while Arabian camel
belonging to his favourite raja Hira Singh for cscrclsing his talents.* However,
by constant supplications he was able to persuade the Maharaja for a silting.
There is no trace of the original portrait of the Maharaja drawn by Vignc, but wc
still have a full face lithograph of Ranjit Singh after a drawing by him in March
1837 in the India Odie Library. This portrait it amongst the best ever drawn of
Ranjit Singh, of great simp'icity of design and pure clcgence. Ranjit Singh is
shown wearing an unojually large turban over his forehead and a padded Punjabi
tunic; a single pearl necklace around his neck and a white handkerchief in his
hand. He has a square contour of face, light olive eompicsion, wide forehead,
his right and only eye large and prominent, A grey moustache blending with white
beard, adds char.icter to the very expressive counieitancc of the Maharaja.

16. European ptiDier*

Renjit Singh had no personal use of the hill artirts «vho had come down
to the plains and hovered around hit Court for royal patronage So marked was
his sensivity to being portrayed that with the exception of Vignc, we have no
record that he condescended to tit for any local or foreign artist. Foreign
travellers, visitors and artists who visited Uahore-Osborne, Honigberger,
MaegregOf, Von Orlfch, Cmity Eden and others were well content to draw the
portraits of the Maharaja from personal impressions which they gained from
meetings with him in the full glory and magnificence of his Darbdr. As these
foreign artists set an invigorating style in Sikh art. the) deserve a brief mention at
this place.

C. T. Vignc, who accompanied Raron Von Hugcl to Lahore in 1835, was an
accomplished artist. Besides his classic portrait of Ranjit Singh, he drew numerous
sketches on Punjab life, amongst them being the celebrated horse Lcili. the favourite
of the Maharaja. W. G. Osborne, who visited Lahore in 1838, was a nephew of
Lord Auckland. He was an excellent amateur painter. His Journal incorporates

t liid. "fly petKVectnS in my friiim(.''o«ttatr« Vitnr, ''RunjMr «( leneth aflo«*J at
to attempt hii ponraic in (utl datbai. Whni I limaalteci biml irat in company with Baton
Hufel. tie colcufcd.inilcj. and (CptieJ : Toatocrow it Amtitsit I' Which wii only an
oriental iDoiie ot itfutins, 11 be had DO idea of Sotnf to Amiiuar. lalain ropeclfuily uited
the leaueit. *Ko t No I' be sald.'I im an old man. Take bit pitcure.* pointing toHira SmSb.

He U vety yourg and bandiomc* Had 1 been obi»tuiCu> enough to have gieen Runjeet

tnoeyea, be vould probably have made no obtectien : tod when be did alt to me, be was
cotiitantly turning away, to tf to conceal bit blind eye."

Literature. folUl0reA>;0 artw the pukjaS

16 lithograph sketches of the highest quality, which indnde a classic sketch of the
Maharaja with his fasouritcTajiHiraSin^ io an elaborate selliDg.i portraits of
Sher Sir^, AJit Singh Siadhianwals, Faqlr Azlz-ud-Din and others.* EmilvEden,
asistcrofLord Auckland, was one of the most skilled British artists, who visited

. V ^ exquisite portrait of Ranjit Sinsh is veiy close

to the Sikh iradinona! st)Ie of painting^ Emily Eden’s portfolio of lithographs set
a new standard of technique in Indian art ; and her Punjab studies were copiously
copied by local artists. Her portrait of Shcr Singh in all his princely grandeur
and charartenstic sensuousness is a masterpiece of s-ivid naturalism.* Maegregor’s
iro/j ole Siklis (London, 1S46) incorporates numerous lithosrapbs based on
ponraiu m ,a|er colour drain, by local artisu of Lahore. These 'include studies
and others Sinsh, the Dosra brothers

an foreigners who have left us information about SiLh

was s ™ rind August Theodor SchoelfL Von Otiich

tetifllfoT”' ’ '""'ll and

SnfS,, .h^t «'

that Sher S’n h ' ' extended patronage to artists and painters, and

under Raniii Sinch'° u ^ G'man physician who took sersice

ni ,y fte -L ? /s r’ ““ f"”” '“5 to 1850. and his work

2 ned^or aeouhi, **52) contains a Sne colleaion of jadieiously

Inhere fort «,J, nuaute details and sketches of great interest from Punjab life.

in H“”Entian painter visited Lahom

him for their portraiu He w "*'' persons at the Darbat sat to

of the Golden Tempi- ai Ararll^^v* h’h* ^ ® painting

squate of BhlT G ' v T- f “ Oc'fU-d terrace in the

smoking A clanioro N'ihangs and the Akaljs found him

wnoDng. A clamorous mob surrounded the building and assanited him for

* VAM. Ko. L S, 114.1953.

* Tr^rdJd .. tel ^ r “i"* S.t.jb-Pi,.e No. 7.

‘ F«>rSct«ffr.err«r !r . L^ 13S. 5. p. 2.'0.

y<a'» w tA» p. ijif . D»ibsr. lee Hi>oijberfer-Titfff-f»«

SIITH ART

4i5

comnittins such nn outrngeoul tacrilrge. In the scufUc, hi* clothings 'were torn
ofT, and stark naked he barely escaped « 1th his life.' SchoelTt, however, had the
pfotenisn of Maharaja Sher Singh, and the incident svas soon allowed to be
forgotton. The Hungarian artist was a genius of adaptation to bis enrironmeafs
at Lahore ; his keen observation and imagination soon transformed him into a
painter of the Sikhs. He assiduously learnt what was best in the local art and he
gave glamour to the Sikh style of painting by introducing into it elements of
realism, clarity and gorgeoiisness. He collected materials for reconstructing
historic scenes, set up a refreshing style in portraits and group paintings, which were
later copied by Lahore painters. Amongst his masterpieces in pure Sikh style in
oil arc : An oil painting of Maharaja Shfr Singh ulth a drawn SnorJ : the D-isJihra
Fesilral at Lahore Court in oil. 1841 ; anJ the Maharaja returning /rani a
Royal JIunt.*

17. Sikh Art

Sans Court patronage the lamp of art flickered at Lahore, but if cast no
glow. The Sikh art consists chiefly of portraiture. It represents the characteristic
national vigour of the Sikhs in spiritual as well as historical spheres. The pictorial
JanamiCkhls drawn by local artists reflect the spiritual element, svhile its historical
element is adequately represented in the potiraiiores of the persons who played
Ihclr ordained role in the political history of the Sikhs. Due to its haphazard
growth the Sikh art signally sulTers from lack of variety of themes and subjects.
The genius of Gurmukhi had yet not assimilated anything approaching harmonic
synthesis between the khal and the nnqsh ; hence we do not find any ornate specimens
of either calligraphy or miniature. There were no architectural frescoes, for, few
edificej of note were built by (he Sikhs. Sikh murals (see Mou } were executed ia a
bad style. The richness of colour, brilliancy of outline and sharpness of lone were
borrowed from Guler and Nurpor style. There are no landscapes and fewer
panoramas drawn with imagination. And ycl the Sikh art does not seem to be
prosaic and sultry as it would appear.

In recent limes some attempts ha>-e been made to define Sikh art and
assess the relative value of the paintings in the Punjab and the Kangra hills.*

r Honijlirrtef. ul supra.

* Atl t(i«,e3 paincinjt In oil *re ia the Dirabi CoUeetioa. Sikh Mugeusi, Lahore.

* See On the lubjcct {rnerall;, Harcl. / dJioh 5eH{p<i<re ok] PoinKn^. London. 1909. p.
228ff.CooiD»r,sw,n,y,Ra}p«i falntlTtf. Otiotd. i. p. 25 . Atsher. Pemnnji of lAe SiiSr,
Lonilon, 1956 end Ui Caliloiue of Siifi Foiniinji in the Victotii end Albert Mueeuai,
«•. tfi.etc.

N-«

426 J-lTERATURE FOLKLORE AND ART IN THB PUNJAB

A. Coomaraswamy, the celebrated art critic is of the opinion that a group of
paintings from the middle of the eighteenth century to that of the nineteenth,
comprising mainly of portraiture class belong to sshat may be called the Sikh School
of art. These include the Kangra Sikh Paintings, the crude portraits of the
Sikh Gurus produced at Lahore and Amritsar, the fragments of wall paintings
within the precincts of the Golden Temple, and some of the magnificent specimens
of calligraphic copies of their holy scripture. The theme of the Sikh School of

paintings of late eighteenth or early nineteenth is purely religious r/z., the pictorial

biographies of the Sikh Gurus.'

IB. Fictoii»l

The most favourite and popular form of the Sikh art found expression in
a series of biographical paintings of the Sikh Gurus. These are the pictorial
JaTuansaJchls oi the Sikhs, and the subjects arc drawn from religious tradition,
popular preceptorship lore of the life aod events concerning the Gurus, It is.
however, erroneous to link them with the Gulcr style of art. To a larger extent
they are Sikh in conception and design. GuroKanak is ever exhibited in accoutre-
dents of a §tlfl ; Guru Arjan with bis sword and holy Book before him

suggesting the transformation brought about by him in the Sikh faith ; GutR
Hargobind, a saint and a warrior symbolising spiritual and temporal power— the
mlrl and the pin ; aod lastly, the tenth Guru Oobind Singh, always depicted riding
a white restless stallion, a falcon perched on his right hand, with ethereal angels
overriding the horizon, a halo -round bis bead symbolising saintliness, a royal
umbrella held over bis head by a shielded and an armed attendant signifying his
temporal power.*

These could rightly be described as the finest specimens of pure Sikh art,
pulsating with life and popular religious tradition. And yet, executed in rich
colourful setting and background they appear to have the influence of both Rajpu*
and Mughal style of painting, though their ornamental floral marginal designs and
gold-ruled borders bear a remote suggestion of the Guler art. A very good set of
the pictorial Jananisakhis of Guru Nanak is in the Patiala Historical Museum.* It
depicts the life of Guru Nanak in sixteen drawings — infancy, childhood, schooling,
marriage and his miraculous powers. In one of the paintings, he is settling
accounts with Naw3b Daulat Khan Lodhi {No. 118); to another the miracle of
Guru Kanak is shown to htatik Bhago at Eminabad (No. 1 19) ; and yet in another

* Six piintic{> c{ rats Sfcup ia !iVh.Gulct (tjle biTC been lepioJ-iecd fcr .treber—
feinllmti ef <h« SitAi. Fif.Nci 1*6.

* Oxieripiir^LiJi of Psintfiirx etc. ia ibe Pusiab Scxte Atebirtt, PxtixLt, (1970),No«.
137.t2t ; Archei.Fiij. 1-7.

s an.

WATER COLOURS

427

is depicted Guru Nanak’s encounter with the Kaliyusa (No- 120). He delivers
Bhi'i Mardana from the clutches of Kaoia demon (No. 121) ; and he 5$ seen
bequeathing, a needle to the tnylhieal Qiran for its delivery in the hereafter
(No. 122).

Popular themes from Guru Goblnd Singh's life are the reproductions of
the stirring events of his life : of the creation of the Khilsa, when Guruship was
abolished and merged with it (No. 123), and the convening by the tenth Guru of
the Sarbat KhaJsa and the administration of the Kkande ka Amrlt to the fire
Be/orrdf (No. 298).

These popular religious themes were abutvdantly drawn by the local artists
and were commercially remunerative ; but often these were the work of mediocre
men with indifferent quality, but they were executed in pure Sikh style for their
general appeal to the common mass of people.

J9. Water Colours

The gouache paintings of the period are described as crude derivatives from
the later Kangra and Guler style aod consist mainly of the portraits of the Maharaja,
the royal princes and court nobles. The materials used are principally local ;
Opaque colours ground in water and thickened With gum or honey exhibit skill in
the variety of mixtures ; the paper used is of the fine Lahori texture with soft
surface or thick quality manufactured is Kashmir and Kangra. The Sikh water
colours show rhe adaptation of (be Guler style to Sikh themes and (hough earlier
attempts probably made by the hill artists were crude, yet in due course of time,
they captured the spirit and imagiaaiion of the plains. The grandeur and magni-
ficence of the royal Court, and the warlike character of the Sikhs attracted
the attention of the artists ; the paintings aod sketches of the period depict
characterization of Sikh martial vigour in details. Portraiture became the soul of
Sikh art. The subject is either on horseback, bunting or hawking, or seated on a
mesnad or chair relaxing or receiving petitions. Others relate to characters from
common Punjab life, as for instance, a S(kk Ywfli, a CrortiVr, a Sikh Sardar, a
Prince, a Sik/i groom nith horse, Sikh htvjemm and n-arriorj, and /he Akalis and
Nihangs.

The Sikh portraiture in water colour is energetic, rugged and vigorous. It
has a sort of subdued realism and an almost oblique approach. Few water colour
landscapes were drawn and still fewer paintings with romantic or poetic touch,*

* We have t few piintings in tomaotic atric ciemted between 1315-1339. Of these
BCtahle ones ate ; (1) A Sardar cartunni »ilk « Guler laiy ; end Maharaia Ran jit Singh
urtni with a Kangra iady— both in Guler CoUeetion. Punjab Museum, Cbandijatb.
(2) A 5i»I| ,ouifc dalliing wtili a Kangra tody— BM, 1925-4-6-03.

430 ^^TERATURE, FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

juggler, a kaktm or zjarrah, a distiller, a dyer, a weaver, a washerman, a merchant,
a fonndrj-man, a potter, a shoemaker, a matchlock manufacturer, a goldsmith, a
bear-hunter etc.i He would also draw portraits or sketches of cultivators or Sikh
Sardars in various stjles.*

21. Artists' hea'j fdcaJ

All factors taken together, by popular tendency Sikh predilection for
f^ound its etpression in the artist’s preference for historicat personages
-Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Maharaja Kharak Singh, Maharaja SherSineh. Kanwar
^aunihal Singh, the Dogra brothers, the Sindhianwals Chiefs, the Attarm^S
Sardars, and other influential persons at the Court.

Mabaraja Ranjit Singh was the WiJM/oflecal and foreign artists, and
espite^ IS natural atcrsion to sit for a portrait, he has been profusely drawn in
lull majesty and royal magnificence. Of his classic portraits is the" one drawn
MuJr' 1’^'“ ta '!>= South Kousinstou

o'- o "town the Maheraji as he was.

Ranjtt Stash is shown aimblte, on a chair, his blind eye is not concealed

dress'^ and'°™ ^“'‘■'““'■ted. He wears a much elaborate

at7.^d,H K " " *■>»«■" Pottraif shows him oa horsebact,

a'ouafMnrrv'“"v^°°' >'>■'»• He has a soldeu halo

I Z '■ "'‘'S' “PHtoned. The baeVstouad depicts

crave and . S Snalities as much as majesty of presence, dignified serenity and
eSearrfhimTl r’™.",'”""' '""P? “"S lively gusto which

in tt- r™ °'-''-"l»-f""”>™owo attisMhe painting remained

tn the famdy of Von Courtlandt who was an otiieer in Ranji, Siagh’s army.

snneh °‘'‘''““v»''‘lP««'=Hv of Ranjit Singh are; (1) Emily Eden’s

on a cushimed " "7 months before his death, sealed facing right

horitaef Zhf , 7 Sings on

tTs^g 7'°''“””'’'^''**^ nnd painted perhaps

of the same year f3) "°”'S of December

private colWlion ■ SlnSn'af "Bing cross-legged on a golden chair, in a

private collect.o„ E„.do„.

I vis '1* •••■“■ V“-W>-

' VAM. I. S. 233-1953. ^ IS ete_1957.

Tie PaiKiitigt of tie S

* Tortfoti, of p„,oes on

* VAM.Cat. No»5.<.

Hit, Lesden. 1956. p.iis.

id P<iT.Jef iff tndta. Lender.. 1 Wt. Pl,te No. 13.

DECLINE OF PORTRAJTURE

tljaliira Singh.* (5) Another, ihnwing him seateJ on a chair with hit minister
rajj Dhian Singh in the Archaeological Museum, Bikaner. (6) Another, showing
the Maharaja in kjilfwat, carousing with a Kangra Lniljr.' This painting Is in a
prisate collection in Gujrat, and reseals the Maharaja in a new light— drinking
wine from tiny golden cups, the silsrr goblets resting peacefully on the
uncarpeted floor.

One of the most pathetic and equltilely cseculed painting, drawn In 1840,
by an unknown artist is in the British Museum. It depicts the last obsequies of
the Maharaja. It is an impressive and \isid painting drawn with details ; the
elaboration is in grim and awful grarsdeur, showing the four principal rdnls and seven
female slaves (gohs) ready to immolate themselves with their ro>-al master.*

After Ranjit Singh's death, Sher Singh is described to be quite fond of art.
He gave sittings both to Osborne and his aunt Cmily CJen.* and also to SchoefTl :
numerous portraits and studies of Sher Singh arc citanl and quite well known.*
Maharaja Kharak Singh had about a doren portraits drasvn in water colour, the
most celebrated being in the Victoria and Albert Museum, It is purely in Sikh
*l)le, showing Kharak Sirgh riding a white stallion with an attendant holding a dark
red umbrella over his head.*

The Dogra brothers- Gulab Singh, Dhian Singh and Suchel Singh have
been profusely painted by the Lahore and foreign artists. Two of the most
celebrated portraits of GuLib Singh^ne painted by Rothenslein’ and the other
by William Carpenter* arc in the Victoria and Albert Museum W O. Archer
observes that the short-lived cult of Oulab Singh introduced a new style in the
Sikh painting.* These portraits were obviously esccuted when Gulab Singh
rose to meteoric power as independent sovereign ofKashmir in 1846. The paintings
of the Dogra family are generally related to Ihear connection with the Sikh Darbar
both before and after the treaty of Dhyrowal.

^ Drttiac of pofcrittgr*

The exuberence and force of Sikh style of portraiture naturally waned alter
the extinction of Sikh rule in the Punjab. It had been sustained by the grandeur,

* niLNo. I. S. in-1953.

* Arcber,(n>. cii. rUt( No. 12.

* B.M. No. 1925-4-6-03

* S<« Otbornf, Pt>, cii., p. (0 • Eatl; EJen, Ufi iS* Csunirji, London, 1366, p. 223

* The molt edebrtted itudici ol Mebanja Shtc Sin(b ate tboic bp SoheefTt (Labore
MuieumV, anotbet bp Vilae (rraMli etc., London. I»t2). and pet another bp Emilp Eden :
Fwirelif of Priricejandreeplejef W.e.Londoet, 18«. No. 2.

* VAM, No. 11 J-1933 aad alio Noe. L S 93S-195J, and I. M. 57-1936.

* Ihid. Cal. No. 2S.

' Hid. No. I. S. 152.18J2.

* Op. cil., p, 52 f .

LITERATURE. FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

or imsginative appeal. They are characterislicaUy Sikh in style and background,
Sikh in dress, beard and turban, arms and facial expressions of poise, solidity
and depth.

The water colour portraits of Sikh royalty, princes and principal Sardars
are executed boldly, having coloured or gold margins, and floral scrolls. They give
an image of the grandeur of monarchy, the status of the princely order, and the
glamour of the dress and martial vigour as represented by the Court nobility. Some
of the famous gouache paintings are enumerated below

1. Maharaja Panjit Singh on horseback (1S35)— VAM, No. I. S. 282-1955.

2. Guru Gobind Singh (1830) — Tehri Garhwa! Collection, Narendcmagar.

3. Paja Dhian Singh cn horseback (1835)— VAM. No. I. S. 124-1960.

4. Youth in Sikh Costume dallying with a Kangra lady — BM, No.

1925-4-6-03.

5. Alaharaja Ranjit Singh in Darbar (1830-35) -Chester Beatty Librarj*.

Dublin.

6. The Funeral of 3/flAara/c 5/ngA (1840)— BM, 1925-4-6-03.

7. Maharaja Kharak Singh on horseback (1840)— VAM, I. S. 338-1951.

8. Maharaja Rarjit Singh with Hira Singh (1830-40)— I.S. 114-1953.

9. Raja Culab Singh on horseback (1840-45)— (1) Add. Or. 707.

10. Maharaja Sher Singh haring a hath (1830 ?)— Punjab Museum.

Chandigarh.

11. The Second Lahore Darbar (1846-47)— BM, 1948-10-9-0109.

12. Maharaja Dalip Singh in Darhar (1845)- (I) Add. Or. 710.

act; Rothessteta Collection

Sir William Rothenstein’s Collection in the Victoria and Albert Museum,
London, contains some portraits in excellent Sikh-Kangra style, rir., Kharak Singh,^
a Jim Prinee* a Prince in Sikh Costwnef znd Maharaja Culab Singh* They are
expressions ofa style in themselves. Their distinrtive feature is the Sikh costume,
and a fair blending of Sikh and Kangra styles— the subject whether Sikh or Rajput
is always clad in Sikh dress and various styles of turbans. In the foreground are
floral designed carpeu in s-ariegated colours; the subject often leaning against a

t No.1. S.JJM951.

* -^o. I. S. 193-1951.

* No. L S. 193-1951.
‘ No. I.S. 194.1^1.

HOTHENSTEIN COLtlCTIOS

mMivt-CTshion. » hrsc shWd >t hi. back and a bunch of lloacr. ^

pcmai.. or this coivcion and .ho.c olho. .n ihc V, Cora and Afbc l Museum
(.« Me.) c.hibit a scn.i.ily ot Jct.il and ilccnslh and vigour of the Silh
Style of art.

Some of the most celebrated paimingi of Ihe Silh* are in the N.ctoria and

Albert Museum. London Apart from half a dozen porta.ts of the Maharaja,
described separately hereinafter, we have a fine painting of Dhhn Shgh cn a
hc.^lSng exredUion.' of KJjfl Illra Singh.* of Makaraja Kharok SfnjrA on ^

with red golden caprison. and an umbrella held over his hea y an a .n an ,
of rrinte Scw.ihol Singh end na}a DMm Singh* m>ja Cufab SlrgAs and others.
Numerous studies of pure Silh subjects, generally ctecuteJ in Silh ^hool arc:
r*ro Sikh IIoTsemtn* armed with lances, black shields at their back swords y

sides and riding together; a SlUfuroff.t clad in chain mail, with a black shield

at the back, riding a white stallion, carrying a lance in his right, and a dagger at

left side, and also carrying a bow and quiver. Some others show the Sikh horseman

with breast.phtes on white or b'ack stallion, and in ® “

helmet on the head.* These studies show the Silh warrior, a favourite theme, lie
Invariably rides a horse, wears a mauve jacket and red trousers ; he wears a
turban or a helmet on his head, a brcast-p'atc on hts chest ; he carries a lar.ee. a
dagger and a sword. Ills heard is either flowing or tied up, his features are sharp
and soldierly. Sometimes he carries a matchlock.

Another favourite theme of the local and foreign artists were the much
feared Aims. They have a ferocious demeanour, wear a blue turban, and cariy
a variety of arms— clubs, swords, Ianc«. muskets, bows and arrows : and on theit
conical turbans sits the awsomc steel quoits, on their wrists steel bangles.*
''portraitures arc vivid and sharp : ‘Their arms g'ittercd in the light of torches, and
the matches of their muskets hung readily lighted.’*'*

Characterization of the life of the people of the Punjab m portraitures or
sketches was quite a common theme. The artist found his subject amoiigst the
professional classes— a mason and 3 labourer at work, a water-man, a tinker, a

t LerryCoItdciion. Na t.S. 124-1960.
• No. 1. S. 115-1953.

» Ne. I. 8. 333-1951.

s Col« CotldcilDi, No. I. S 37-I9W.

« ElIiclCelJtclmn.No. I. S.479Lt950.

’ No. 1, 5. 03534.iH.

« No. I. S. 03534.1ii.

• VAM, No. I. S. 439-1950 ; PotiaU No*. 67 anO 303.

}<cquemoi>t. ^sumil, p. ZB.

tlTERATURE. FOLKtORE AiJD ART IN THE PUNJAB

majesty and splendour of Ranjit Singh’s Darbar and the principal characters
around him. Most of them were dead and gone ; and those alive had neither any
political influence and power, and lived without the trappings and glamoar of an
Oriental Court. The favourite themes of the Guler, Kangra and the Punjab
artists having become scarce, the vigour and popularity of the Sikh portraiture
suddenly declined. It sought a possible outlet in woodcuts and ivory-disc
miniatures (j« he/ou), and its survival in drawing portraits of lesser historical
figures, and attempts at effete and lifs’ess paintings of landscapes and general
subjects cn Punjab life.' But the aest and spontaneity of the zcMn-rugon'j and
Go/er-^fl/cnu had sunk low. The artists of the later Sikh School Jack vigour and
incentive after the annexation of the Punjab. The curtain had fallen on the dynasty
of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. With him had departed the priceless glamour of an
Oriental Court, the irresistible charm and the awe of a humane and diversified
personality. .In the vacuum created, the artists who had sustained their skill hi
portraiture, in their bewilderment, found little else to draw.

23. Some biscericil palotlnes

It would be appropriate to mention here some of the well-known historical
paintings of the Sikhs executed either by the local or the artists commissioce<! by
the British. It is, however, a fact that not a single event of the Maharaja’s reign,
bis numerous wars and g'orious conquests has been recorded by the artists of th*
lime, with the exception, pjfhap3,of the Maharaja’s meeting with Lord William
Benliflck (see telm-) and a gigantic moral representing the famous battle of Jamred
(ride, infra. Murals). To these may be added the semi-historical pictorial
Jananisakhis already described, parlico’arly those executed by Lahora Singh, a
talented artist of Lahore.*

The rest of tbe historical paintings of the Sikhs— Jithocraphs, water colours
and oil paintings were mostly executed by commissioned British artists. Amongst
these are the famous Dunlop Sketches rebling to the first and Second Sikh Wars—
the Siege of Multan in all its details (Nos. 83-93) ; Dnrsn MulraJ and his Surrender
(No. 95); the Battle of MudU, 18 December. 1845 (No. 96); the Battle oj
FerorexJicA. 21 December, 1845 (No. 97); the Battle of Sobraon, 10 February.
1848 (No. 97) ; and rheRa«/eo//#/iVfl/,28 January, 1846 (No. 100). Hardings’s
lithograph after an original drawing of the Battle of Te'oaeshe-V is very' impressive.
Much can be said about the DimTop Sketches so well described by Rudolph

Vinoas mtbaoj o! thii «B*te «yle ia Sikh »it mtz extant, but tbe wtik ereeateJ »eets»
toUTeutitrUckotelejcecc eoj penfeetiee. See, patticaUtly tbs two ^Maa$ of foeh
pxmtlnjt la ^ ladis Office Libiiry, AdJ. Or, 1337-151 end 1452-1511.

* PstU!* Mateaaj An Gillcty t Cetalsfae Nos, H77.122

» StieVustins ef tKHa.teaicutKn.

WOODCOlS ^

AtVcroun, )tt Ihtir lalicnt ftawre letni lo be Ihclitrcc and srim sttufjlc of tbc
Anglo-Silh Wati. Tbey ra)’ a .neat uibale la the wailile moa,«a '

perfeetsji.emormit.lanyoreiniaa.ianortheSilbalhan any la yh.ch the Brilith
L, had hetetofare been orrotei' They lyty the Khalta aold.ery d e or
tbeirobitinate resiitSBce. dofccdnei* in the blinding fury oft * ‘ .

iccidenlly, wis confirmed by Hardinge : “the

fca^e teen in Asia, bold and daring republicans. *

Tfto scry interesting oil paintings of the SeernJ l^h^rf D^rt^'.r (26
December. 1946) exist in the British Museum.* These shon Lord llardinge. i

Henry Lawrence. Maharaja Dalip Singh and a few Court nobles. Two more in
gouache show Maharaja Dalip Singh holding DathSr, drawn by Hasan-uJ-Dm a
famous Lahore artist. One of these is in the India OlTice Li nry, ar/ . .

in Anson Collection. Ch-.sw.ck. LonJon'-both are amazing spcc.mens of the la er

•Ijle of Sikh ,tt. In one of Iheie, tbtie It a h,lo atoond the heed of minor Dnlip
Singh. «ho it holdins ,do£iahi.ljp.iindiiitheolhei,hei.hoUinsiahithand,

a small muslet.

St. Wo«deuls

Coloured woodcuts are mostly of post-Ran;it Singh period. They
represent the popular expression of Sikh art as crude denvai.sci from
Culer-Sikh drawings of the Mahaoja. the royal princes, the celebrated Court

nobles, the twelsc Sikh heroes,* and the ten Silb Gurus. These were modelled on

the standard current portraits in gouache or water colour. Perhaps the

specimen of woodcut is in Uic Victoria and Albert Museum,* depicting Maharaja
Ranjii Singh holding his Datb3f in all its tnagoificeDce. He it attended by his sons
and the principal ministers of State. All the prominent figures arc recogaisi e.
The three Dogra brothers-Dhian Singh. Gulab Singh and Suchel Singh are there ;
DlwJn Dina Nath sits at the end of the line behind Sardar Han Singh NalwS.
One obvious incongruity is the presence of Aimr Dost Muhammad Khan of Kabul,

* GoT«ino».G«n«t»l 10 1«er« Comajttt««, 19F«bcaiir tlJ.No.fi.

* Hirdint* to ElloihoioMib. 20 Apill. lW7-(EP)PRO 30-J2 (21-7>.

* BM.A{ani.y and CtUi CtlUetltn 19CS.i0.9.0l07.

* (l> AdJ. Or. 7l0 and Anton Ccfcenoo.CbUwieV, Loodoo.

» MtturijiShrrSiofb. 2. Mthwu* R»oi»i S.njb, 3. Mthtnji Dihp

Binib.d-DiwattMultij, 5. RBliGultbS.oJb. 6 Rail J«od*a, 7. D.*an Uini N»ih. 8 Sttdtt
Stum 5;n»b AttSrtwB’a. 9, Sildir CbilUr Sio|h AtUiioall. 10. RttiS Dbiin SmfS, 11. Anit
Dok Muhaisaiid Kbtn e( Ktbut, tad 12. Akali PbuU SiD{b.

* No. L 1.1. 2116.1917.

N-J5

436 UTEE ATURE, FLOKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

Another painting in the ‘picture gallery* represented the Maharaja in the .
presence of Guru Nanak ; the holy father being ntost sp'endidly robed in a suit of
embroidered gold, and sitting, and Ranjit Singh standing, dressed in bright green
silk, with his hands joined in a supplicatory manner. Behind the great master, an
Akall with a drawn sword, keeps guard. Another painting represented a similar
scene, with Ranjit Singh in supplication to the Guru on his knees. These two
paintings in oil, rare specimens, are now lost. The rest of the “art gal’ery” was
covered with drawings of flowers, extremely well done and true to nature.*

23. Shtshmatiat and RSitibegh MuT&ts

To return to murals, in those executed in the Shlshmahal of the Maharaja’s
palace, and his RSmb^gh residence at AmrUsai, or elsewhere in the Punjab, we
discover a common Hiedu-Sikh theme. These represent scenes from the raj-Zl/fl of
Lord Krisna, and life-events of the Sikh Gurus- The influence of the Sikh school on
Kangra styles of murals and rice versa Is well illustrated in some of them-* Helen
Mackenzie gives ns a brief description of the murals executed on the walls of rooms
in Ramblgh, Ranjit Singh’s lone effort in building at Amritsar. These were
covered with curious palotings from Hindu mythology.”

Baron Von Hugel, who visited Ranjit SingVs Court and his country house
alWazirabad, set in the midst of a lovely garden, observes that the apartments
within were adorned with fresco paintings— life-size portraits of the ten Guros with
theelsssic comment : “the chief painter ofRanjit Singh’s Court is certainly not a
Raphael I”*

2*. Munli ioresidenen

The Court nobles and the aflluenl Sardars followed a set pattern of murals
current at the time to embellish the walls of their residences. These were either the
rus lila scenes or pictorial representations of the Janamsakhis. Hindu gods, Brahma,
VisQu and Mihesh, the local deities, scenes from the Ramayono and the
Mahoihsrcta, . Those of the powerful Sardars not interested in religion in
particular, and fond of an epicurian way of life, preferred frescoes of erotic scenes
and dancing girls to amuse themselves.

Another common theme of residential murals adopted by politically power-
ful persons was recording their personal explciu. if any, or those of the Maharaja.
These murals, however, have little of elgenec of style or finesse ; but were the

* ;*.J.

* rrtBch.J.C..HlmaJ<jy8n ^rt. Oiforil.1931. p. 7t f.

• hfe in .t{<f ii'bh, iA( Camp aid iXe Zenana t pr Sit y««M »« India, Hi, p. t5- f,

• Tr£T*li in Kathm;r and tke Punfai, London, JS-15, p. 210,

KALWA MURALS

457

products of individual idiosyncradcs^ «himt and bad taste executed by non-
descript artists who did what they vrere bid by their alHuent clients. Wc have the
record of such murals in General Ventura and Allard's residence at Lahore in all
grotesqueness and absurdity. WilJum Barr was s.'iown the ‘’painted chamber” of
the residence of the j5fC7?yt ofT.cers in Anatkali, Lahore, where murals executed on
lime-coated walls by local artists eoiRmemorated the exploits and bail’es in which
the two generals participated : ‘'The perspectisc of these scenes is most ridicu'ous ;
and at the siege of Afoulian the cannorts are turned up on end to enab'e the guanerj
to load them! the figures osertop the fortifications, and the cavalry seems to be
manoeuvring In the air ; and absurdities of a similar nature are perpetrated
throughout them all, and no doubt afTord much amusetnent to their galfant owners
whose policy has led them thus far to assimilate their dwellings wiih those of the
native population ; for it can hardly be supposed their taste is so far vitiated as to
regard these embellishments as ornamental.”' Allard's garden house had similar
murals— dragoons, lancers, and fooLsoldiers etc. though executed in somewhat
better style,

30, Nilwg htorsli

The finest exampfeofcontemporarymuralswereihoseexecuted in the fort
and villa ofSardar Hari Singh Nalivj at Cu;ranw’a}a. The valiant generaJ and
commander of Ranjit Singh's army, it appears, had a fondness for art, though he
had hardly an inkling of what it really meant. To the German traveller Baron Von
ficrgel he exhibited a portrait of himself which proved that he was a A’a/«d— a
person who had cloven the head of a tiger who had already ssued him as his prey.»
Hari Singh was a rare man among the Sikhs— well-read and a person, apart from
his soldierly qualities, conversant with the affairs of European States of the time
and of the policy of the British Government. Hugel also observes that the Sardar
possessed a collection of paintings which he showed to him »

The gigantic mural which adorned bis garden Villa, representing the battle
ofJamrud, was a classic example of the general tendincy of the time. It was
twelve feet long and six feet high, painted on the back of an apartmmt. It was
divided info two compartments, one represenling the Sikh Camp, and the other
the Afghan. The mural was amazingly vivid and Us evtraordmess is described
thus ; •‘The two upper rows tell us the advance of cavalry regiments on either side ;

* Birr, BP. cii., p. 4-t,

* Thrrejrttiro rtrr tsod patahogB of SttJtt Hin Sinzb in tbe P»li»U

Mcirum t (t) Ho. 73. executed bs 4 palntet naneJ Bri] Lit x^i9wvn{ him ei Sofemoc ot
Bethtvat iasTectinS ttoo^ nor ]iin(nd: C2) Ho, 27^ 4 psrttait «s m feneni oi (he
Sihb areas.

* Trerelr, p.254.

433 LITERATURE. FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

the next two, of the fonnidable array of jinjalh carried on camel’s backs, preceded
by a few horsemen, who have already come into action ; the fifth, which is the
centre one, displays the valiant Hari Singh sumptuoosly clothed, and seated on an
elephant, with an attendenl holding a cAa/Zor over his head, the renowned Akbar
Khan opposite to him, similarly mounted and similarly attended. Below these, are
other squadrons of cavalry and camel aoivarj, of both nations, facing each other;
and the concluding line is occupied by a detachment of Sikh infantry marching in
regular order to the sound of martial music, with a gun in front blowing a party of
Afghans to eternity. The •who'e skill of the artist seems concentrated on this spot ;
for independent of grapeshol, which appear in multitude as the stars of firmament,
he portrays with dignified ease and simplicity the muscular power of an Afghan,
who is lifting his wounded comrade from the ground with one hand, and that too
with so little apparent exertion as to be seemingly a matter of ordinarj’ occurence
with him,

“The same display of strength is exhibited among the cavalry in one of
the upper rows, where a Sikh, with one stroke of his scimitar, has severed a horse
into two equal portions, which strange to say, inspite of dismemberment, are capable
of retainioi the uprightness of their position; and another, of the same nation
has, by a clean sweep of his sabre, cut offthe head of an Afghan, which is being
returned with the velocity of a bullet into the ranks of bis woodering countrymen,
whose heads and arms are flying in every direction, and are parted by their owners

with all possible indiOerence and utter disregard of tbeir value Nor ought the

dignified complacency aad perfect good humour visible in the countenances of the
two Chiefs, opposed to each other, to be overlooked ; and it would be well if more
civilised generals were to display equal urbanity of manner and coolness of
demeanour when brought in such close contact on similar occasions, and take
example from their behaviour, as depicted by the artist, whose skill is only equalled
by his impartiality.”*

This amazing mural with its naturalism and a realistic approach to the
famous battle of Jamrud is unparalleled. It is a masterpiece of all the Sikh murals.
Howe'er, in the fiercely contested battle (30 April, I937J. the valiant general of the
Sikhs, Hari Singh NalwS was killed- The mural, therefore, must have been executed
after his death to perpetuate his memory by one of his descendants.

The murals in Hari Singh Nalwa’s palace, however, beneath the Sarcenic
arches, were glazed paintings on small scale, finely executed. Some of these
related to Hindu gods, others to the orgies of the zena/ia, as may be supposed,
were by no means decorous in their description. The walls of Hari Singh Nalwa’s
bed room are described to be corered with pictures ofdancing girls.*

* fit., p. 73-74.

* J.Wcl?, Trarih eni AirfuiKTCf, London l!40,U,p.€L

CHRONOLOGY

1774 Death of Charat Singh

m$-19 Battle of Rasutnagar

1780 (2 November) Birth of Ranjit Singh

1792 Death of Maha Singh : Aaession of Ranjit Singh

1797 Shah Zaman at Lahore

Perron gains ascendancy at Delhi
George Thomas establishes himself at Hissar

1798 (October) Shah Zaman's second march on Lahore

1799 (July) Ranjit Singh occupies Lahore
George Thomas invades the Sikh country

1800 Expulsion of the Afghans from northern India
George Thomas inarches towards Ludhiana
British mission to Ranjit Singh’s Court
Ranjit Singh’s march on Jammu

The Battle of Bhasin

1801 Coronation of Ranjit Singh
Defeat of the Bhaogis
Expedition to Kasur
Reduction ofNurpur

Alliance with Fateh Sin^ AhlOwslia

1802 Birth of Kharak Singh
Occupation of Amritsar

Marriage with the Muslim courtesan Moran
George Thomas surrenders to Perron
Perron-Ranjit Singh reported alliance
Conquest of Chiniot.Pbagwara and Daska
Reduction of Kasur
March on Mnltan

1803 Invasion of Jhang

Sikhs of Sirhind tender allegiance to the British

1805 Holkar in the Punjab : Meets Ranjit Singh

Subjugation of the Muhammadan Chiefs of the Jehlum and the Chenab
Last Curmalta held at Amritsar

1806 (1 January) The first Anglo-Sikh treaty
The first Mitwa expedition
Occupation of Ludhiana and Nakodar
Muhkam Chand appointed Chief of Army

Conquest ofZira, Muktsar, Kot Kapura. Dbaramkot and Mari
G o rkha invasion of Kangra

1807 Annexation of Pasrur
Conquest of Kasur
Dipafpur taken

Third Multan Expedition

Second Malwa Expedition

Occupation of the DallewSla territories

Birth of (reputed) sons Sher Singh and Tara Singh

438 LITERATURE, FOLKLORE AND ART IN THE PUNJAB

the next two, of the formidable array of JinJalls carried on camel's backs, preceded
by a few horsemen, who have already come into action; the fifth, which is the
centre one, displays the valiant Hari Singh sumptuously clothed, and seated on an
elephant, with an attendenl holding a cAor/or over his head, the renowned Akbar
Khan opposite to him, similarly mounted and similarly attended. Below these, are
other squadrons of cavalry and camel wworj, of both nations, facing each other;
and the concluding line is occupied by a detachment of Sikh infantry marching in
regular order to the sound of martial music, with a gun in front blowing a party of
Afghans to eternity. The who’e skill of the artist seems concentrated on this spot ;
for independent of grapeshot, which appear in multitude as the stars of firmament,
he portrays with dignified ease and simplicity the muscular power of an Afghan,
who is lifting his wounded comrade from the ground with one hand, and that too
with so little apparent exertion as to be seemingly a matter of ordinary occurence
with him.

“The same display of strength is exhibited among the cavalry in one of
the upper rows, where a Sikh, with one stroke of his scimitar, has severed a horse
into two equal portions, which strange to say, jnspUe of dismemberment, are capable
of retaining the uprightness of their position ; and another, of the same nation
has, by a clean sweep of his sabre, cut off the head of an Afghan, which is being
returned with the velocity of a bullet into the ranks of his wooderiog countrymen,
whose heads and arms are flying in every direction, and are parted by their owners

with all possible indifference and utter disregard of their value Nor ought the

dignified complacency and perfect good humour visible in the countenances of the
two Chiefs, opposed to each other, to be overlooked ; and it would be well if more
civilised ©merals were to display equal urbanity of manner and coolness of
demeanour when brought in such close contact on similar occasions, and take
example from their behaviour, as depicted by the artist, whose skill is only equalled
by his impartiality

This amazing mural with its naluralisio and a realistic approach to the
famous battle of Jamrud is unparalleled. It is a masterpiece of all the Sikh murals.
However, in the fiercely contested battle (30 April, 1937), the valiant general of the
Sikhs, Hari Singh Nalwa was killed. The mural, therefore, must have been executed
after his death to perpetuate his memory by one of his descendants.

The murals in Hari Singh Nalwa's palace, however, beneath the Sarcenic
arches, were glazed paintings on small scale, finely executed. Some of these
related to Hindu gods, others to the orgies of the zenana, as may be supposed,
were by no means decorous in their description. The walls of Hari Singh Nalwa ’s
bed room arc described to be covered with pictures of dancing girls.*

* Blit, «). cii.. p. 73-74.

* J. Wolff, TrartU ani Adt*ntvf*i, London IS^O, it, p. 6L

aiRONOLOCV

1774 Death of Charat Singh

1778-79 Battle of Rasulnagar

1780 (2 November) Birth of Ranjit Singh

1792 Death of Maha Singh : Accession of Ranjit Singh

1797 Shah Zaman at Lahore

Perron gains ascendancy at Delhi
George Thomas establishes himself at Hissar

1798 (October) Shah Zaman’s second march on Lahore

1799 (/uly) Ranjit Singh occupies Lahore
George Thomas invades the Sikh country

1800 Expulsion of the Afghans from norlhcrn India
George Thomas marches towards Ludhiana
British mission to Ranjit Singh’s Court
Ranjit Singh’s march on Jammu

The Battle of Bhasin

1801 Coronation of Ranjit Singh
Defeat of the Bbangis
Expedition to Kasur
Redaction of Nurpur

Alliance with Fateh Sin^ AblOwalia

1802 Birth of Kharak Singh
Occupation of Amritsar

Marriage with the Muslim courtesan Moraa
George Thomas surrenders to Perron
PerroO'Ranjit Singh reported alliance
Conquest of Chiaiot,Phagwarii and Daska
Reduction ofKasut
March on Multan

1803 Invasion ofJhang

Sikhs of Sirhind tender allegiance to the BritUh

1805 Holkar in the Punjab : Meets Ranjit Singh

Subjugation of the Muhammadan Chiefs of the Jehlum and the Cheoab
Last Gurmatta held at Amritsar

1806 (1 January) The first Anglo-Sikh treaty
The first Malwa expedition
Occupation of Ludhiana and Nakodar
Muhkam Chand appointed Chief of Amy

Conquest of Zira, Muktsar, Kot Kapura, Dharamkot and Mari
G o rkha invasion of Kangra

1807 Annexation of Pasrur
Conquest of Kasur
Dipalpur taken

Third Multan Expedition

Second Malwa Expedition

Occupation of the Dallewala territories

Birth of (reputed) sons Sher Singh and Tara Singh

440

(mEOtlOtOCY

1808 The Cis-Sutlej Sikh Chiefs solicit British protection
Metcalfe’s Mission to Lahore

(October) Third Malwa Expedition
Pathankot captured
Sialkot reduced
Shiekhupura annexed

1809 British advance to the Sutlej. Occupation of Ludhiana
(9 February) Ochlerlony’s Proclamation

(25 April) The Treaty of Amritsar

(3 May) British Declaration of Protection to Cis*SutIeJ States
Conquest of Kangra
I Gujrat taken

Jammu conquerred

Expulsion of Shah Shuja from Afghanistaii
1810 Establishment of Ludhiana Agency

(February) Ranjit Singh meets Shah Shujis
Conquest of Khushab and Sabiwal
(.Februar;^) Fourth Expedition to MuUan
Annexation of Wazirabad
Capture ofEbimber and Gang
IBll Ikanjit Singh meets Shah Mahmud
Capture of Kotia
Shah Zaman repairs to Lahore
I&IZ Marriage of prince Kharak Siugh ; Visit of Ochterlony
Ranjit Singh meets Fateh Khan, the Kabul Wazir
Sikh-Afghan (joint) invasion of Kashmir
Arrival of Shah Shuja at l^hore

1813 Capture of Attock ; defeat of Fateh Khan
The battle of Haidru

Second Expedition to Kashmir
Extortion of the Koh-i-Nar diamond

1814 Shah Shuja granted asylum at Ludhiana
Third Expedition to Kashmir

1815-16 Expeditions against the bill Chiefs ; Conquest of Cis-Indus
territories

1818 Conquest of Multan
Fourth Invasion of Kashmir
March on Peshawar

1819 Sikh occupation of Kashmir

18M V/iiliam Moorcroft visits the Punjab
Dera Chazi Khan occupied
The Hazara Campaign
Visit of Traveller William Moorcroft
Sada Kaur imprisoned
Rawalpindi captured
Conquest of Dera Ismail Khan

1811 Birth of Naunihal Singh

Shah Shuja’s expeditions against Sbikarpur and Peshawar

1812 Allard and Ventura arrive at Lahore
Lahore forces expelled from Wadni
Gulab Singh became Raja of Jammu

CHB6m>L(>CT

441

1823 The Sikhs March against Peshawar

04ih March) The battle of Nausbera
Death of Muhammad Azhn Khan
1824-25 Insurrection in trans-Tndus districts
Expedition towards Sind
Delegation from Nepal arrives at Lahore
Quarrel with Fateh Sin^ AhiDwaliS

1826 Illness of Kaojit Singh
Dr. Murray at Lahore

1827 Fateh Singh Ah]a«a1jS returns to Lahore
Tnrhulence created by Sayyed Ahmad
Sikh Mission to Lord Amherst at Simla
Wade at Lahore

Sayyed Ahmad repulsed at Akora

1830 Sayyed Ahmad occupies Peshawar

1831 (17 July) The Rnpar Meeting

Visit of Victor Jacquemont and C.T. Vigne
Burnes spurious mission up the river Indus
(May) Sayyed Ahmad defeated and slain
Expulsion of the Daudpetas from the Lower Punjab
Alexander Burnes visits Lahore

1832

1833

1834

1835

1837

1838

1839

(26 December) Indus Navigation Treaty
Reduction of the Derajat and Hazara
Visit of Rev. Joseph Wolff
Alexander Gardiner enters Lahore service
Ranjit Singh marries courtesan Cut Begum
The Sikh'Afghas Agreement
Shah Shuja's bid to recover bis Kingdom
Slkb mission to Calcutta
Conquest of Peshawar

(29 November) Supplementary Indus Navigation Treaty

Shah Shuja defeated by Dost Muhammad l^an

Zorawar Singh occupies Ladakh

Baron Charles Hugel visits the Panjab

Ranjit Singh claims Sbikarpnr

Dr. Martin Honigberger eaters Lahore service

Marriage ofNauoihal Singh

(March) Sir Henry Fane vbits Lahore . . , .

(30 April) The Battle of Jamrud. Death of Han NaJwI

Burnes’ mission to Kabul . „

Establishment of Military Order— 'The Star of the Punjab ’

Macnaghten’s Mission to Lahore

(26 June) The Tripartite Treaty

Shah Shuja restored to throne at Kabul

(29 November) Auckland-Ranjit Singh Meeting at Ferozepur

W. G. Osborne visits the Punjab

(27 June) Death of Ranjit Sin^

N-56

SELECT BmUOGRAPHY

A. ORIGINAL SOURCES

(a) Local Histories (Persiaa) :

SDrl. Sobaa Lai. ‘Umadat~ul-Tmesnkh, 5 Vols. Lahore, JSS5-89.

Shah. Bote. T&nkh-i-Punjab. British Muream MS. No. Or. 1623 ;
lodia Office MS. No. 503.

Diwan, Amarnath- Zafarnanm'l Rmijit Singh, Lahore, 192S,

Kanhaya Lai. Ranjitnima, Lahore. 1876.

Rai, KhushwaqL Tofikh-i-Sikhkhan. British Museam MS. No. Or. 187.
Kirpa Ram. Cui&hnQrm. Srinagar B.S. 1932.

Anocymoas. Hissbnsma'i Fauj-Uftanjii Singh. MS. No. 622, Khndabalbsh
Oriental Public Library, Patna.

Abdali, Tattnur Shah. Haqltjat-i-bini’o ‘UfStj-i-Firqa'i SlkhkhUn. R. A. S.,
MorUfs Catalogue, MS. No. Ux-iiti.

Mufti, Ali-ud-Din. 'tbramsma. India Office MS. No. 504.

NaqI, Muhammad. ShertinghnOina. India Office MS. No. 505.

Mai, Bakbt. Rhalsanajna. British Mnsesm MS. No. Add. 24,033.

Karim, Abdul. TarikJhi-PuniSb, TtAfet-ul'Ahhai, Lahore, 1870.

Mauivi, Ahmad Yar. Shahnama'i Ranjit Singh, Amritsar, 1951,

Badhera, Ganesh Dass. TitikhA-Punjab. British Museum No. 1693.

—Chahar Cuhhan-UPunjUb, Ms. Khalsa College,

library, Amritsar.

~Chiragh-i-Punjab. MS. British Museum, iii, 952b.
Amir Chand. Muntakhah-ui'Haqi'iq Arnir-uJ~JmIa\ British Museum MS.
Or. 1722. “

MakBnb-i-Faglran (Letters of Faqjr brothers). MS. Khalsa College Library,
Amritsar.

Goshrarajafi Darbsr-i-Khcha. MS. Punjab University Library, Lahore.
Singh. Mian. TSrikh-l-Kashaur. MS. Punjab State Archives, Patiala.
Roznamcka'i Ranjjf Singh. MS. National Archives of India, New Delhi.
Tuzk-f-skah Skuja. MS.Brilish Museum Or. 1796.
iVaqVaiA-Skah Skuja. Lahore, 1664.

Bha*I, Gian Singh. Tanarikh-i-Cura Khalsa (Urdu). 3 Vols., Lahore
(no date).

(b) RegtoBkl Histories s

rr» Culzar-i-KashnUr, Lahore. 1870. Mehtab Sineh, Taftkh-i-

Muhammad, TankhA-Jkong, Meerut. 1863. Shah, Yusaf
Jtaiat.UMuIian. Shah Shuja, TCiikh-i-ShahShija. Azim Beg. Taivankh-i.GuJra}

BlBlLIOGBlPaT

443

(Urdu), 1870. Cb^r&TijiLi], TirflUlkM-ZilfaA Dera Ismail J^fian (Urdu), Lahore,
1882. Gopal Das, Tankh-i-Peifat^var (Urdu), Lahore, 1874. HuVam Chand,
Tawarikh-t-Zillah-i-MullSn (Urdu), Lahore. 1884,

{c) MiVcIbaeouf Aikiarat etc.

AkhbarSJ-l-Slkhkhan hIS, 3 Vols. Punjab University Library, Lahore.
Maulvi Ahmad Bakbsh Chishti, Roznamcha (1819-18M). Punjab State Archives,
Patiala. Harbhagat Rai, Muoshi, Zafarnama {Manual of Miiilary Training)
Punjab Government Museum, Patiala. Tota Ram, Raja, Culxasht-i-Punjab, State
Archives Patiala, Kanwar Singh, Valul Ah\tal-i-Ludhiana, mA Akhbarat-i-Angrezi
(PSA). AkhbOr-i-Mazkar.ul-Haq (PSA).' The A^birJi (PSA— MSS. M-340.
M-352and M-412). Rajab 'All, the Roznameha. Ahmad Ba^sh Chishti, the
RoznBmcha (PSA). The Punjab Akkbarai (KAI— Persian Miscellaneous Vol. 84).
Punjab Intelligence (NAI— Foreign Misccfraneous Vol, 349). News Letters (NAL
Vols. 331-335).

2. Mannsctipt Recorda ia the PuDjab GoteroineDt Rtcerd OfCiee, Labote

(1) Ludhiana Agency and Delhi Residency, 1804-1810 Books 2-12.
Book 2 X Nos. 1,4-5, 12-18, 36-38, 56,67-69, 95-100, 102. 107, 124-26, 131, 140,
142. Book 3: 1.5.11-12.19,22.27,30-31.46-47. 52.71. 73. 84. Book4: IS,
20,37,4549,55.59.60,70. 74.81,83.91,97-98. Book 6: 1.3.7, II, 12. 14-16,
17,13.4). 533^7:14.25, 36.53. 54. 533*8: 39, 51. 87. Book 10 X 1,2.4,
6-9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 34, 44. Book II: 3.4, 5.6,8. 9, 28. Book 12 x 81, 92. 103,
105, 116, 119,120.

(2) Classified Records :

RanjitSingh— Cis-Sutlej possessions of— 5(W* 74 t No. 184, 202. Foreign
8geats and raklls-^Bbaratpur, Muraihas. Russia, Sind, Nepal etc. at his Court— 72 :
406.409. 246,97.341, 424. 451 ; 7/0 : 73 ; 98 : 40 ; 97 ! 8 ; 98 : 80. DesilQS
on Sind— 75: 131; 96:113. Measures against the AkSlts— 96 : 18. 190; 97:
13,18,52; 775; 50,51. Decorates Briiisb officials— 709 9,10. Conquest of
Kashmir— 92 : 157. Foreigners at his Court— 97 : 120, 136 ; 98 : 128, 132.
Occupation of Peshawar— /4<7 : 33, 37, 38, 47; 117: 33. Burnes' mission to
the Court of— 95 ; 151, 154, 155. 157. 165 ; 98 : 170. Holfcar’s intrusion— 2 : 1. 58.
Wade's missions to the Court of— 707 : 33 ; 142 : 103. 105, 108 , 779 : 13 ; 746 : 25.

Metcalfe's mission despatches — 9 : 94, 97-98 ; 2: 96, 100, 113-II5, 199,
133; 5 : 56, 58. 3, 14-15, 22, 33,53.23-24. 4, 9. 15.2, 16, 19, 27, 28, 30, 36-37,
40, 47.49, 52,55. Treaty of Amritsar— 8 : 46,51; 4: 109-111; 5: 12. Sikhs
and Afghans— policy and hosti(it»es~-/40; 81 ; 742:83; 747 : 4,6,9,21,25-26.
52, 94, 97 ; 70S : 36 ; 778 ; 23 ; 779 : 42 ; 725 : 2A. 4 ; 747 : 20. 22, 23, 27, 32-34.
43,47, 85. 89. 103. Burnes’ mission |o Kabul— 779; 35, 55 ; 720: 2, 10 ; 70S:
27, 31, 32 ; 779 : 84 ; 727 ; 48, 55. 57, 60, 146. Nepalese missions to Ranjif Singh’s
Court- 121 : 36 53. 59a, 63 ; 140 1 75, 88 ; H7 58 ; 742 : 57 ; 779 ; 26. 64 ; 720 :
26 ; 126 : 50. Macnaghten's mission to Lahore— 722 : 2-20, 24. Tripartite treaty—
72/ ; 68, 69 ; 722 : 1. 27. 31-33, 36-39. 42,44, 47 ; 723; 115; 724 ; 7. 51. 318;
746 : 6, 13, 19, 21. The Rupar Meefine— 37 ; 53-54, 66, 67, 69. Sikh-Sindhian
relations-/07 : 16. 24, 32. 109 ; II9 : I, 6. 10. 13, 15 ; 142 : 90. 70. 72. 76. 24. 54,

58 ; 108 : 22 ; 119 : 58. 63, 67, 69-70. Shifcarpur— 740 ; 87 ; 141 : 84 ; 745 : 66.
The Mazari dispute — 149 : 49. Indus and Sutlej Navigation— 95 : 55, 62, 70, 71 ;

90 : 82-83 ; JOS : 8. 10, 12 ; JSS : 1.2, 4. 5, 7,9, 11. 16. 23, 32. 35, 37, 54, 60.
70-78. Siege of Multan— 3 : 73-82. Kot lOingra— 25 : 101, 106. Revenue and
resources of the Cis-Sutlej* Slates— 32 1 94. White’s Survey— 4 : II4-US, 118.

444

SIBIUDCSAPHT

Shah Shnja-ul-Mxilk, Tcbtions ■wiih Raojit Singh— 6/ : 87 ; 57 ; 6 ; 7/5 :
18, 50, 55, 58. 74 81.79, 62, 112 ; 5S: 186A- Transactions of expedition to Kabul,
relations with the Sikhs, march on Sind, the tripartite treaty etc.— 7^0: 58,60-61,
62-64,32, 36,39.42-^3; 146: 111,61.32,49.54.33,92,98. 103; 147: 40. 41.
43 97, 113. Qutb-ud-Din of Kasur— 73 : 207. 236, 274, 315 ; 74: 18. Phula
Singh AkaH— 62 : 35,41,44. Fateh Singh AhlOwaha— quarrel with Ranjit Singh,
5-#*116 118;95:1. Ludhiana A^ncy: Its duties and functions— 94 ; 26; 95:
5; US: 11.

Tcirilorial disputes — Ferosepur., 96:8* 115 :33; 103:20. Wcdni, 93:
42.44.61-64,66-70.71.73-76.77-78,89.93.98. ^hlTtxolia possessions. 94: 116,
118; 775 : 30. 34 : 56 : 9. T^a^z/r. 55 : 44. 53 ; 775: 16. Arandp-ur, 2S : 140. 326.
FatehzaThandTahiondU 76 : 6,58,75,103 ; 57 : 149, 180. 230. A'cng territories,
56 : 2, 8. 55. 63. Sailba, 28 : 326. Lahore Darbir Intelligence, 107 : 18 ; 117 : 43,
58.68,71,76,81,87,140. 779:36.42.43.44. 727: 141. 124: 17. 126:4,57.
742 : 66. 67, 73, 78, 93, 96, 100, KM. 746: 15. 747 : 176, 181, 189, 194, 195. 196.
148 : 3. 4. 13, 17, 19, 26, 32, 42, 48. 52.

3. Maaosenpt Reeordt In the Britith Mtuenm

(a) nV/Zej/o- Pflperj-MS. Volumes 37274-37275 ; 37282-37284: Private
correspondence of the Marquis of Wellesley with Henry Dundas, the President of
^ard of Control. 7798 : the Afghan threat, the overtures of the Marathas and the
Rohillas— 23 February, 6 July and 24 December. Calcutta Letters : On possible
AfghaD,Freoch, Tipu and Maratha coalition— 13 July. 1799: Measures to
ceuntetaet the supposed combinatton— 13 January. Home Government’s private
despatches to Wellesley— 21 March, 16 June, and 9 October.

(b) Wellesley Despatches— 1798 : to the Court of Directors, 21 November ;
Craig to Wellesley, 13 October ; Daodas to Grenville. 13 June; Craig’s Memoir
on the possible threat of invasion of Zamaun Shah (0 Append. E.

(1) Prirare 7>Keri— MS. Volumes Add. 37639-37694. Private correspon-
dence ofl^rd Auckland pertaining to Aoglo-Sikh ^airs, Sind and Afgharustan.

(2) Auckland Papers— Private correspondence with Sir John Hohfaouse.
1835-184], contained in the Broughton Papers. MS. Volumes 36473-36474 : —

1836 : Russophobsa — 28 May, 20 June, 1837 : The Sikh-Afghan
dispute and British attitude— 26 May, 5 August. 8 September. Sir Henry
Fane’s Report on Sikh military power — 9 April. 6 May. IS3S :
Auckland decides to befriend the Sikhs. Anglo-Sikh-Afghan affairs—
6 February, 13 February, 9 April, 8 May, 3 June. Schemes for the
restoration of Shah Shuja— 17 June (Enclosures in Vol. 36474, /of.
3693-375b). Bnmcs’ mission to Kabul— 13 February. 1839 : British
policy towards Sind— 8 February.

(d) Lord Palmerston’s correspondence on the attitude of Russia and Persia
m Afghanistan— BrougA/on Papers, MS. Volume XIV.

4- Mtootcript Record* In the public Records Otiice; London
Fllenbarcugh Papers ;

PRO/30/12 Part U 0). Correspondence and Papers relaftre to
rftr /’un/flO. 1839-1841. Contains, in general, oRicial papers, notes, and ebserva-
uons on policy mauers relative to the Punjab during the last davs of Ranjit Singh,
end In* state of affairs immediately after his death, *

8lBtU0Cltlt>Hr

445

(H) No. PRO 30/12 (72). Misedlaneous and Military Affairs, 1839-1843.
This file provides information on various political matters and Ellenborough’s
oiiitary policy towards Raajil Singh’s Kiagdotn.

(iii) No. PRO 30/12 (25/1). Correspondence relative to Punjab Affairs,
1839-1843. The file contains details ofthc Sikh part in the'military operations in
Afghanistan. List of Army Movements for the year 1843-44, movement to Meerut.
Ambala, Ferozepur, Ludhiana etc. give a picture of Elleoborough’s military prepara-
tions for a war with the Sikhs.

5. Maoasetipt Retards in the CocDinonwealtb Relations Oflice London (India Office
Libriry) :

(a) Home Miscellaneous Series — MS. Volumes 292, 506A, 511, 592-595,
612. 650.

Volume 292 (No. 21, /of. 97-126). Captain Mathews’ Private letters to
C. F. Falgan.

506A— Metcalfe’s Memoir of Hindoostan West of the Jumna in 1805.

511 (No. 80)— Secret Committee’s Memorandum on Metcalfe’s Mission
to Lahore ; Lake’s transactions io the Cis-Su*Jej region, 1S05-5.

592 (Nos. 16-25, 33-44)— Metcalfe’s Mission ; Ranjit Siogh-Maratha
intrigues ; Mathews’ private letters to Falgao.

593 (Nos. 15-24)— Raojit Siogh-Minto Correspondence. Despatches of
Ochterlony and Seton.

594 (Complete)— Despatches of Metcalfe, Edmonstone, SetoD, Close and
Ochterlony; Metcalfe-Raajit Singh Correspondence ; correspondence rela-
ting to protection granted to Cis-Sullej States.

595 (Nos. 2. 3. 5, 7. 8. 10-19. 23-43)— Despatches of Edmonstone, Carey
and Seton ; Raajil Singh-Minto Correspondence ; Correspondence relating
to Ochterlony's conduct. Ochterlony’s Prociamalien.

612 (No. 12). 636 (No. 27). 638 (No. 6). 650(No$. 1,20)-Miscella.
Dcous despatches connected with Lahore affairs.

650 (No. 8)— Nepalese attempts to gain Sikfa aid against the British.

(b) Select Despatches, MS. Volumes I-X

Secret Committee Papers and Correspondence. Vol. 4 (1817-1827).

1804- (Vols. 124-126, 146-147). 2 March, Cl I. 79. 118. 17 May, C 164.

13 September, C39. 29 November. C40, 305-306. Despatches of Ochter-
lony, Lake, and correspondence of Sikh Chiefs. Ochterlony’s Report on
Sikh Country.

1805- (VoU. 151, 152, 154, 162. 173. 177, 178), 31 January. C230, 236, 238-39,

241,243.245. 7 March. C68, 69. 28 March, C158. 159. 163, 170, 188.
16 May. C12. 19, 27, 33. 1 7 July. C97. 98. 23 July, C63. 4 October. Cl.

7 November, C2. 31 December, CHS. Ctorrespondence relating to Holer’s
intrusion into the Punjab ; Cis-Sutlej affairs and general principles of British

'nabetTans-Sennna region.

1 806 - (Vols. ISO, 182, 185, 192, 197, 198). 9 January. CI3, IS. 13 Febreary,

C68, 75. 27 February, C46. 13 March. C2. 7 August, C102. 104.

1 October, C3S. 6 November. C72- 20 November, C5, 7, 12-14, 17-19.
27 November, C13. 24 December, C7I. Transactions with Holkar. Anglo-
Sikh Treaty (1806).

446

BIBItlOCBAPHT

1807— 19 March. C3. 23 September, Cl. 3. 14 December, Cl, 5, 9, 26. Ranjtt
Singh’s Ma'wa Expeditions.

1808- 9— (Vols. 206, 207, 209, 213-17). Cis-Sutlej Sikh Mission to Delhi. J80S :

18 April, C8, 9. 2 May, C17. 18. Ranjit Singh-Minto Correspondence
etc. 21 March, C22. 23, Minto’s Minntc on French Menace -20 June,
C2jir.

Matcalfe's Despatchei (Nos. 2-95) JSQ8 : 1 August. C3 ; 2. 9 ^ 3 ^-
12September. C15-16;19. C41-42; 26.C6-8. 3 October, C12.15. 18-21 ,
24, C6S-70 ; 31, Cl-2. 7 November. Cl-2 ; 14,C14,20; 21, C5; 28. Cl,
3,4. 5 December. Cl ; 12,C27; 19, C2-4, ]S09-. 2 January, C92-93 ;
30.0100, 102-105 103. 109. 114. 117. 6 February. C90-92. 13 Match,
C43, 45, 52, 58, 59, 63, 69, 70, 75, 77, 78 ; 20. CIO, 16 ; 27, C25. 3 Apn .
C49 ; 10. C4i. 42 ; 29. C30. 31, 39. 40. 6 May. Cl ; 13. Cl, 2 ; 20. C54,
55;27,C28.34. 3 June. CI2 ; 13, C2. 4 ; 17. Cl; 24. C13 ; 26, Cl, lO.
1 July. CIS ; 8. Cl ; 15, C3.

Ochtetlony to Government— 6 February, C50-5I ; 13, CIS ; 27, C39 ;
29. C33. 13 June. C8-9. Government to Ochtcrlony— 2 January’, C96.
6 February, C52 ; 13, C19. 13 June, CIO, 17.

SetontoGcvernment-MM: 18 April, CS-9. J809: 30 January, C89.
6Fcbruarv. C42.48.49 ; II.C6. 13 March C90 ; 20, CIS. Govcmmenl
loSeton— 7W5; 2May,C16-19. II April. C8. 1809: 2 January, C9S ;
16,C2l.

1831— 2 January, Cl. 2 November, C27. Burses* Mission to Lahore. Pottinger's
Mission to Sind.

1832— 13 January, C5. I October, C19. 24 December, C5. Indus NaTigaljon
Scheme.

1833— 10 October, C12-13. Indus Navigation Tolls.

1834— 16 July, C14. Indus Navigation.

(d) Irdia Secret Proeeedin$j, 1834-1856

1834-37— Sind and Shikarpur. lS34z 4 July (No. 1-3). 1836: 21 November
(No. 12); 24 October (No. 4). 1837: 23 January (No. 16-18); 6 March
(No. 3, 5. 7. 9. 11-12). 24 April (No. 12).

1838 — Mecnachtcn’s Missian to Lahore and the Tripartite Treaty. 3 October
(No. KM. IC6) ; 17 October (No. 85-90, 92-96. 98-106, lOS. Ill, 113-116,
118-119, 123-124. 126-127, 131-132. 134-136. 141, 143-144. 148) ; 21 Novem-
ber (No. 43) ; 12 Deccml^r (No. 2).

1839— Afghanistan, Sikh co-operation in the military operations in Afghanistan.
Despatches of Wade on Special Duty at Peshawar, and of Clerk from
Lahore. 2 January (No. 29) ; 20 March (No. 79) ; 23 March (No. 28).
3 April (No. 7. 37, 64) ; 10 April (No. 16) ; 24 April 19) ; 22 May
(No. 8) ; 26 June (No. 82. 83, 92. 102, 110); 3 July (No 9, 21A, 35);
17 July (No. 35. 37) ; 7 August (No. 11); 4 September (No. 163> ; 11
September (No. 46); 2 October (No. 81); 16 October- (No. I02) ; 23
October (No. 9) ; 20 November (No. 41. 42).

I^®~I^'r3tches of Wade, Clerk, Mackeson. Macnaghten and others to the
Government and rlee tersa, dealing generally with : Affairs at Lahore,
Arglo-Sikh Relations, Operations in the Kh)bcr Pass, the Sikh-Afghan

tiSllIOCUPBt

44?

boundaries, (he passage of QrtCish Troops and convo)'s. and Punjab Intelli-
gence Reports. 8 January (No. 100, !01), 22 January (No. 25-28).

19 February (No. 25-2S. 3MI>. 2 March (No. 70) ; 23 March (No. 33).

20 April (No. 80, 89). 18 May (No. 54. 242). 8 June (No. 92. 118, 119).
6 July (No. 80) ; 19 July (No. 44) ; 27 July (No. 79). 3 August (No. 63);
17 August (No. 103) ; 21 August (No, 45). 7 September (No. 57, 58, 84) ;

21 September (No, 97) ; 28 September (No. 75, 7d. 73). 2 No* ember (No.
100,101.128); 16 November (No. 27.58.59,60): 20 November (No. 92.
99) : 23 November (No. 61-65, 71, 75. 77. 79. 81-82). 7 December (No. 115,
117, 118. 119, 120. 122. 132, 152); 14 December (No. 84-S6) ; 21 December
(No. 96-97, 102-103, 105); 28 December (No. 102. 105, lOS).

(e) Bengal Pofilirat Consultations

l%n-{Vol.l5. Range 125) x 23 February. C16. 20. 23. 16 March. C13: 30
March. C32. 36. 20 April, C5, 7. IJonc, C17. Dr. Murray's correspon-
dence from Ranjil Singh’s Court.

— (Vol. 23, Range 125). lJune, C290. Sikh mission to Governor-General.
— (Vol. 33. Range 125). 12 October, C3. British mission to the Court of
Ranjit Singh. Wade's Report.

1831— (Vol. 30. Range 126). I July. C42. 43. 46. Wade’s misston to Lahore.

^(N'ol. 32. Range 126). 29 July, C4). Navigation of the Indus sod Sind.
1834-2 December. C64, 79, SO. Indus Navigation.

1837—31 July, C16-23, 38-42. Angto-Sikh-Sindhian affairs.

(f) Secret Letters ReeelteJ ftom India and Bengal— 1776-1659 (StritsI)",
1617-1857 {Series It)

I798.I800-(Vol. 3) 1796 : 24 December. J799-I3 January. 8. 12 February.

22 April. J800 - 9 June. 31 August. Shah Zaman’s threat and British
Mission to the Sikh Country.

1808— 26 September. J5 December. Metcalfe’s Mission to Lahore.

1809— 15 April. 22 October. British advance to the Sutlej. Metcalfe’s Mission
and Anglo-Sikh treaty.

1810— 26 January. Sikh-Maratba intrigues.

1819—26 September. Appa Sahib and Ranjit Singh.

1824— I November. Warlike preparations of Ranjit Singh. Amherst Government's
relations with Lahore Darbar. French Officers at Lahore. Overtures of
various States to the British against Ranjit Singh. Appa Sabib.

1830— 25 October. Sir Charles Metcalfe's Minute on British policy towards Sind.

1831 — 6 May. Domes' Mission to Lahore. 23 August. Trevelyan's Report.

3 August. Burnes' Geographical and Military Memoir. 7 December.
Bentinck's Indus Navigation Scheme and Wade’s mission to Lahore. 19
November. Rupar Meeting and Indus Navigation.

1832— 24 February. Ranjit Singh, Shah Shuja and British policy, 2 July.
Fottinger at Hyderabad. Wade at Lahore.

1833— 22 January. Elliot’s Minute on Mission to Sind.

felSlLlOGBA^BV

1835— 5March. Treaties with the Amirs of Sind. British Policy regarding Sikh-
Afghan Agreement (1833) and subsequent events.

1836— 26 September. Sind and Shikhrpur.

1837— 2 January. Tottio^z's negotiations at Hyderabad. 10 April. Wade’s
transactions at Lahore. 5 August. Sind, Lahore and Afghanistan. 27
December. Governor-General’s and Commandcr-in'Chief’s //inu/o on the
defence of Western Frontier.

1838— 21 February, 13 April. Sind, Lahore and Nepal. 22 May. Russian threat
to India’s Frontier. 13 August. Auckland's policy towards Kabul and
Lahore. Maenaghten’s Mission and the Tripartite Treaty.

1839— IS July. Anglo-Sikh relations cooccramg operations in Afghanistan.

1841— 12, 13 May ; 20 September ; 22 December. Punjab Affairs. Sikh co-opera-
tion during the IsX Anglo-Afghan War.

1842— 9, 22 January ; 19 February ; 22 March ; 21 April : 17 May (Nos. 10 and
14) ;■ 8 June ; 8 July ; 6, 17 August ; 19 October. Sikb co-operation during
military operations in Afgbanistan.

6. PatlUnentty Fat«rs

S/iaA Zaman's apprehended inrasicn of /nd/u,— 1806, XV (ii) .

Lake's Memoir on Comlries West of the Jumna,— 1806, XVI.

Indian Papers -Correspondence reloiittg to Persia and Afghanistan, 1839,
XI ; 1839, XXV (30) ; XXXVIIl (3). (13), (17). •

Correspondeneeof Sir Alexander Bumes during his mission - to Kabul, 1859,
Session 2. XXV (7).

Correspondence teiadre to Sinde.mi’tS43, 1843, XXXIV; 1844, XXXVI

(523).

7. Record PuMicatioos

I. Punjab Government Record Office. Vol. I. Records of the Delhi
Residency and Ludhiana Agency, 1S0$'18I5. Vol. II. Ludhiana Agency, 1803-1815.
Vol. IX. Selections from Birch's Note-Books. I8I8-IS2J. Press Lists Vol. I.
Delhi Residency and Agency, 1806-1807. Vol. II. Delhi Residency and Ludhiana
and Karnal Agencies, 1804-1816. Vol. III. Delhi Residency and Ludhiana and
Kamsl Agencies—Rcceipts (1809-1840). Vol. IV. Issues (I8I0-1S40). Vol. V.
Ludhiana Agency (Miscellaneous Correspondence). Vol. VI. (1831-1840). VoU.
Vll-Vin. North-West Frontier ,4genf>'-

Monographs: Punjab Government Record Office (Lahore) No. 12 Sapru
ArjaoNaib. Jsmoiu aid XashKeir S/ate. Mo. 17 Gsfret, H. L. O., £ren/j at fhe
Court of Rsn]it Singh, 1810-1817. No. 18. Punjab a Hundred Years Ago. No. 19.
Farooqi.Mian Bashir Ahmad, British Relations with Cis-Sutlej States. No. 20.
Nair. Lajpat Rai, Sir IVllUnm Macnaghien' s Correspondence relating to the Tripartite
^eaty. No. 21. Kwrnan, Victor, C. Metcalfe's Mission to Lahore. Punjab
Gosemment Record Office (Simla) .—No. 1. Stx\s\.R.R. The Lahore Darbar.

2. Miscellaneous Records Publications

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INDEX

Abbot, Jarats, 261
abwabs, the. 289, 301, 305, 392
Adtnvlais, the 307
‘Afia\at-i-A‘Ia, the, 262. 306. 307
Xdi Granth, the, 189. 419
Afghan(s). the, 1 7, 18, 20, 36, 49. 91. 96.
116, 135. 159, 176,- 177, 178, 179, 180,
181, 211, 215, 287 : parleys with,
344-5 J 346. 347, 353, 360. 361
Afghanistan, 8, 17, 18. 29, 36. 81, 91,
118, 123 ; dismernberment of, 122-3 ;
126. 127, 128. 156. 157, 161, 162,

163, 167, no. 172, 173. 174, 176,

177, 185, 224. 273, 325. 331, 340.

341, 347. 354, 355 ; policy towards.
360 j«.*, 361,364

Afghan War, the first, 15, 17, 155
164.175

AfridU, the. 120. 180. 352. 353, 398
Agricultural products, 393-1
Ah1awllii(s) Misal, the, 22. 25. 29, 30.
35,49-50,59 : account of, 258, 295,
310,337,391. (5« also Fateh Singh
and Nihal Stngh — .)

Ahmad Shah Abdali, 21, 24. 25n ;
Collapse of the Indian empire of,
36j(7-;60. 90,91,117. 122.341
Ajit Singh, Sindhianwa'a 251,252. 253,
254, 26S. {See also Slndhianwalas)
Akal Purakh, the, 2S6
AW SahU'l.Xhe. 286, 387
Ak&l Sena, the, 325
Akal Takht. the. 45. 2S5, 379
Akalis, the. 84n. 87, 122, 149n, 211, 213,
316n, 325-27, 379, 380. 391, 406.
424. 429, 436. {See also Phula Singh
and Sadhu Singh — .)

Al.libarnt.tbe. 3.407
Ala Singh (ofPatiala), 61
Allard, General, 124, 133, 148. I49o,
210,271.272-3.274. 288. 309, 316,
320n. 323. 328. 330. 331. 332, 355,
409. 436

Amir Nath. DlwSn, 2, 92, 419
Amar Singh. Kalan. 259
Amar Siegh (of Palbla), 61

Amazons, the, 208 (See Zenana Corps),
408

Amherst, Lord, 206, 361
Amir Singh, 2ln

Amritsar, 29. 35, 36, 40 ; conquest of,
45 ; 63, 78, 84 ; the treaty ot, 85-6 ;
93, 100. 101, 188, 208 ; Jacquemont’s
account of. 208; 295, 318, 329, 338,
340, 375 ; the city of, 379-81 ; 395
Anrudh Chand, 53, 54, 342
Appa Sahib (of Nagpur), 357
Army panchayats, the, 14, 225, 227, 228,
229, 232. 251, 260. 262, 275, 280
Army (of Ranjit Singh), 31, 91, 136,
138, 223, 225. 230, 233, 248, 249,
261, 262, 269, 274, 296; core of,
310 i?*: strength and composition,
314; major divisions. 315 S(f. I
Cavalry. Zll ffx ChorchaTis, 319-20 ;
FauJA-Khaj. 320-21 ; JBgirdarl horse,
321; Artillery, 321-25; European
discipline in, 330-33
Aroras. the, 403

Ata Muhammad Khan (Governor of
Kashmir). 102. 103, 115, U6
Alaullah Khan (of Malerkoth), 63, 76
Attlrlwala($}, the. 148 ; an account of
the. 260-62, 292. 293 q; Sardars—
Attar Singh, 241; Sham Singh. 97,
217, 229, 260, 261. 292. 293n ;
Chattar Singh, 225, 260 61 ; Sher
Singh. 260, 261-62

AUock. r. 36, 39 ; city and fortress of,

115. 116, 117, 118. 122, 123, 125,

137, 145, 181. 211, 217, 225, 243,

264. 265, 303, 344, 345, 346. 348,

349. 380. 381

Auckland, Lord (Governor-General of
India, 1836-1842). 5. 10. 14 ;

—Papers. 17-18 ; 33, 152, 153, 159,
161, 162, 164, 168, 173, 174, 175,
176, 177n ; meets Ranjit Singh, 178-
79; visits Lahore, 185; 194, 197,
204 ; Observations on Dhian Singh,
246 ; 255, 273n, 275, 318 , 354, 362,
363,364n, 423, 424

ikdex

455

AosKaur, rani, 62, 71, 73n
Avitabilff, General, 3, 10, 131, 132,
137, 181, 243. 254. 264, 268, 271.
273 : career and character of, 275-
78 ; authorities on, 276n, 278ii ; 282.
283, 294, 304, 303, 309, 320n. 32S,
329,330,331, 353
An tlnj, the, 339, 382

Aziz-ud-Din, Faqlr, 33, 43, 116,119, 132,
147, 182, 185, 186, 188, 196, 2W.
230, 242 ; career and character of,
255*56 ; 288, 291, 343, 345, 424

Bahawalpur, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 141 ;
Daudpotas of, 36, 91, 142, 143, 362 ;
274, 347, 362

Baisakhi, the. 312n. 389. 406, 407
Bala Hisar, 131. 132, 136, 332
Balakot, 125, 136. 137
Baonu, 36, 119, 139, 176. 241. 346 ; S.kh
administration of, 350. 393
Bansnchls, the, 138, 350, 393
Barakzai(s), the, 36, 121, 125, 128,
129, 130, 132, 136. 139, 161. 175 ;
—brothers, 118, 122. 345 ; Peshawar-,
123, 126, 163, 346 ; Sikh-, 131. 137
Banwazlris, the, 55n

Barr, William Lieutenant. 8, 180, 274,
279. 327d, 381n. 434. 435, 437
Basant (festival), the, 197, 406, 407
Bassawan, Colonel Shaikh, 180
Batala, 25n. 29 ; the battle of, 34 ; 49,
SO, 186, 218

Bcas, the, r, 69, 82, 367
Begum Samru, 60, 149n, 219, 27iii
Bcii Ram, Misser, 185, 187, 232, 267,
220, 291, 297

Bengal and India Seerei Leliers (1), the,
14-15

Bengal Political Consultations (I), the,
13

Bengal Secret and Political ConsuUa-
/foni{I). the. 13-14

Bentinck, Lord William, 7, 14, 128, 146,
147. 148, 149, 155, 156, 204, 255,
272. 282, 362. 432, 435
Bhag Singh, raja (of Jind), 31 : character
and politics of, 62-3 ; 64, 66 67, 68,
69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 77, 78, 79n, 84,

Bha'iband, the, 391
Bhyi Gutdas, 419 iT

Bhrt5.the,2W.219.222, 257.292; an
account of. 265-67 ; Gobmd Ram.
185, 186, 219. 243. 265^. 291 ;
Gurmukh Singh, 107, 109. 1S5, 265.
266-7 291 : Ram Singh, 48, 58, 185,
229, 230, 265, 266. 291, 410. 414
Bhasin, the battle of- 41, 59
Bhaoga Singh (of Thanisat), 67
Bhangi(s) Misal, the, 22, 29. 35, 90,

91- — Sardars, 36#; rule oyer
Lahore. 40 ; 47, 57 ; the liqaidaUon
of, 48-49 ; role over Multan, 91;
—Cannon (Zcniroffifl), 93,95 ; 310,
313.365

BhSfias, the. 403

Bhawani Das. DIw2d. 47. 5Sn, 94, 256,
290 ; Daftar'i; 297
Blue Books, the, 7, IS, 17, I55n
British Government, the. 75. 80. 127,

138 142 145. 150, 153. 154, 161,

iS 164 166, 170. 176. 177, 179,

83 205 218. 220, 223. 229. 230.

250! 257.’355. 356, 361, 364, 367, 370
Btoadfoet, Major. 14. 227. 23^ 262 q
B roughton. Lord (Sir John Hobhouse)
7 ; —Papers, 17, 178n
Budh Singh, 20

Burnes. Atezander. H’i?’ us’

109; mission to Sind, 144# , 145.
151, 154 ; mission to Kabul, ‘J*-' •
169 175; impressions of Ranjit
Singb, 243 ; 255. 278, 341. 361. 362
Bute Sbab, 2, 419

Cband K.ur, MTl.

of 219 57; murdered, 2iin ,

248. 249, 253, 257. 259. 266
Charyan-Sowars, the, 249
Ctatat SinEh, 1, 20^; touts Mosb.l
rotce, 21 ; mitthts on “ •

death and character, 22. 39 . J»i

Chatha, Pir Muhammad. 23

ChetSingh. 18. 215, 216, 217. 246, 249,
Chim*?>s, thc-Hukma Singh. 69n, 244 ;
Chundedrand, the, 391

456

270n ; Ochterlony's Report on, 87 ;
Vhiile’s Survey of, 86 et seg ; resour-
ces and military strength of, 88-9 ;
242, 336, 367, 368

Clerk, George Russell, 12, 13, 17, 18,
184

Coomaraswamy, A, 426
Court, Claude Auguste, 3, 131, 133, 148,
254,271 ; career and character of,
278-79; 282. 323, 328, 330
Court Nobility, the, 402-3
Crime and Punishment, 307-08
Cunningham, J. D., 1,4, 7-8; dismissal
of. 12-13 : 149, 260, 304, 314n, 316,
3490. 419

Currie, Sir Fredrick, 261
Customs and Town Duties, 304-05

DaBr-UMemllkat, the. 291
daftar[s), the, 192 ; evolution of, 289-
91 ; —'i Daroghe, 289, 298 ; —*t
Maliat, 297, 298
Darbacd, 119, 260. 350, 351
DatbSr.ihe. 9 ; Lahore-. 7, 193; 225.
227, 228, 229, 238 . 241, 253, 266,
267, 272.3l6n. 343
Dietha’l DecfhVi Wu'afle, the, 291
t)Sx-ul‘Anan, the, 294
Daudzsis, the, 135, 398
Dalhousie, ' Marquess of (Governor-
General. 1848-1856), 7,235
Dalip Singh. Maharaja, 214, 224, 225,
227, 223, 234 g ; embraces

Christianity. 235 ; life in England,
236 ; death. 237 ; 250, 251, 254, 260,
261. 263, 433. 434

Dal Khalsa, the, 35, 50, 258. 310-13.
320, 321

Dal Singh, Sardar, 24, 28, 34. 35 ; im-
prisoned, 42 ; 48, 49, 102, 334, 335
Dal Singh, Nahema, 262
DaIIewal3(s) hfisal. the 29 ; liouidation
of, 50^1 ; 73. 264. 265, 310, 313
DtodhXdais, 245. 290
Dcrajat. the, 1, 36, 122. 127; adminis-
tration of, 133 ; 139. 274 275 349
350. 375, 384. 393 ' *

dw^j). the. 282,319; ofartiIIcry,322-

Dera Ghari Khan, 3, U9, 138. 347 350

t7S toe to7 * *

Dera Ismail Khan, 3. 119, 138, 217, 337,
347, 350,351,375, 394
Delhi Residency, the records of, 11-13
Pesan, MS*i, 22

Phiaa Singh, raja, 1 8. 47, 50, 54, 108,
112, 180, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189 ;
hypocrisy of. 190 ; 191, 200, 212, 215,
216,218,219, 220,221,223; assassi-
nated. 224 ; 227, 232, 242, 244; life
and character of. 245-6 ; 250, 251,
252. 253, 254, 266, 269, 275, 281,
282.288,292. 343. 360. 401n, 402.
407, 409

Dina Nath, Diwao. 2, 186, 187, 229, 230,
244 ; career and character of, 256
eiiiq : 288,290,297
Diplomatic and Political Relations with
the British. 365.fi'

DiMSlj.tbe, 201, 312n, 329. 389. 406.
408

Diwao Chand, Misser, 47, 95, 104, 119,
120, 252, 26S, 269a

Doerafs), the— transactions in Ladakh,
ni.I5; 122, 143, 218,219, 228. 232,
243. 244 ; Ja$1rs of, 251 ; 253, 267,
269, 292. 343, 344. 431
Dost Muhammad Khan (Amir of
Afghanistan), 17, 116, 119, 122, 126,
128. 129 ; the bluster of, 130 ff. ; 131,
132; the machinations of, 12^26!

133. 139, 1«6, 157. J58, 159, 161,

161. 163, 166, 167, 174, 175, 179,

225. 280, 281, 341, 345, 346, 434

Dunlop Sketches, the, 432
Dussrrah, the, 201, 330, 406, 407

Eden, Emily, 33, 196. 425, 424
Education, 410

Ellenbotough, Lord (Govcmor.General,
1842-1844), I69a, 248
Elpbiastone. Mountstnart, 81, 82, 91,
370

Famines, the, 393

Fane. Henry Edward, 8, 194, 19S, 203,
23$, 326.330

Fane. Sir Henry. 17. 198.204. 217, 244,
325, 407-8

Fatebgarh (fortress), 278

iron

457

F3tc^ Khsn (V’aiier cf Kabul). 91. 115,
116,117. U8.26-1. 344. 345.347
Fatfh Singh Ahln«iti3. 30. 45. 51 ;
frkadihtp ^»hh Karjtt Sinrh.

46 49-50,71.72. 73, 74, 75.89. 102.
25?. 265. 336-37

Faclr brothers, the. 256. 28S, .>2, -93a
FeuJ-l-A'tn. the. 315, 320
ra^lJ^i•Btqs^va'l<^, the. 315
Fcul-t-Kl-Jj, the. 2CSn, 273. 315. 320-21.

^23. 331. 376 , . .

Fcrctcpur. 18. 204 ; -Meeimr. 179 sq .

reroreshah. the battle of, 261, 324, 333,

■*32

Fenialc Ir.fanlieide. the 411-12
Fejli%a'i at the Court. 406-8
Financial AdminiMration. the. 297-V5
/Ire-niK,). the. 3. 71. 87. 205 : -Ofn«rs.
6 . 207-10 : 251. 262, 263, 270/.
277, 283-84, 332n. 333
Folklote and legandt. 416 /.

Forei&n Relationt. 355 /.
rorticr, George. 4. 10
Fort William, the. 16, 17. 37, 38 ;
Russophobia at, 160 ; 163.164. 165,
273,341

Forts and strongholds, 331*2
Franeklin, \V„ 4, 60fi .

Frar.eesjCampo,{he,6, 133 . 205, 272.
320n

Francophobia, the, 80 /

FiTulpuriafi) Miul, the, 20, 21, 29. SO.
51. 60. 263, 311, 313

Chalara Muhi-ud-Din. Shaikh. 51. 109
GiUall. Sahib Kaur, 220
GcbioJfrarh (fortress). 84a, 179. 20Sn.

261, 325.405. 426. 427
Golden Temple, the, 40, 179, 266, 325.

377. 379, 3S0. 424
GoraVhnSth. 405

Gfcy. C. 60n. 62. 27ln, 276n, -vOn, -il,

GrifTm. Sir Lepd. 33.

25'n 256, 259n, 265, 300. 3210, 325.
339

Cujrat.43. 261. 281. 303
Cul(-bahir) Begum. 9. 212-13, 214, 39-a
Gubb Singh (rail of Jammu). Il2. ISO.
185. 219, 220. 271. 224, 22^ ^-';
230 242, 243 ; authorities on, .44a .

263,238, 292. 329. 343, 344
Gulef art. the. 422. 425, 426, 427
C«r^lrts.»hc.4l9 „

Gordit Singh (f5j5 of Udwa). 67. 72,

288, 312,
379

Guru Nanak. 426

Gakhar{s), the. 399. 392. 385
Ganesh Dass, Munshi, 1
Gardiner, Atceander Colonel. 125. 133,
196 ; career and lib of, 231-82 ; 323.
330

Gheba. Tara Singh. 50.60.63. 73.264 ;
an account of 264-5

C/iarKj). the. 96. 120, 121, 124. 132,
133, 325. 326

ChorcharcU), the. 120, 143. 227 : — KAflJ,
259. 319 ; 311, 317, 319-20. 376

Haidro, the battle of. 116, 264, 265, 268

Jlardinge. Henry, 233, 243, 249

Hari Singh. Nalwa, 2, 107. 121. 124, 131.
133 ; toll, or, 134; 44
Peshawar, 132, 136 ; 137. 147. m
263, 280. 292n, 294. 295, 346, 349.
352n, 353.332. 437. 438
Ilariyana, 25, 49, 59, 60, 270
Harlan. Df. Josiah. 132. 183 ; career of.

280-81 : 330. 345, 346
llashlnagar, 133, 135, 137.375
Haselock. Henry. 278n

Hazara, 15. 240. 252. 261. 265. 303. 309.
346. 349, 398

HofUri Dagh. the. 377, f 07
S/rJ?aiyh^the. 415. 416. 418
Hindu Social Order, the, 386-7, 35&

N-S3

45S ITOEX

Hiia SiBgh. taja, 14, 54, 200. 2l5n. 219,
222,227,231,242. 243 ; career and
character of, 250-51 ; 259, 267, 305q,
424

/7ott,the.4,45n, 214n, 325, 388, 406,
407-8

Holkar, Jaswant Rao, 12,50; rntruslon
in Punjab. 69-71 ; 356, 367

Honigberger, Dr. Martin, 4, 9, 188, 189,
212,256, 271, 276, 281n. 309, 328,
423. 424

Home MiscellaneovS Series (7), the, 13,
15-16

Home Go^erninen!, ihe, 80, 81, 83, 84,
154n, 161, 174, 175, 236, 273n,275

Hugel, Von Baron Charles, 4, 9. 10, 33.
Ill, I9ln. 194, 197, 198, 201, 203.
204,244.255,274, 279n, 294o. 320,
330.337,356, 398 d, 406, 423, 436.
437

Hyderabad (Sind). 36, 141, 142, 144,
145, 363

Ibbetson, 292a, 387fi
ij&ros (farming out land), the, 4
Itnam-ud-Din, Shaikh, 267, 288
Imports and Sports, 395
7nd{o Secret Proetedlnts (f), the, 13. 14,
314n

Indian Records, the, 11
Indus.tbe.r, 115, 116, 118. 121. 134,
145. 146. 350 ; — Navigation Scheme,
13, 144, 151. 152. 156, 361. 362, 373
Iskardo. 112. 113,343
2tti]o}in^nui, the. 85
'lyOr-i-DSnish, the, 414

Jacquetaont, Victor, 4, 9, 10, 108; ob-
servations on Sikh administration
106, 108. 110, 144, 192 q ; 193. 199 ;
visits Lahore, 201 ff-, on Ranjit Singh,
209 sq : Utters from India. 210 :
274, 304n, 305. 328, 329. 330. 333
356, 378. 380, 409 ’ » .

JasUdafi horst.iht, 69,317, 318, 321 *
— iToopw, 327

JagIrdSrI Courts, the, 307 ; system, 230

JahMdadKhan. 115, 116, 117, 345, 346,

Jahaogtra (fortress), 136, 13?

Jai Singh, Kanahaya, 22, 23n, 24, 25, 26,
29, 30, 34

jBra (animal magneticism), the. 9
Jalalabad, 14. 126, 132, 158, 16S, 170,
171, 224. 354, 382
Jalla, Pandit, 228, 230, 251, 257
Jammu, 22, 24 ; conquest of, 46-7; 48;
91. 112, 117, 231, 247, 248 ; -bro-
thers. 244 ; Dhian Singh, 245-46 ;
Gufab Singh, 247-49 ; the Jagirs of
—brothers, 247 —hills, 343-44 ;
375, 434

Jamrud, 2, 132 ; the battle of, 132-34;
264. 280 ; the fortress of, 137, 349,
352.382,432. 438
Janamsokhis, the, ^26-21, 432, 436
Jjswaol Singh, rajs (of Nabha), 62, 61 1
71.72,73.77, 88
Jassa Kalil, 30. 49, 258, 312, 391
Jassa Singh, Ramprbia, 25 d, 26, 30, 34,
41,49

Jatfs) the, 3S2, 383. 385 ; caste and sub-
divisions of, 389-91 ; 393, 398, 399/ ;
401

Jawafair Singh, 14 , 229. 230, 231, 237.

250, 260, 262, <09
Jawalainukhi (temple), 54, 201, 402
Jawand Siogh, MokSI, 264
Jawala Singh. Lakhdaia, 263-4, 263
Jeftarf.the.91.12l, 123, 126, 131, 132,
136, 203. 229, 265, 353
Jehlum. the. r. 21, 31, 38, 39, Il6. 298,
376, 398

Jind, 31, 62-3, 64. 65, 85, 88, 369
Jindas, rSni early life, 225 sq ; as re-
gent, 227 ; policy as regent, 228-29 ;
her bad instruments, 231 ; postscript
on. 233 ; 250, 257, 259. 260, 409, 433.
434

Jhanda Singh, Bhangl, 90, 91
Jhang. 46, 50, 68. 91. 262, 398
Jodh Singh, RSmgarhi^ 75, 338n
Judicial AdminssUalion, 306-09
JoIIundur Doab, the, 25n, 30, 44 ; con-
quest oi, 50 JT; Sikh administration
of. 51-52; 69,S6n, 265. 294n. 302,
303, 304

Jumna, the. r. 3In. 32, 81, 82. 83, 87, 88,
367n, 370

IKSEZ

459

K.b»l,14, 15. 18. 36,37. 3*.

101, 110, 116. 119. 120, 122. 123, 126,

127 131 151. 159, 160. 161. 162,

iS: m. 166.' 167. 168. 169. 171.

172. 173. 175, 178. 211. 273. 280.

287. 340, 345. 354,361. 397
Kailhsl, 31. 61.65. 66. 67. 85. 88. 369
K51!3n3*al3(j). the. 43. 148 257 :

-Sardars. 762-3 ; Attar Sinph. *62-
3 ; Chattar Sitifh. 262 ; Faith Sini^.

43 262. 268. 292 : Jodh .Sinfh, 262 ;
Nihal Singh, 69n ; 292n. 293n
Kanahaya Ul. Munsht. 2. 92. 130n. 218.
419

KanahaySO) MUal, the. 23, 24. 25. 26.

29 30 41 : liquidation of, 50; 69n,
91,219.221. 310. 313. 335. 336
Kandahar. 123. 128. 129, 130, 159. IM,
165, 171, 172. 177. 180, 273. 341,
397

Kaajra (Kot Kanpra). 26, 29.

vasion of, 44, 47 : 52: fall of, 53.
Sikh administration of. 55;

272 ; land revenue system. 303; W5.
339. 341, 342, 344, 357. 358. 393.
400,402

Kangra Art, the, 422. 425, 427

karJ3fU).the.S\. 52. 55. 103. 110.
125, 138, 240. 241. 286. 293. 295 .
powers and functions of, 296-97 ,
293. 300, 307, 350

the. 214. 220. 223. 224. 392
Karaal, 63, 66. 67, 68, 69, 79
Kashmir, 1.9. 10.47. 52,95, 115; con-
quest of, 102-04 ; —statistics. 105:
shawl trade in, 106 ; Sikh rule over,
107-09 ; nffflmJ/ of Sher Singh. 109-
110; rule of Mian Singh. IIO-JI ;

125. 134, 211. 241. 242. 243. 249.

251, 263, 264, 282. 294, 302, 303.

304, 342. 344, 345, 374, 375, 393.

397. 398

Kashmira Singh, 131, 224-5, 242
Kasur, 36, 50. 41, conquest of, 43-4 ; 63,
82. 263.265

Kaukob-l-lqbal-l-Pan)ab (medal), 244
Kehar Singh, artist. 428
Aifca/ifl, the. 6. 14, 91. 285. 290n, 300,
3l4n, 3lS,354n.400, 427
Khalils, the, 135, 352. 398
Kharak Singh, Kanwar, 14, 17. 42;
marriage of, 55-6 ; incapacity or.

57-8:94.95, 104, 119, 120. I«, 152.
151 ISO ■ proclaimed Manarap,
185; 186, 187. 188, “I j’,",''
character. 215-16. 217. 2l|. 4 .
222, 242. 244, 246, 248, 258, 267,
335.409. 424
A'Anrro//. lhe.339, 382
Kluuki.lbt. 120. 154. 546. 547, 35..
398

KhCT'tJ IJlmi"". 295
KhmM SioS’i; 54™,i5'-,87’'20o’ 1”'

15?'7i”24fi4

“&I-2 ; 268,’ 288. 295, 378

181,

M 175. 176, 177. 178. 181. 345.
ri?' 349 352 ; Sikh aims beyond,
353 U : 374, 382. 396
KIrpa Ram. Diwln, 2.107. 108. 120.290.

294n. 297. 343n il6.17 •

koh-i’Nur (diamond), ll**..'*®*' •
«Aalp-!d.l8^7:20Sn.2
Kohli. Si» Ram. 279n, 290n. 316o, 317n,
322n. 323n

Ladakh. 106: Dogra
111-15 ; post O'’*

205. 243. 247; 343. 344, 359, 396
Ladwa, 59, 67, 85, 83

169! 172. 178. 180. ’*2. 186 .

34 b’ 374;’375. 376 elseq. 394, 395.
396. 397

iaJiwf /4lli65r.the. 180, 273

460 wt»BS

Lahore Government, the, 7, 74, 113, 116,
123, 126, 154, 161, 170, 176. 181,
209, 223, 295, 344, 345, 348. 361,
363

Lahore InielHsence Reporis, the, 14
Lake, General, 12, 67, 6S, 69, 70, 71n,

• 204, 367

Lakbnour, 76, 77
Lakhpat Rai, Dlwan, 28, 34, 334
Lai Singh, Bha’i, (of Kaithal). 31 ;
character of, 63 ; 64, 67, 68, 69, 75,
77, 88

Lai Singh, Misser, 231; character of,
232

Land revenue system : Kangra, 55 ;
Multan, 97'8 ; Kashmir, 107418 ;
under the Sikhs, 293-303
LatlT, Muhammad, 2ln, 69a, 21 5a. 275
LaaTence. Major Henry, S, 14, 184, 193.
200, 245 . 246, 255, 279, 2S2. 310.
321, 329, 332

Leech's RjspoH cn the Cenvneree of
Muliat, 8

Lhasa, 105, 106, 359. 396. 397
Lehna Sbeb, SiadhSowaiX, 219, 251.
252, 253, 254

Lelli (horse), 124, 202. 203, 423
Login, Dr. John, 235
Lotus (a Kashmirian giii), 1 19
Louis Philippe, king of France, 272, 335
Lower middle class, the, 404
Ludhiana. 33, 68, 69, 73, 79, 85. 118.
126. 128, 130. 172, 184 ; slave traffic
in, 21 1, 217, 230 ; — Political Agency,
17, 356, 372 ; —Agency records,
11-13

Lumsden’s /J/nurr, 8ln

Maegregor, Dr. W. H., 4, 5, 12. 33, 165.
182 n; treats Ranjit Sin^, 183-4;
191, 197. 223,249, 327,423
Mackeson. 12, 14, 151, 169, 170
MacNcill, 17,156,160
Maenaghtcn, Sir William, 14, 17 ; Mission
to Lahore. 164 rt seq ; I67n. 163, 170.
172

MahadSri System, the, 313, 328
Maba Singh, 1 ; military exploits ; 23.
24 ; routs the Kanahaj-Ss, 25 ; death
and character, 25-27 ; 30, 32, 34.

Maharaja, (see Ranjit Singh, Kharak
Singh, Shcf Singh and Dalip Singh)
MajlthSfs) the 14S ; account of, 251-60 ;
Desa Sineh, 43, 53, 55, 69n, 104.
258, 336, 342 ; Lehna Singh, 55. 229,
243, 246. 25S, 259. 304, 343 ; Ranjor
Singh, 256, 259-60
Malcolct. Lieut, Col, John, 4, 71, 80
hfalerkotia, 31, 59. 63. 76, 78, 8S
Malwa, the, 4, 13 ; Sikh chiefs, 16 ;
region, 62, 65 ; politics, 64 ; Campai-
‘ gns. SO, 71-73, 75-77, 84. 87, 269.
311. 36S. 372, 3S2, 384, 385, 3S9, 410
Malwan, Ma*!. 24, 28. 34, 334
Mangla (slave girl), 231-2
Manjha, region. 26, 27, 29, 30n.38,41.
59, 66, 68. 69, 75 ; Misals, 32;
region, 62, 65 ; politics. 64 ; campai-
gns. 50. 71-73. 75-77, 84 ; 87, 269,
311, 332, 3S4, 385, 359, 410
Maakera, 36, 91. 119, 264, 269, 339,
34S

Marath3(s). the, 32. 66^7, 67, 287, 366,
372

Marwat, 349, 350-1
Masson. Charles, 4, 8, 100, 126, 156
MalabarSbgb, 359-60
Mathews, Captain, 15, 87
Mazaris, the. 142, 152, 217, 363, 398
Mchtab Kaur, 15. 26. 30. 50, 56, 87,
214,221, 235
Menials, the, 404-5

Metcalfe. Charles, 12; despatches of,
13 ; Minute on Sind, 15 ; 56, 75, 76,
78, 79, 80, 81 ; Mission to Lahore,
SZetseq; 314,326, 330, 369, 370.
371

Mines and minerals, 395
Minto. Lord, 16, SOn. 81, 83,142,
369 ; — Ranjit Singh correspondence,
368-9 ;

Misa!(s), the, decline of, 29 JT; setback
in, 35 liquidation of. ^SJT;
absorption of trans Sutlej-, 50-1;
285. 288.289.310,313, 322,328
Misaldars, the. 42. 290 312, 313
Missers, the, 267. 292
MohoVaJOri system, 296
Mohan LaL Munshl. 4. lO-U. 100-1.

I30n, 139, 204, 205. 381. 395.396
Mohmandfs), the 135, 137. 347, 352.
353. 393

I’rntt

>/c;-r2rrj.the.25}.304. 305 1

hhUfs. tl,?. :5i-5

Moorcraft, Willum. 9. 10. 54. 9«a. _

105, 107. 113. 114. 145. 302. 204.
205. 255. 270. 295. 303. 355, 361.
3’)5n

Moti Ran. 101. 107. 103. 147.

205, 267. 295. 337, 335
Mowraa (a Miih-irenatJ sn coi!ft:‘.aa).

33 : narrlait with Ran].: Sinfti.45-6
McrSj'./'.^h coi 4^i. 214
Muhaar.ail AVbar Kir."!, I.'O, 133
Muhanaid Arm KKn. 103, 104. 115.

119, 120. 121. 123, 32s
Muhaanadui($l, the, 134, 135, 137,
373

Muhkan Cha-ad. Dlv.3n. 45. 51. 73. 74.
76.79.E4,£9. 103. 104.116. 263-9.
333, 343. 344
Mulraj, Diwin, 233, 261
Mulian. 5, 15. 35. 36. 63. 07 ; tiiMoo- of.
90.^;Ranjit Sin{;h’» aint lowatdv
92 ; fourth invaiioa of. 92-4.coR<i«r»t
of. 954) : Jhe eiladal cf. 93n : coder
Sikh rule. 96*9 ; people, trade and
commerce cf. 97-101 ; 102, 103. 122
125, 127, 129. 176. 25S, 264. 274.
2S7. 293. 294. 302. 303. 30-1. 303,
329,337, 375. 395. 377
MuUaaa Sldfh. 224

Murray. Dr.. 6, 13. IS2. 183 ; »i«t*
Lahore. 205-07

Murray, W., 1. 4 5, 12. 34. M3. IBS.

192. 221x1.271. 304, 336
3/tijaB«7i5u'/, Ihe, 188, 205, 226, 376.
377

Muslim Social Order. 367
Mift'fljffj. the, 303-01
MuzalTar Khan (Nawab of Multan). 91
2r; 93. 95, 115

Nabha. 30, 31,62, 85. 88, 369

NaVia (Naia*;) Miial. the, 29. 34 ;

lictuidation of, 50 , 69n, 269, 338
Nal-*-a Mural!, Ihe, 437 s^

Nsnakpanthh, Ihe. 391
A'aflaArpufrcj, the, 406
Nanunul. DluJn. 60, 61-2, 71
Naunihal Sinph, Kanwar. 8, 17, 131.
181. 185.204.215 ; life and character
of. 216.18 : 219. 220. 222, 240. 241.
242, 244, 240, 258, 266, 351, 409. 424

Naisihcra. 122; the battle of, 119-21 ;

26*. 272. 326. 347. 347
.Vitar-rtlGosemof). the, 3. 51, 55. 239.
‘’S7 • p-Tser! and function!. 293-4.
2W. 297. 307. 350

Nepal. 355 ; Sikh reblions with, 357-60
Nicholion. John, 12. 251
Nibani; Miial, the. 31. 59
Nihal 'Sifljh, Al.lSwUu. 253
the. 391
A'/ranilflrtr. the 391
Mrmfis. the. 406

NiihlfiAalJ Miul. the. 29. 31. 59, 73.
310.313

NodhSinjh. 20 ,,,

Nofth-Wcjlefn Frontier Policy, 346
ft uq

OXficn. William. 54. 270
Ochtetlony. Colonel 2- *2.3*" •

Cii-Sotlr) Reports of. 56-7 , 62, 63,
f6 6’. 78 79n, 14 . ad\ance on the

Sut’ej.85.94, .ri

2fi0 l.'S. 274, 303n. 315. 318, 319.
52*! 329. 332. 356. 423

tr<!k.intas. the, 257. 263-4
raf-ul imilialion to Sikhiato), the, 2
rJjhllhSr. the. 257. 264
Pai^ksyjts (jee Arm\ /'oiifftji ora)
/’anfA. the, 261. 325
Partap Singh, Kanwar, 264

Pb"lS;>.79.n. »5.

nf HI ■ -nrdtr S.kh
anncaation ol, U' - ti,ri Smeh
rule. I34efre<7: ^ Implf

Niiwi. mir -. i Jo

272 ■ under Avilabile. *-97 8 , ■

In 274 29-1. 298. 299. 331. 345 .
rSValIcyor. 3Sl#; 353. 354. 374.
375. 364, 394, 397.398

462

cn>Ex

Pesbawara Singh. Kanwar, 224, 225, 228,
23Q. 231,242, 260. 262
Perron , General. 16, 31, 32 ; and George
Thomas, 64-5 ; and Ranjil Singh, 66;
256,270, 366

Phula Singh. Akall, 84n, 86-7, 95 ; death
of. 121-22 ; 264

Phulkian Misal, the, 30 JT; 59, 61. 311,
390

Pir Muhammad Khan, 121
Poona Pesidency CoTrespor.dence, the-,
13, 15. 32n. 365
Position of Women, 403
Pottingcr, Henrj-, l,147n; mission to
Sind, 150; 151, 153. 362, 363
Prachas, the, 404
pToypgas, the, 201

Prinscp. Henry, 1. 4-5. 12, 2l4n, 305
PtUhvitiarayni ShSh. 52
Professional taxes,- the, 305-06 ;-<!asse$,
401-2

Provincial Administration, Jhe. 295
Provincial Courts, the, 307
Punjab, the, 11,15, 36. 37. 4|, 42. 78.
82, no, 113, 121, 161. 173. 176. 177,
204.207.209. 220. 229. 249, 273n,
287, 322 ; the Kingdom of, 374-76
Pimjsi Akhbdisi, the, 3, 185n, 186n
Punjab Land Rerenut Settlement Reports,
the, 297, 298//

Punjabi Literaturc—growlh of. 414 ; evo-
lution of verse, 415-16 ; love ballads,
416 ; Folklore and legends, 416 17;
legend of Itaja RisSla. 416. 417ir;
historical works, 419 ; the Vars,
4i9jr

putka-tax, the, 35

Qadir Yar, 417

Qotub-od-D!n (Nawab of Kssur). 92
33S

quoits, the, 325n

Rajputs, the. 399 et sq

Raj Ilyas (of Raikot). 59. 63-4, 72

rakhl, protection-cess, the, 312

Rajinder Kaur, rani, 61, 62

Ram Bagh. the. 211. 407 ; —murals, 436

Ran Dayal, Diwun, 96. 102, 103

Ramgarhiafs) Misal, the, 22, 29, 30, 41,
50; liquidation of, 49n;310, 313,
365, 391

Ram Rauni, fort, 2Sn, 36
Rasik Lai, 416
Rasnlnagar, 23, 40
Rasatpuri3(5). the, 263
Ranjil Siufih. 7, 14, 16, 17, 18 ; genea-
logy, 19 birth. 24 ; 26, 27, 28.
30 ; and ShahZaman.SS JT; occupies
Lahore, 39-41 ; coronation, 42 ; early
. expeditions, 43-45 ; marries Moxv-ran,
45-46; liquidates Misals, 48-51;
Malwa campaigns, 71-76 ; and
Perron, 66 ; treaty of Amritsar,
dependants of, 88-89 ; con-
quest of Mullan. 94-6 ; conquest of
l^sbmir, 102 if; and Shah Shuja.
115 jf; conpuest of Peshawar, 118
er seq', designs on Sind, 142 ff;
claims Shikarpnr, 154 d ; meets
Bent/nck at Rupar, 146-50 ; death of.
182 jf; character of, 83, 209 JT ;
naive curiosity of, 193-8 ; dialogues
with Osborne. 193 ff ; steamboat and
rcuteh'iirds, 196, I97 ; pastime acd
pleasures. I9S-98 ; a humane despot,
198 ff\ elephants and horses of, 201-
02 ; the treasure of, 207-08 ; Jaeque-
niont’s description 211#; dialogues,
of. 207-09 ; marriage with Gul Bteom,
212-13 ; marriages and karerriu of,
214 ; camp and court of. 238 #, con-
duct of business. 238# ; Generals
and Commanders of, 268 ; the Jirangi
ofRcers of, 270 sq ; administration of;
285 # ; concept of monarchy, 286 ;
maxims of gorernment, 287-88 ;
hnagcial administration of, 297-8 ;
resuBue administration of, 298-303 ;
Army of, 310 ff ; diplomacy and
politics of, 337 ; policy towards the
hills, 341-44 ; North-Western Frontier
Policy of, 346 # ; policy towards
the trans-Indus districts, 349-51 ;
Foreign relations of 355-60 ; Policy
towards Sind, 361-68 ; relations with
the British, 368 #; celebrates
IIoli, <07-8 ; iodilTerent to art and
literature. 413-14,422-3 ; literature
under, 416; portraits of, 423, 424,
430-31 ; “picture-gallery'’ of, 435

463

Racial Groups. 39S-9
raslt!a, the 434-436
/fjrffyiarrj, ihc. 4f4
Religious Conditions, 3S4ffae<j
Resenuc-farming, 250, 310
Res-enue Administration, 293*304
Richmond, CofoceJ, i?, 14. 247, 314n,
343n

Rohtas, fortress, 21. 32. 37, 119, 331,
331n

Rojhan. 152

Rother.stein Collection, the. 423-29
Rup Ul. Misscr, 51-52. 264. 304. 329
Rupar Mcetinp. the, 7, 14. 146-10. 362

Sada Kaur, rSnt. 26. 27.30, 34. 35. 40.
41. 44. 30, 53. 56. 76. 221. 222.
335-6

Saddoraifs), the. 94, JI5. 175; Nawab
Muzalfjr Khan, 36. 90
SaJhs, the, 405
Sadhu Sinph, Ak3li, 326
Sahib Singh, Uedi, 63
Sahib Singh. Bhanjl, 23. 26. 39. 41. 42.

43.47. 48.49. 224, 26S. 343
Sahib Singh (tSja of raliala),i 61, 62. 67.

68, 71, 76, 77. 88
Samieliif). the, 1P6. 188. 200
SsnsI (Jit tribe), the. 19. 390
Sansar Cband. Katoch, 26. 29. 30. 44,
45 : and (he Gurkhas. 52; duplicity
of. 52-55; 68. 73. 205. 214. 341-7.
357

Sartal Khaha. the. 35. 3i:n. 313. 427
SarkOrdarj, the. 35

Sarkar Khalja. the. 42, 285-6. 289. 295.
387

Sanxarna, the. 406
Sasst FurnDn, the, 415, 416. 417
Son, the. 403, 409-10
Sawan Mai. DlwSn. 97-100, lOS. 129,
138, 152. 153, 294. 299, 303, 308.
309n. 329. 350

Sayyed Ahmad (“Ihc wicked Khalifa*'),
123 If; the end of. 125; 143, 326.
348. 388

SehoclTl, August Theodor, 424
Secret Committee, the. 80n. 150, 170
Secret Lellert, the. 11. 14-15
Sects and mendicants, the, 405-6
Shabkadar, fortress. 137, 273, 349

Shafaamal Ali. Munshi. 4. 10, 203, 204,
255, 285. 304. 309. 352n. 331n
Sfiah Shun. iS. 92 ; meets Ranjit Singh,
115, 1 16 ; surrenders the A'oh-i-A'Br,
117 ; solicits Sikh aid, 126-7 ; treaty
with RanJit Singh, 128; 129-30 ;
schemes for the restoration of. J63-4 ;
167. 171, 172. 174, 177, 178, marches
on Peshawar. 179; 2S0. 2SI, 335.
336. 339-41. 344, 345, 364
Shah Mahmud. 1 15. 118, 122. 358
Shah Zaman. 15, 16, 17 ; occupies
Lahore. 37; 38. 39. 64. 115, 357,
365, 366

Shalatnar Cardens, the. 377, 378
SherSieg.h, AttarinJla, 261-2
Shcf Singh (Kannar, Maharaja), 14, 18,
50.56n, 120. |2l. i24, 125. 169n :
antics of, 186-7; 219; life and
character of. 221 J9; 222n. 223 ;
assassinated, 224 ; 227. 728, 238, 240.
242. 243. 250. 751, 252, 253. 257,
259. 266. 767. 275. 425, 431
ShersinsknOnro, the, 222n
Shilatpur 106. 128. (29. 147, (43, 145,
146.151. 153. 165. 169. 170, 171,

177. 176. 177. 2(7. 340. 341, 362,
363, 364. 365

Srai. Ahmad Khsn. 46. 92. 339
Sialkot. 21. 117

Sikh(s). the, confederacies, 16: 17;
armed strength, 30n . occupy Lahore.
36. 39. 4J . adiarce in the hills,
52 S . power and resources. 86-9;
and the Afghans, IlSr^; 123. 162-3,
166 Afghan treaty, 172-3, 175 ;
Dritish distrust of, 177-8 ; army.

178. 181 : 210; Court nobility, 238
/f; 243 Darbar, 1. 260 monar-
chy, concept of, 285-7 frontier
outposts, 349. 351 , designs on Sind,
36 ff.Vil sq-. schumaiic sects of,
J9l , ascetic orders, 406

Sikh Architecture, the. 377, 378
Sikh Art— its political background, 420
ff ■. aathoihits art, 420-2Jn; Euro-
pean painters of, 420 jq: 425-26,
pictorial JananisSkhls, 426 water
colours, 427-28 ; celebrated paintings,
429 iT: decline of portraiture, 431^ ;
woodcuts, 433 ; ivory-disc minuturcs,
434 ; murals, 434//

464

tKOEZ

Sikh murals, 425, 434-35
Sikh historical paintings. 432-33
Sikh portraiture, 428, 431 sq.

Sind, 11,36. 81, 91, 144./7; Sikh designs
on. 142-3 ; 144, 145. 146. 151. 153,
164,172,341, 355 ; policy tow-ards,
361//;

SindhiaE\vai3(s), the 19. 23, 148; support
ChandKaur.219, 220.221.222. 223.
224,228,244, 246, 250; power and
politics of, 253-4 ; 259, 264. 266, 267,
292n. 293n. 296, 360
Sithind.3l. 73
S1a\cry, 409.

Smfld/i of Ranjit Singh, 377 •

Smyth, Carmichael Major, 5, 20, 26, 40,
190, 199, 200, 221n, 226, 231, 271.
283n, 37Sn

Social, Economic and Kcligious Condi-
tions, 374 sq ; 392j^

Stf/ifll the, 4 5,416

Stclnb&ch, ColoQtl. 1. 190-91. 202n.

283, 315. 318. 328, 330
Structure of Society, the. 383-4
SuikQh (province), 241, 277, 293 ;
— Multan and others. 294-6 ; 302,
374. 375

Suchet Singh, rajs, 220. 227, 228. 230.
241, 242, 243, 244. 245 ; life and
character, 249-50; 251. 254, 292,
^ 304.343,409

SukerchakiSfs) MIsal, the rise of. 19-28 ;

29, 34, 37. 38,91.264,311.335
Sakha Singh, 419

Saltan Muhammad Kban, Barakzai, .25,
126, I3I, 132, 137, 139, 163. 169.
179. 203. 240. 343, 345
Suti. Soban Lai, 1. 39. 66, 109, 129, 187,
225 {see also the Lahore Diarist), 413
Sutlej, r. the. 18. 20. 25. 31n. 53, 56, 66.
63: 73. 79, 82. 83n. 86. 87, 88. J4S.
161, 178. 223, 232, 265, 270, 287
304. 315, 360. 370.371. 373

TaLmur Shah. 36. 37. 91
Tcf\kh-US>ah Shu)a\ the. n6n. |l8o
Talpurianfs), Amirs of Sind. Jbe 36
123. 128. 129. 141, 143, 144. 151 152*
153,340.361, 362 ’

Tank. 217, 349, 351
tankhKOfi, the, 323

Tara Singh, 50. 221, 242, 335
tappas, the, 347, 350
TL'aggl, the institution of, 411
Thanisar, 31, 67. 76, 85, 88, 227
Thapa, Amar Singh, 16, 52, 53, 342,
358

Tkare.fS, the, 332
Tara Singh, 50, 221.242. 335
Tharvl. (a highv/ay robber), the, 20, 22
Thetkars, the, 263

Thomas, George, 32 ; ialrudes into
Malwa. 59. 60n, 63 ; —and Perron.
64-5 ; 270

Toshakksr.a, the, 232, 267 ; Difoghni,
291

Town duties, 396

Trade and Commerce, 394-5

Trade routes 396-7

Trans-Tndus region, the, 119, 138.^, 217,

Treaty of Amritsar, the, 80.^, S 5 ' 6 , 362,
372

Trevaskis, 382-3

Tripartite Treaty, the. 171 jt; anomalies
of. 17427; 375a
Tributary hill states, the 293a
luladsns. the, 4, 200, 201
TweKe Sikh Heroes, the, 433n

VJM3, the, 391

'UmaJal-ut‘Tm\Hnkh the, 1, 268, 323
(sec also the Lahore Diarist), 417
Upper middle class, the, 403-4

Ventura, General. 3. 124. 131, 133,
147 D. 152, 196,203 . 204. 206, 244,
267o : career and character of, 273-
5 ; 232. 283. 320n. 321, 323. 328,
330a, 331, 332. 33S,43T
' Vigac, Godfrey, 9. lOJ, 423, 424
Village Communities, the, 3S2-3
Von Oriich, 423

Wade. Colonel Claude. 1, 4, 7, 10.
12. 14. 17. 70. 146. 147, 148. 150,
ISI, 159. 165, 179, 180. 181,203.
217, 240, 335n. 336. 354. 358, 363
Water Colour Paintings, 42S

{.Ton

46S

Wailrabad, 21.41. 48. 105, 276, 231,
294.295. 331
Wazirls, the. 350, 398
yVelkthy, Manjawf of, IS
16-17, 366 : 38, 66,81,141,367
WTiIte, Ueutenant, 31n. 73n ; futvey
of Cit-Sotlej region, 86 tl jeq
telnzaf, Ihc, 140
Wolff, Joseph, 276

Ytr Muhammad Khan (Gorereof of
Peshawar). II6. 118, 119. 120, 121.
124, 203, 255, 265, 345, 347. 348

Yusuf All Khan, Mir, 16, 17 ; mission to
Uhore. 38 ; 87. 266 '

Yosufrai(s). the. 14. 118. 120. 124, 134,
137. 163. JSl. 352. 354.393
YuTjf Zulekha, the. 416

Za/arjung. 268.269
Zanzam, Cannon. 24, 93, 95
Ztnaia, the. 189 : platoons, 149n, 194 ;
199, 219 : -Corps. 6, 206-07 ; 219,
226,228, 250, 324-5; 438
Zorawar Singh, 111, 112, 113, 233n,
344

CORRIGENDUM

Page

Line

Correct ^

invasion

magnlfi^t

the

mnniScect

109

f.n,3

170

133

led

183

medical

191

f.D, 1, 1.4

infirmities

194

kept

203

decorated

248

embezzled

307

supervise

319

divided

332

predilection

335

abhorrence

347

victory at

348

realised

360

363

376

last

embarras sme a ti
suzerainty

nerve-centre

3S0

religion

383

landowning

392

there

403

416

illommations

indigenous

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invation

reagnificient

tht

nmiiificteDt
1 0
lead
madical
infitmitles
keept
dcorated
eabeselled
supervics
devided
predilictioQ
abhorencc
victory
realissd

cmbairasementa

suzerainly

ne\-er-ceatre

religion

landowiog

their

iilminations

iedigtnous

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